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 Travaux préparatoires, 2 4k 41H LA HAYE 5 - 11 SEPTEMBRE 1960 CONGRES INTERNATIONAL D CRIMINOLOGIE organisé par UN COMITE NEERLANDAIS sous les auspices de LA SOCIETE INTERNATIONALE DE CRIMINOLOGIE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS organized on behalf of THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY FOR CRIMINOLOGY by A DUTCH COMMITTEE THE HAGUE SEPTEMBER 5TH - 11TH 1960 LA HAYE TABLE DES MATIERES TABLE OF CONTENTS Travaux préparatoires/ Preparatory papers: I II2 a. Epilepsy and criminality Contribution a I'étude de la dé- linquance sexuelle: Les délits se- xuels des adolescents 3 Montreal Etude statistique sur les délits sexuels Increase in married offenders Les délits contre les moeurs/délits sexuels e. Les délits sexuels II3 a. Socio-cultural contemporary dis- tortions responsible for erratic sexual behaviour Some observations on sex offences in Israel The child as victim The nonviolent sex offender com- pared with certain other prisoner types Theft in department stores . Theft in department stores c. Theft in department stores II* a. 1! a. Juvenile delinquency and educa- tional subnormality Old age, mental abnormality and crime Egocentrisme et personnalité cri- minelle Frustration as the basic condition of mentally disordered delinquent behaviour Psychoneurosis, a natural motiva- tion in the human présenté parlpresented by : A. M. Lorentz de Haas (Netherlands) ‘Denis Szabo (Canada) Giselle Galy (France) Paripurnanand Varma (India) Janko Dj. Tahovic (Yougoslavie) Giselle Galy (France) - Hector J. Ritey (U.S.A)) David Reifen (Israel) D. Arn. van Krevelen (Netherlands) Norman S. Hayner (U.S.A)) Wolfgang Doleisch (Austria) C. N. Peijster (Netherlands) A. G. Valkis (Netherlands) M. Auriol Watkin (Gr.-Britain) Stephen Schafer (Gr.-Britain) Jean Pinatel (France) Milos Kobal (Yugoslavia) Sam I. Stein (U.S.A)) Travaux préparatoires/ Preparatory papers: d. e. IIT? 3. III? b. M. The actual status of research with regard to the personality of the mentally abnormal delinquent The late comer to crime Le traitement avant le jugement des délinquants anormaux Organization and management of a resocialisation-community as a socio-therapeutic institute for the treatment of neurotic criminals (Miscellaneous) a. A plea for the federation of all agencies concerned with study and research in criminology A progress report to the mem- bers of the fourth international Congress of Criminology Criminal laws and codes of pro- cedures dealing with normal ju- venile delinquents in the near east arab states Evolution en droit pénal yougo- slaye des différentes solutions re- latives aux délinquants mentale- ment anormaux Prediction studies and personality factors Social conscience and violent crime présenté parlpresented by : J. Kloek (Netherlands) Bruno M. Cormier (Canada) Vladimir Hadzi (Yougoslavie) G. W. Arendsen Hein (Netherlands) Henri Ph. Junod (South Africa) Eleanor T. Glueck (U.S.A)) Sheldon Glueck (U.S.A)) Mohamed Mazhar Said (U.AR)) Janko Dj. Tahovic (Yougoslavie) Allan A. Bartholomew (Australia) Walter Bromberg (U.S.A.) Relié dans les ateliers de la Prison a la Haye Bound in the Prison Workshops at The Hague FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS -~ THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS 1 I1 EPILEPSY AND CRIMINALITY Secretariat of the Congress, 14. Burgemeester de Monchvplein, The Hague ‘the Netherlands . EPILEPSY AND CRIMINALITY by Dr A.M. Lorentz de Haas,M.D. Director of the Clinic for Epileptics, Heemstede, Holland In considering earlier papers from former years concerned with particular manifestations of epilepsy or the behaviour of epileptics, the question should always be asked (unless the data reported preclude all doubt): are these actually cases of epilepsy? The criteria adopted in establishing a clinical diagnosis Presumably were different from the current criteria in some cases and,until before the second world war, the assistance afforded by the main diagnostic aid, electroencephalography,had to be dispensed wi th. Another point that should be considered is the fact that epilepsy probably frequently ran a course and gave rise to manifestations different from those observed to-day. This is due to the fact that until 1912. the year that saw the advent of phenobarbital (luminal)} there was no anti-epileptic medication worth the name. The above should be borne in mind when it is realized that epilepsy enjoyed a questionable reputa- tion among those engaged in the practice of legal medicine in former days. a reputation at variance with current experience,including personal findings. Serious aggressive acts - ef great violence, severe sexual offences and arson were imputed to epileptics and. yet,if the present author or a fellow practi tiener experienced in these matters were tobe asked to give an account of serious offences known to him to have been committed by epileptics, he would probably soon be at a loss what to say. ‘Let us examine which states of mental disorder may give rise to or constitute a background to of- fences in epileptics.These conditions may be "chronic", - 9 _ i.e, also interictal, occurring between attacks, or they may occur 1ictally, i,e, during selzures. In addition, there 1s the psychopathological episode which may sometimes occur post-ictally, that is to say after one or several ,usually generalized,seizures, In the latter state,in which the degree of consciousness tends to be reduced, the patient may become aggressive and dangerous., As a rule,he cannot be expected to be capable of any conduct essential 1n committing an offence requiring some form of planning.More or less co—ordinated and sometimes,it would seem, purposeful acts are more likely to occur in so-called twilight states which are attacks 1n themselves, namely prolonged psychomotor seizures and attacks of a prolonged "petit mal" status. Some of the conditions known from the literature,in which the patient makes long journeys by train or by steamer and, having started from, say, Paris, "comes to himself" again in Ceylon,but has complete amnesia for the preceding weeks, probably are classifiable with one of these groups. Case reports of this type usually also date from the period prior to that of the modern knowledge of epilepsy and to-day the questionmay be asked whether these were not frequently conditions other than epi- leptic episodes. To-day, however, twilight states persisting for several days or even weeks are also observed.The Marseilles school particularly stresses the rdle of psychomotor epilepsy in these conditions, Gastaut et al. (1956) reported the case of a woman who wandered about in the open for over three weeks in this state,asking for a glass of water in hamlets and sleeping in thickets. In a study concerned with 1,138 epileptics,we(Lorentz de Haas and Magnus, 1958) were particularly struck by the fact that twilight states are relatively often due to a"petit mal" status. As regards possible offences committed in this type of twilight state in which the patient 1is capabl®e of performing acts such as walking about,cycling about, laying the table, etc.,these will at most consist in ignoring a stop-light. Patients do not tend to be - aggressive in this condition (Lorentz de Haas and Magnus, 1958). On the other hand, patients i1in a psychomotor twilight state may be extremely aggressive and dangerous. As a rule, however,aggression will only result when an attempt 1is made to stop the patient walking about in a disoriented state of mind, It 1s not likely that these conditions will frequently ac- count for an offence committed by a patient not previously known to have been an epileptic. These twilight states usually are of brief duration. Of those frequently 1liable to these states and to ac- companying aggressive tendencies,a large number will have become inmates of hospitals for epileptics or mental hospitals. In conclusion, these states very rarely occur outside or inside the hospital; this, at any rate, has been the experience of the present author in a large number of cases of epilepsy. For a differentiation between psychopathological episodes in epileptics, the audience 1is referred +to the elaborated results of the Colloquy held in Marseilles from October 15 to 19, 1956 (S. Dongier) as well as to Marchand and de Ajuriaguerra (Epilepsies, 1948). We now come to the 1interictal "chronic" condi- tions which might be promoting or causative factors in criminality."Epileptic"personality changes which, however, are confined to a minority of epileptics, might be classified into: (1) Changes of this type secondary to organic lesions of the brain appearingin the course of the disease and probably due to transient cerebral hypoxia which usually recurs at frequent intervals., (2) Reactive mental or neurotic responses to the state of being i1l and the resulting social situation of the patient, etc. (3) Character disorders appearing as a symptom parallel - 4 - to the epilepsy on the basis of a congenital or acquired injury to the brain, In the opinion of the present author 1t has not been established beyond doubt that so-called idiopathic epilepsy 1in which there are no apparent lesions,is marked by a tendency towards the appearanceof particular character disturbances in addition to a predis- position to epileptic seizures as amanifestation of this cerebral dysfunction or. at any rate, associated with the latter, Sub (1) This group includes epileptic dementia and the main personality disorders as found in most patients cared for in colonies. Though the 1lesion of the brain caused by the deficient supply of oxygen cannot 1in 1tself be regarded as specific of epilepsy, 1t 1s possible that this "experiment" of eplleptic hypoxia in comparison with other conditions whichmight produce similar lesions by an 1dentical mechanism 1s on a scale so large as to wrongly suggest that the resul ting personality changes are specific of epilepsy. Sub (2) There are 1nvestigators, especially 1in the United States, who claim this to be the main or even the sole origin of the personality disorders 1in epileptics. In the opinion of the present author, this view is incorrect and due to what might be called "overobjec- tivity" in regard to epileptics and the repu- tationwhich at least anumber of these patients have of showing certainpersonality disorders, Sub (3) Accordingly, this is a heterogeneous group of factors causing injury to the brain, Naturally, the causes stated under 1 and 2, those stated under 2 and 3, those stated under 1 and 3, and -5 - those stated under 1,2 and 3may appear simul taneously in a single patient.The character disorders of these patientghowever theymay have their origins in these groups of causes ( (1) being the most important in the opinion of the present author), are known to include social maladjustment,intolerance,irritability and aggressiveness.(0f the total number of epileptics among the population,however,only a small proportion will be affected with these character disorders and this small number will include only a few patients in whom these disorders, and particularly their aggressiveness ,wlill increase to the point of resul ting 1n (impulsive) offences such as manslaughter. A study by Alstrom(1950)showed that the incidence of criminal offences among epileptics did not differ significantly from that among the average population. This was true at any rate of the mentally unchanged patients.Criminal offences were slightly more common among the mentally changed patients .than they were among the average population.Heinous crimes were not committed by the subjects studied.Theft and burglary were the most common offences, Entirely different results were obtained in a recent investigation concerned with a fairly small number of male patients and carried out in North Carolina, U.S.A. (Wilson, Stewart and Parker. 1960), A considerable number of patients were found to have court records.Aggressiveness was a prominent feature 1n these cases.The patients musthave been exceptional in that the average IQ was about 88, All things considered, there probably is good reason for assuming that the legal problem raised by the epileptic with character disorders should be mainly regarded as that of a patient with cerebral defects due to organic causes. It is only +true to a very limited extent that the legal problem raised by the epileptic is such as to merit special attention. - 6 - Patients committing an offence during an ictal eplisode are the most characteristic subjects from the point of view of epilepsy. In this case,however, the offender usually will have already been known to be an epileptic and, if this should not be so, the con- comitant circumstances will be so clearly indicative of a medically unusual condition that an expert will seldom have any difficulty in establishing the diagnosis, especially if aided by electroencephalo- graphy.The patient whose initial epilepticmanifesta- tion consists in a psychopathological episode during which an offence 1s committed continues to be a complicating factor, however, especially when this state 1s not only marked by a carefully planned and ordered conduct but when as sometimes happens, there also 1s no complete amnesia for this period. In addition, there are two trends which have promoted the making of a criminological issue out of epilepsy, The earlier trendhas 1ts originin the fact that the domain of clinical and neurophysiological facts was abandoned for the development of theories based on analogies and speculation. As a result of this concluding from analogies, terms such as epileptic personality epileptoid state, etc., have been used to define individuals showing certain personality traits which may also occur in epileptics. Concluding from speculations, for instance, led to the belief that generalized epileptic seizures as well as the form taken on by these seilizures are a phenomenon of solely mental origin (cf. inter al, Schilder,1925). There 1s so little need to take this seriously that i1itis unnecessary to go to the trouble of refuting this theory. It is merely recorded as a matter of curiosity.The "analogy" idea deserves more attention, as this 1is a view and concept that has become planted as a reality in the minds of several psychiatrists. Therefore, let the fact be stressed agaln that the cerebral lesions which wusually cause -7 - the personality changes 1n these patients are not truly specific. Moreover,there robably 1s no reason to define as "epileptic",individuals not showing any clinical symptoms of epilepsy save possible paroxysmal behaviour disorders or psychon»athological episodes, unl ess the electroencevhalogram provides evidence of specific epilentic activity. This also brings us to the second point: when changes in the electroenceprhalogram are observed 1n subjects showing behaviour disturbances,these 1ndivi- duals frequently are 1mmediately classified as epi- leptics.In the early days of clinical electroencepha- lography,1i11(1944)already pointed out that cerebral dysrhythmia occurs 1n anumber of psychopaths as well as in epileptics In the opinionof the present author, however, there 1s no justification for assuming that there is any further relationship between this group of psychopaths and epileptics.Frankenstein (1959) in this connection states that relatives of epileptics whose electroencephalograms are characterized by cerebral dysrhytmia need not necessarily show an "epileptic" behaviour pattern. Moreover, there are a variety of cerebral disturbances marked by changes in the electroencephalogram and, on the other hand, epileptics do show forms of dysrhythmia, which fre- quently are of a very particular character and even vary with different clinical manifestations of epilepsy. Papers such as those written by Hill, however, are the reason why a large nunber of persons who are inmates of approved schools, prisons, etc., when changes have been observed in their electroencejphalo- crams, are referred to physicians en~aed 1n the treat- ment of epilepsy, the question put being whether the abnormal behaviour or the offence should not be regarded as "epileptic" in this case.These references probably are also motivated by the fact that those who have the pupils, offenders or patients in their custody are glad that the findings have yielded something of an objective . nature, something tangible that mnmay - 8 - possibly enable a therapeutic approach.Unfortunately, it frequently is very difficult to exert any medical effect on behaviour disorders,even when the patients showing these disorders are genuine epileptics.There evenls some antagonism between seizures and behaviour disturbances: when the former are suppressed, the latter frequently tend to increase. Landolt (1955) also drew attention to the remarkable phenomenon of "forced normalization": when the electroencephalogram returns to normal as the result of medical treatment, mental disorders may increase or even appear for the first time. Likewise, the operations. performed for psychomotor epilepsy in a relatively small group of patients, may prevent the improvement of behaviour disorders or result in aggravation of these distur- bances., It cannot be denied, however, that there are other epileptics 1n whom medical or surgical treatment not only has a benedificial effect on the seizures, but also on the behaviour and adjustment of the patients. In these cases,the value of the secondary psychological effect to the patient who now has fewif any seizures should be taken into account as well, In conclusion,it is believed that the following measures should be recommended: (1) That, when there is any reason for assuming the individual committing an of fence to be an epil eptic, the problem should be referred to a neurologist or neuro-psychiatrist specializing in the study and treatment of epilepsy. This specialist then will be able: (a) To establish the diagnosis. (b) To decide to what extenthe believes that there 1s a relationship between an offence and an 1ctal psychopathological episode in the event of epilepsy. (c) To consider whether thereis any relationship (2) -9 - between the offence and any abnormal personali ty structure that may be present 1nterictally 1n the event of epilepsy., In this last case, further considerations will usually be similar to those 1n other cerebral lesions due to organic causes, forms of feeble- mindedness and dementia, What remains 1s the problem of the role of epilepsy as a mental trauma in the history of the delinquent. Any approach to this problem will probably have to be confined to a very rough approximation and assessment 1n each i1ndividual case. Broadly speaking, that 1is to say also as regards the non-epileptic, the present author believes the possibility of truly understanding the individual examined with a view to presenting a psychiatriec report to be a chimerical notion. That the problem of "epilepsy as a factor in crime" be reduced to 1ts true proportions. Thus., though it may seem rather paradoxical. i1t might be com- mendable not to pay any special attention to epilepsy at the next International Criminological Congress., The matter should be regarded as a medical, psychiatric and neurological,occasionally legal, problem of great interest in 1tself, but mainly of +the scope of casuistics, rather than as a criminological problem of vital i1mportance. Pour conclure, nous croyons que les suivantes mesures sont a4 recommander: 1, que lorsqu'il y a lieu d'admettre que 1'individu délinquant est wun épileptique, le cas doit etre renvoyé a un neurologue ou a un neuro—-psychiatre spécialisé dans 1'étude et 1le traitement de 1'épilepsie. Cet expert saura alors: (a) établir la diagnose; (b) décider jusqu' & quel point il estime qu'il existe une relation entre un acte délictueux et une attaque psychopathologique dans 1le processus épileptique; (c) envisager s'il existe quelque relation entre l'acte délictueux et quelque anomalie de la structure personnelle susceptible d'exister dans les périodes de 1'évolution épileptique situées entre les attaques. Dans ce dernier cas, 1les conclusions seront généralement égales & celles qui comptent dans les cas d'autres lésions cérébrales dues a des causes organiques ou a des formes de déficience mentale et de démence. Ce qui reste, c'est le probleme de 1'épilepsie comme une blessure mentale dans l'existence du délinquant. Chaque approche de ce probleme restera probablement 1limitée a une ap- proximation tres globale et & une appréciation spéciale pour chaque cas individuel. Dans un sens plus large, c'est-a-dire: aussi par rapport aux personnes non-épileptiques, 1'auteur croit que la possibilité de véritablement comprendre 1'individu examiné en vue de la production d'un rapport - 11 - psychiatrique est une notion chimérique. que le probleme de "1'épilepsie comme un facteur en cas de conduite criminelle" a besoin d'etre ré- duit & ses vraies proportions., En conséquence, quoique cela puisse paraitre plutot paradoxal, 11 seralt recommandable de ne pas consacrer, au prochiin Congres de Criminologie, une attention spéciale a 1'épilepsie, Cette matiere doit @etre considérée comme étant d'ordre médical, psychiatrique et neurologique, accidentellement aussi d'ordre juridique d'une grande 1mportance comme telle, mais surtout intéressante de point de vue de la casuistique, plitot qu'en tant que probleme criminologique d'une vitale importance, - 192 - Re fereneces C.H. Alstrom, A study of epilepsy in 1ts clinical, social and genetic aspects. Acta psychiat, (Kbh.), Suppl. 63, Copenhagen, E. Munksgaard, 1950, S.Dongier,Statistical study of clinical and electro- encephal ographic manifestations of 536 psychotic episodes occurring in 516 epileptics between clinical seizures. Epilepsia, Fourth series 1 (1960) 117. C. Frankenstein, Psychopathy, A comparative analysis of clinical pictures, New York, Grune and Stratton, 1959, H, Gastaut. J. Roger and A. Roger, Sur la significa- tion de certaines fugues épileptiques.A propos d'une observation électroclinique d'"état demal temporal". Rev. neurol. 94 (1956) 298 - 301, D. Hill, Cerebral dysrhythmia: 1ts significance in aggressive behaviour. Proc. roy. Soc. Med. 37 (1944) 317 - 328, H. Landolt. Ueber Verstimmungen, Ddéammerzustande und schizophrene Zustandsbilder bei Epilepsie., Schweiz, Arch. Neurol, Psychiat., 6 (1955) 313 - 321, AM, Lorentz de Haas and O, Magnus. Clinical and electroencephal ographic findings in epileptic patients with episodicmental disorders.in Lectures on Epilepsy, Amsterdam, Elsevier, 1958, L, Marchand and J.de Ajuriaguerra, Epilepsies, Leurs formes cliniques et leurs traitements, Paris,Desclée de Brouwer, 1948, P.Schilder, Entwurf zu einer Psychiatrie aud psycho- analytischer Grundlage, Wien,Internationaler psycho- analytischer Verlag, 1925, W.P.Wilson, L.F. Stewart and J.B. Parker, A study of the socio-economic effect of epilepsy.Epilepsia,Fourth series 1 (1960). QUATRIEME CONGRES INTERNATIONAIL DE CRIMINOLOGIE LA HAYE 1960 - TRAVAUX PREPARATOIRES I1 CONTRIBUTION A L'ETUDE DE LA DELINQUANCE SEXUELLE: LES DELITS SEXUELS DES ADOLESCENTS A MONTREAL S(‘ AR N ’: . .', D . cretarat du Congres, 1.4, Burgemecester de Monchyplein, La Have (Pavs - Bas) CONTRIBUTION A L'ETUDE DE LA DELINQUANCE SEXUELLE. LES DELITS SEXUELS DES ADOLESCENTS AMONTREAL par Denis Szabo, Université de Montréal Canada La délinquance sexuelle des adolescents n’est qu'un aspect dela délinquance sexuelle; elle apparait a une certaine phase de 1'évolution de la personnalite et ne peut pas etre isolée des autres traits qui ca- ractérisent la personnalite. En quol consistent les différences que 1'on peut relever malgré tout entre les délits des adul tes et ceux des jeunes. Nous pour-— rions les résumer dans les points suivants: 1) Les jeunes font 1 'apprentissage des roles de 1 " homme et de la femme specialement définis par leur cul ture; cet apprentissage se fait par tatonne- ment suivant les principes du "plaisir" et de la "réalité" comme disentles psychanalystes.L'attirance naturelle entre les sexes est seéverement reglementée Par les normes culturelles. Les adolescents appren-— H?Pt & mesurer la forceet les faiblesses de ces bar- rieres. En m®me temps, ils doivent reconnaitre, dans le CO@P%exe institutionnel de leur société, les roles QUL incombent a 1'un et 1'autre sexe. Or, ces rdles Sont diversement pergus et interprétés dans les dif- feregtes couches de 1a société. Il est rare que les enS?lgfiements que 1'adolescent regoit au cours de catéchisme, chez lui ou dans son voisinage, dans la Presse, au cinéma et dans la compagnie de certalns C?marades concordent en tout point.Il en résul te que 1‘aQ?lescent Percevra et actualisera ces roles d'une manle?e.fort ambivalente, ce qui 1'amenera souvent a des deviations, voire & des délits sexuels. 2) Le monde des enfants estala fois plus et moins .9 - soumls a la surveillance de la police etdel'opinion publique que le monde des adul tes, Plus: car tout ce qui touche les mineurs met les sen- sibilités a vif et tres grands seront le retentisse- ment et le chatiment encouru d'un acte d'attentat a la pudeur commis par un adul te sur la personne d'un enfant, Moins: car les jeux sexuels entre jeunes exclusive- ment - qul peuvent aller plus ou moins loin - echap- pent a 1'attention du monde adul te. La coupure entre les générations n'existe pas seulement au niveau des mentalités mais aussi au niveau de la connaissance de la vie et des préoccupations. Il résulte de tout cela que les delits reprimés par la police dans le milieu des adolescents constituent un échantillon moins representatif encore de la conduite sexuelle de 1 ensemble des jeunes que,dans l1e monde des adul tes, les crimes sexuels découverts ne sont représentatifs du comportement sexuel de ]l 'ensemble des hommes et des femmes.Non seulement ce ne sont pas toujours les plus graves qul sont dénoncés mais encore, tout comme pour la criminalite des "collets blancs" la sanction sociale peut etre tres forte pour telle conduite dans tel milieu et Inexistante dans tel autre. 3) On ne trouve jamais. chez les adolescents, de crimes sexuels graves, comme le meurtre pour cause sexuelle par exemple. Les exhibitionnistes, qui forment 1le plus gros contingent de délinquants sexuels adultes,sont tres rares chez les adolescents Le voyeurisme, tres répandu, est réglé beaucoup plus souvent par une gifle ou une raclée que par une dé- noncliation, En fait, comme nous allons le voir, une petite fraction des delits sexuels des mineurs sont commis par des enfants qui subissent une crise de croissance ou qui sont mal adaptes a leur milieu. La plus grande partie de ces delits constitue un comporte- ment sexuel parfaitement "mormal" au sein des bandes de jeunes et ne sont dénoncés que graceala diligence - 8 - de certains parents qui s'alarment des fréquentations de leurs enfants, 4) Enfin, il faut toujours avoir présent a 1 esprit le caractere essentiellement arbitraire,au point de vue psychologique et sociologique, de la distinc- tion juridique entre individus mineurs et majeurs. Les personnes puberes ne se distinguent en rien, sur le plan psycho-physiologique. qu'elles aient moins de 18 ou 21 ans ou plus. Sur le plan sociologique, 1'adolescence ne s'acheve qu'au moment ou 1'individu fonde une famille et subvient & ses besoins. Et nous Savons combien 1'age moyen des mariages varie d'une culture & 1'autre, d'une couche sociale a 1'autre. ?ependant?comme toujours, le chercheur doit se plier a2 1'une des servitudes dela criminologie: n'est crime que ce qui est défini comme tel par la loi. | L'enquéte dont nous allons présenter ici les reésultats a été exécutée durant les mois d'été de l1"année 1959 a Montréal.Elle n'est pas basée sur des Contacts directs, sur des résultats d'interviews d'adolescents délinquants.Nous avons dinous contenter des données qui figurent dans les dossiersdela Clini- que d'Aide % 1'Enfance et de la Cour du Bien - Etre Socia]l . * ) Les 82 cas qui font 1'objet de la présente étude ont été extraits des dossiers disponibles entre 1957 et 1959 . Tous les dossiers complets ont été utilisés. *) Nous tenons % remercier vivement a ce propos, le 1'E££° Gauthier, directeur de la Clinique d'Aide % vice a(Iilce,le Dro.Mailhiot,directeur général des Ser- Trahs e Protection de la Jeunesse, Monsieur le Juge FanizT? dg la Cour du Bien-Etre Social, et Monsieur » directeur des Officiers de Probation & cette meéme Cour, de nous avoir si obligeamment autorisé la con : ) g Ssultation des documents entreposes dans ]leurs ser- ces, - 4 - En raison de la modicité de ce chiffre,les résultats de notre enquéete n'ont qu'une valeur d'indice: 1ils apportent quelques précisions aux hypotheses que nous avons émises sur la délinquance sexuelle des adoles- cents. Pour établir 1les hypotheses qui ont permis le dépouillement systématique des dossiers, nous avons retenu la distinction de K. Friedlander sur les fac- teurs primaires et secondaires.Les facteurs primaires sont 1iés a la personnalité, ils permettent de voir les raisons qul provoquent la formation d'une struc- ture caractérielle antisociale. Les facteurs secon- daires sont liés davantage au milieu et permettent de déterminer les raisons de la transformation d'une délinquance latente en délinquance manifeste.Ce sont ces derniers qui fixent la forme que prendra "la structure caractérielle antisociale" déja existante. Notre analyse porte sur chacun des facteurs pri- malres et secondaires et nous avons établi des com- paraisons avec les résultats d'autres études similaires. L'espace alloué a cette communication exclut la pré- sentation de nos résul tats. Ils feront 1'objet d'une publication ultérieure. Nous ne pouvons que livrer quel ques conclusions et certaines remarques en vue de la prévention. Que pouvons conclure de cette analyse sommalire des caractéristiques de la délinquance sexuelle des adolescents? a) La répression de ce type de délinquance frappe davantage les filles que les gar¢ons.Les causes en sont multiples.Signalons cependant le fait que le seul moyen, pour une jeune fille, de se valoriser, d'obtenir des gratifications faciles est de se montrer accessible aux avances sexuelles des hommes. b) En ce qui concerne les gargcons.une forte propor- tion d'entre eux est engagée dans des activités homosexuelles,allant des rapports entre camarades du meme age jusqu'a la prostitution avec des adultes. - 5 - Les causes principales d'un tel comportement sont la surprotection maternelle, la séparation trop rigide des deux sexes, 1'influence d'expériences traumati- santes durant 1'age pré-pubere. c) La plupart des jeunes filles engagées dans ces rapports sexuels illicites viennent de milieux familiaux traumatisants, ont un niveau intellectuel médiocre, & la limite de la débilité, et recherchent dans 1a promscuité sexuelle une compensation affective. d) I1 parait difficile d'isolerl'activité sexuelle des autres activités humaines.Toutefois,les ta- bous de la société censurent plus séverement ces ac-— tivités que les autres. Les maladaptés sont, dans ce domaine, par conséquent, plus nombreux que dans les autres. Dans notre culture, la sexualité est liée a 1'idée de péché et tout ce qui s'y rapporte provogque un fort sentiment de cul pabilité. L'adulte,qui éprouve cette culpabilité, voudrait en préserver ses enfants le plus 1longtemps possible. Et c'est 1a 1'obstacle qui interdit une éducation sexuelle adéquate au sein de la famille. . Nous sommes donc dans une situation paradoxale OU le progres des sciences met a la portée de 1'hu- manité Jes exploits les plus extraordinaires, alors que, dans le domaine de la sexualité, qui touche de S1 Prés}xl'équilibre personnel ;donc au bonheur, nous SOmmes aussi démunis qu'il y a des siecles. Cette eflucflffaion sexuelle doit se faire au seinde ia famile, des]-a'Plus tendre enfance.Rien ne peut remplacer des Parents bien équilibrés,bien ajustés danslemariage; g:ur réussir & éduquer convenablement 1les enfants. reés sont pourtant ceux qui y sont préparés, c'est Pourquoi,si des difficultés se présentent,les parents devraj . . . v 91e9t Pouvoir recourir aux services d'une agence SpPeclalisée, * ) * ) G°W°Henry, "Sex Variants", N.Y., 1959, p.1020o. - 6 - Nous voudrions, & ce propos, suggérer quelques mesures pour prévenir certains aspects de la délin- quance sexuelle., Une punition méme sévére a fort peu d'influence préventive sur la delinquance sexuelle, C'est que celle-ci est plus proche delavie instinc- tuelle que les autres conduites criminelles qui sont beaucoup plus liées ala conjoncture socio-culturelle ou économique., Dans la perspective de 1'hypothese de K. Fried- lander, nous avons fait le départ entre les facteurs primaires prépondérants et les facteurs secondaires, moins décisifs.Il ne s'agit évidemment pas ici d'une loi absolue,mais plutdt d'une tres grande probabilité, comme toujours dans les sciences humaines., Il sera donc, sinon vain, du moins peu efficace de lutter contrelalittérature immorale ou pornographique. les films licencieux et méme contre les bandes d'adolescents antisociaux. Ce seralit prendre les o2ffets pour les causes, car, comme nous 1'avons observé, c'est au seiln de la famille,au cours du processus de socialilsation, que se modele la personnalité du futur criminel. I1 semble donc que la tache la plus importante de 1a prévention serade restaurer les foyers dissolus, désunis ou conflictuels.Si la société "fabrique", en quelque sorte, ses saints, ses héros, ses élites,elle "fabrique" aussi ses criminels. Comme elle doit etre fiere de ses éléments brillants,elle doit avoir honte de ses membres déchus. On peut donc dire, sans nier la part de responsabilité qui incombe au criminel, que la société est responsable en ce domaine et que cette responsabilité dela société doit servir de base a une action collective pour assurer la prévention. En ce qui concerne la délinquance sexuelle des adolescents, la prévention sociale devrait se preoc- cuper des points sulivants: 1) renforcer 1'assistance sociale et médicale aux familles ou les adolescents ne regoivent pas 1'éducation la mieux appropriée a leur état. Tout in- -7 - vestissement dans ce secteur seralt éminemment ren- table, méme sur le plan financier 1les charges des services soclaux ne représentent, en effet, qu'une fraction de cellesdel'administration pénitentiaire, 2) Sans tomber dans 1'exhibitionnisme d'une preten- due "information sexuelle". 11 y aurait lieu d'iniLegrer davantage la sexualité dans la formation iIntellectuelle et morale des adolescents.Il y aurait lieude suivre1ci les expériences intéressantes faites en Belgique et en France a ce sujet.L'ignorance dans laquelle sont tenus par leurs parents les adolescents dans ce domaine fait que.dés le debut de la puberté, la sexualité est considéree par les jeunes comme une Sphere ou 1'influence de la famille ne s'exerce pas, Sinon a titre répressif. Les incidences pédagogiques de cet état de choses sont évidemment funestes. La famil e refuse toute responsabilite en ce qul concerne la sexualité des enfants. 3) I1 faudrait doter d un équipement social adequat o tous les quartiers ou les enfants vivent, pour alnsi dire, dans la rue.Dans les maisons de rapport, dans le centre de la ville, il est impossible d'éli- flnerles bandes d'adolescents.Ces réunions de jeunes so?t un plaisir naturel qu'il ne faut pas combattre mals qu'il fait intégrer dans la culture globale domi- n?nfeo Pour y parvenir, il faut que des moniteurs penetr?nt ces bandes et essayent d'y maintenir une compatibilité guffisante entre les objectifs de 1la bande et ceux de l1a société., C'est & cette condition que le comportement sexuel de ses membres sera rendu conforme aux idéaux moraux de la cul ture dominante. 2 . . . . 4) Lao prfevent lon des pratiques homosexuelsles repose, pr1n01palement) sSur a. un dépistage rapide de la déviation, b, la mise sur pied de services thérapeutiques speciralises. Une partie importante des adolescents homosexuel s pourra ainsi eétre recuperee, La repression pure et simple, dans cette categorie de delits a encore moins d'effets preventifs que pour les autres delits sexuels, SUMMARY Sexual delinquency of adolescents which has been the aim of the author's i1nvestigationinMontreal 1s only a variant of sexual delinquency 1n general, It 1s a question of laying down criteria permitting to distinguish two sources of indictable offences. The author takes his inspiration from K. Friedl ander's distinction between primary factors (bound to perso- nality) and secondary factors (bound to environment ); he lays down and tries to verify a number of hypo- thesesrelating to the aetiology of sexual delinquency. Finally some recommendations are proposed with the alm of preventing sexual delinquency of adolescents, QUATRIEME CONGRES INTERNATIONAL DE CRIMINOLOGIE - LA HAYE 1960 - TRAVAUX PREPARATOIRES I1 ETUDE STATISTIQUE SUR LES DELITS SEXUELS Secrétariat du Congres, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, La Haye (Pays - Bas) ETUDE STATISTIQUE SUR LES DELITS SEXUELS par le Dr. Giselle Galy Psychiatre, licenciée en Phvlosophie Paris Le matériel explotté par cette enquete provient de 266 Observations cliniques sur la personnalite du délinquant prises au Centre National d‘Observation de Fresnes sur des condamnes pour délits sexuels ayant passés par ce Centre depuis Janvier 1956 a Mars 1960 . Dans chaque cas, 11 s'agit de deélits graves ayant entrainé une condamnation d'au moins trois ans et concernant une population masculine. METHODOLOGIE: pour chaque observation clinique, nous procédons a 1'établissement d'une Fiche Indivi- duelle de Criminologie comprenant 80 groupes de questions allant de 1 a 10; une seule question dans chaque groupe peut s appliquer au cas etudié, afin de permettre 1'exploitation mécanographique de la Fiche. Nous rappelons que cette Fiche Individuelle fut élaborée par la Section Frangaise des Sciences Péni- tentiaires et servit aux statistiques dans le Rapport Général présenté par elle au 2e Congres International de Criminologie de Paris en 1950. Cette Fiche nous a servi également pour établir la partie statistique de notre Rapport personnel sur les "Formes de Vols chez les Récidivistes" lors du 3-eme Congres de Londres en 19395, En ce qui concerne notre enquete actuelle sur les délits sexuels, cette Fiche groupe sous le titre générique d'Attentats aux moeurs tous les délits de cette nature. Pour operer leur discrimination selon le code pénal, nous avons dfi recourir au relevé des condamnations figurant sur chaque observation clinique et provenant des actes d'accusation contenus au dos- sier. Voici ces résultats: -9 45% des sujets examines sont des delinquants primaires. 65% sont des récidivistes doit uniquement de delits sexuels, so1t de delits autres, tels que: vols, trafics coups et blessures meurtres. Par ordre de grandeur les delits constates sont les suivants: Attentats a la Pudeur. 82% dont: l1'Inceste . ......ciiccneococeoconaenonsoonanoans 55% l1'attentat a la pudeur sur filles mineures .... 21% " moon " " garcons mineurs .... 6% Souteneurs .......... s e e n e e e e 8% Viols ...... e e e et e e a e % Outrages publiques a la pudeur .........c0c..00. 3% I1 en résulte que la majorité des délits sexuels masculins sont 1'inceste et 1'attentat a la pudeur.A tres peud'exceptions pres.les auteurs forment une po- pul ation rurale et sont des sujets al cooliques. Par contre, le souteneur sévit dans des quar- tiers réservés des grandes villes. I1 possede gene- ral ement un casier judiciaire trés charge ou rare- ment sa carriere de souteneur est mentionnéeLes délits pour outrage publique ala pudeur apparaissent aussi bien dans les villages que dans les villes et toujours les auteurs recherchent les endroits isolés a la tombée de la nuit. Parmi les résul tats nombreux fournis parla fiche individuelle, nous devons procéder a un choix capable de déceler les principaux facteurs, tout en respectant les exigences du Congres sur le volume des rapports. C - 3: Ageala premiere Condamnation.- Moins de 15 ans.......14% 30 a 35 ans....... 6% 15 a 18 " 20% 35 " 40 " ....... 9% 18 " 21 " 12% 40 " 50 " ....... 20% 21 " 25 N e 15% 50 " 60 " ....... 1% 25 v 30 " .. 7% . 3 - C - 68: Nature delal-ere infraction.- Rébellion,outrages a agents de 1a force publique. Vagabondage, mendicité ..........ccccca0eeo Attentat aux moeurs .. .....ccceocccescoocesaoo Crimes contre les enfants .......c000¢c¢000% NOIS 9 e 0o ° e € © 0 © © © © e e O e @ 0 ¢ ¢ @€ 0 & g ¢ a o 0O ¢ 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0o O Coups et blessures .....cccoceseceooasacooo Meurtres " 0o e © 0o O © ©6 0 e e @ o e g 0 & @& ¢ © © O e & © 0o 0 0 0o O 0o 0o 0 ©° o Aut'res 4 0 e 9 ©0 & ¢ © &4 e o6 e 0 @ ¢ a o 6 e @€ 0 @& ¢ 0o 0 0 0 ©06 6 0o 6 0o 0 0 0 o0 9 o a [] o C -~ 70: Mobiles déterminant cette l1-ere infraction.- Intéret matériel ......ccccccooa00co000000aca Passionnel ..,...c.cc0ccoc0o0acccoccocoonccoosssa Vengeance ....o.ocococcoocooccssnssoocoocosooo Etat d'ivresse ou d'inconscience ....c.ocoo00 -~ Elimination de témoins genants .....ccc00va Autres .. ..coccco00o0esecocococccooacacoocoacancaas Renseignements concernant la famille d C - 5: Situation des auteurs entre eux.- o Union légitime .......coccccco00000aco0asscs Dissociée par maladie, déces ou absence ... Dissociée par mésentente .....cccc0c0ceaoens Séparation des parents .......cccc00000a0000 Remariage apres déces ...cocceoecccooccoocaco " aprés divorce .....c.cccccccc0ccccoc s Concublnage .. .o.:cccoococeeccsaaccaccaccaascos Unions de passage cccoocoecovocccocacasceocsas Enfant abandonné .......cccce0cc0s0c000000 C - 8 Composition de la famille.- Présence au foyer de grands-parents ....... " d'autres parents ...cccocccoco0sccoscoco0en " d'un concubln ......cc.00 000000 cacaaca " un ou plusieurs enfants d'autres lits .. o o o Présence de concubin et enf .d'autres lits " gr.-par.,concub.,, enf. d'autres lits Pas de tiers aux foyer .........cec.c0. Foyer différent de celui des p. etm .. C - 11. Epoque de la dissociation év 4 - O 2 o 0 O o a O Avant que 1'intéressé ait " " " u " " 1" " 1" 1" Al LAl " n " " Avant la naissance ...... Q eu a o Pas de renseignements ...... C - 9: Ambiance 18 ans . 15 " 12 " 10 " famili Famille unie. vie agréable " unie par habitude ........ Vie familiale de fag¢ade .... Vie désagréable, mésentente Vie difficile, scenes ... " tres diff. violences .. " impossible .......... Pas de vie de famille ... o o J o o n e o C - 10: Niveau social et économique. - Paysans .......cc0e00000. Petits empl., petits comm. Ouvriers qual. ........c... Manoeuvres .. .. ..c0c000a4s ~ Miseére, chomage .......... -5 - Antécédents pathologiques de la famille; Arrieration. convuls. des fr. Méningites, atteint. syst. nerv. Psychop. ......c0cnineoaaisn.. Dél inquance des fr., et s. ..... Coleres, brutalités du pere ... Alcoolisme du pP. . cnvvmon .. L4l 0 (a3 Psychop., Arrt. Epilepsie du p. Alcoolisme de la mere .... e e Psychop. Arrier. Inconduite de la m. . ¢ ¢ o0 0 o0 o ¢© (L 5] (o] Renseignements concernant [ 0 (o [ad ~ o L3 © o 0 épilep. de la m, [a] n o 0 o et soeurs. [l (4] e O A Convulsions, eépilepsie ........ Tuberculose .........ccocnoncnn. Syphilis .. ...ceneevonncooncon. Traumatismes graves ........... Antécédents psychlatrlques o a o Alcoolisme .......cncionreeanoa Troubles endocriniens ......... Tics, bégaiement .............. Syndrfimes neurol . divers ....., Vie sexuelle: avec prostltuées L1aisons .....ccocecnerocomonnos Impuissance, absence de bes ... Precocité. besoins excessifs .. Tend., relations homosexuelles Niveau scolaire: Notions scol., [pf recus au C.E P. baccal ., étud. univ, " d'intellig. : normale .......0000. Bien doué intellig. inf. illettrés ...... arriération imp. [ 0O 0 O o o ©& e o0 O a la n, o] -] [ médiocr. o o - b Tendances caracterielles dominantes. - Instabili1té ... ... oeccuconnconiononancoosnceconnn 11% Hyperemotiviteé . .......couoencennancoescnaananseo 0% Asthénie, tend. depressives .....covo-ccennnn-aos 15% Hy pomanie, eXcCite o.vvvnocrinnnnnccecassnanasananes 0% SChiZO ... uiesnnonannsannnannonosannneananannno 1% Epileptoides ....-.0n00unoencoonneoncoecsssosascas 18% Pervers .......cc:2000a05000s0cc00c00cs0c00naosecc 0% Déséquilibre .........0nnuvossocacooosonssnosnsee 0% Equilibre caract. ..o.u.vucsnsoceosasvosssusonsoos 34% C - 58: Mode de vie: Indépendante depuis 1'age de 20 ans ......co0000. 12% " " "M 1T M iiecesne.. 16% " avant "M 4T " e eeaae-e. 48% Vie familiale persistante .......co.00c000r20a0000 19% C ~ 56 Conditions des milieux de vie: Changement de milieu au cours de la 1-re enfance., 20% " entre 7 ans a la puberté .......cc000. 395% " apres la puberté .........cccc000000000 17% Dans le cadre restreint de cette étude il nous est impossible d'y faire figurer d'autres 1indices recueillis, pas plus que les corrélations résultant de 1a confrontation des principaux d'entre eux, Nous espérons que la simple énumération des quelques facteurs exprimée en pourcentages permette deja un apercu concret de leur valeur respective dansle dé- terminisme de la délinquance sexuelle, Nous concluerons en indiquant quels sont a notre avis les avantages et les limites de cette méthode de travail,qui est la ndtre depuis douze ans. - L'obser- vation clinique du détenu se réveéle comme irremplaca- 7 - ble pour toute investigation criminologique.Elle nous apporte la genese du delit ses motivations profondes, conscientes ou 1lnconsclentes. ains1 que ses origines sociales et leur repercussion sur la formation de la personnalité.Cette patiente étude prel iminaire conduit a preciser la valeur symbolique du délit. a fixer le degré et la gravite des mécanismes de défense et de comfensation mis en oeuvre par chaque sujet.Tous ces élémentsde diagnostic mettent sur la voie du traite- ment individuel qu’'il conviendrait d’'entreprendre, — Nous considérons comme une ] 1mite de notre investi- gation le fait de n'avoir pu encore prendre contact avec ]1'entourage des sujets examinés. - Enfin, les donnees statistiques recueillies par cette voie semblent gagner en ampleur et en précision et peuvent contribuer aun fonds de documentation cri- minologique utilisable par des chercheurs de toutes disciplines. 8 - S UMMARY Clinical observation of the prisoner 1s an i1n- valuable asset to all c¢riminological i1nvestigation. It provides us with the genetics of the offence: the deeper motives.conscious or unconscious that incited 1t 1ts soclial origins and thei1r repercassions upon the moulding of the personalsity. This patient prelt. minary study leads to specification of the symbolical value of the offence. assessment of the degree and gravity of the machinery of defence and balance that 1s set 1n motion by each offender.All these elements of diagnosis pave the way for individual treatment of the appropriate kind.We consider that a limit 1s set to our investigation by the fact of our being unable to contact the social environments of the offenders examined. | Lastly, the statistical data collected through this channel seem to gain in fullness and precision and may help to build up a stock of docfimentary ma - terial that will be(fl?service‘m)investigation 1n all the fields of competency concerned. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS ~ THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS 2 11 INCREASE IN MARRIED OFFENDERS Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). INCREASE IN MARRIED OFFENDERS by Paripurnanand Varma,K President. All India Crime Prevention Society,Lucknow, India Some time ago, the Social Defence Section of the United Nations published interesting statistics showing sexual delinquency in important countries 0f the world. According to those figures France had largest number of sexual 1lapses. United States of America second, United Kingdom third and Egypt had lowest figures, per million population. No figures were avallable for India. . Among big nations, according to my estimation of statistics, India has perhaps the lowest number of sexual lapses but with rapid growth of modern India and its industrialisation, such cases are mul- tiplying and increasing with alarming rapidity. This 1s perhaps the reward of modernisation- because in modern civilized state of affaires, compact family life is the first casuality. Indian family life pos- Sesses certain un-rivalled and peculiar compactness. But now we have civil marriage Act, Divorce Act, Immoral Traffic Acts ect., and who knows whether these new measures are going to exert any healthy or unheal thy influence on Society. RESCUE WORK In the biggest State under Indian Union, i.e., in the State of Uttar Pradesh, called U.P., we have now 12 district Rescue Homes and Shel ter Homes and After Care Services under the Social and Moral Hygiene. From seven big districts in the year 198 the number of rescued women was 319. The Stategof Bombay -9 - and Madras have perhaps the best service for the treatment and cure of delinquent. particularly sexually delinquent girls. In one Rescue Home 1n Madras city, the number of married girls was 70 p.c. and another striking fact was that 90 p.c. of the inmates were from higher strata of 1i1fe, belonging to higher castes. This raises a very important 1issue. In the Third International Congress on Criminology. held in London 1in September., 1955, a very 1interesting paper was produced on habitual offenders. On an analysis of female habitual offenders in France, 1t was shown that the number of widow habituals was only 3, unmarried girls 73, married 129, divorced or deserted 89. Children married women 129. 65 Habi- tuals had more +than four children. In India, we would have taken these figures with great condes- cension, feeling quite secure about our own country, But, things are changing fast here too. Excluding the States of Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal and Assam, in the Indian Union, the to- tal number of convicts lodged 1in prisons,at the end of the year 1958 was 1,996,586 in the 2,996 prisons of all classifications. The most alarming thing about this huge prison population is that the ratio of married prisoners to unmarried is rapidly increa- sing., It may be due to economic factors, broken homes, unhappy married 1ife, sexual lust or changing of marriage responsibilities. Whatever it is, there in no gainsaying the fact that it is a severe warning to the States about the shape of things to come. Extensive analysis of such a trend i1s needed. Speaking about married or unmarried male and female prisoners, it is surprising that big states like Bombay, Madras and Rajasthan do not maintain any statistics about married- unmarried prisoners. Figures available are in themselves quite 1llustra- tive, The old concept that a married 1ife gives greater stability to human living appears to be er- roneous in modern times. MARRIED VERSUS UNMARRIED Total convicts in Married convicts State Prison Houses of both sexes 1. Uttar Pradesh 86 .453 46 .789 2. Madras The Ratiois 5,75 married to 1 un- married female only 3. Mysore 8707 5.565 (exchiding 13,318 unspecified) 4. Kerala 24,363 8,005 Figures for other States are not available. It may be interesting to note the acceleration of the decrease in the percentage of female convicts to male convicts: - 1958 State Total Convicts Female Convicts 1. Bombay 13,578 nearly 3,000 2. Kerala 15,994 nearly 5,000 3. Punjab 14,546 97 4. Mysore 26,173 1,417 O. Madhya Pradesh 5,163 12 6. Delhi 6,072 107 - 4 - MARITAL STATE I have given above that many prisons do not maintain figures regarding marital state of the prisoners., But, the State of Uttar Pradesh has most valuable 1nformation to give in this respect. In 1958, the position was, for convicts only: Married 46, 189 Unmarried 18,146 Widows 173 Widowers 4,530 Prostitutes 4 Among the female convicts, the percentage of married is alarmingly higher. Out of 97 female con- victs 1n Punjab State, only five were unmarried. The rest were married. In Delhi State prison, out of 107 female <convicts in 1958 95 were married, four unmarried and the rest were juvenlles. In a recently released Report on the Administra- tion of Police of Himachal Pradesh. a small State in India. out of a total of 1893 cases registered by the Police during 1959, there were 36 cases of traffic in women, an 1increase of 12 over the year 1958. In all there were 61 such cases in the courts 1in the year 1959. out of which 20 were acquitted and only four convicted. ARE THEY HABITUAL A pertinent question may be asked- why 1s there an evident decrease 1in the percentage of female prisoners in India. Criminologists in India are - 5 - trying to find out the causes for this decrease. One obvious reason appears to be the improvement in economic condition and greater facilities for female education 1in Free India. But the ratio of married to unmarried has certainly increased. Kerala 1s one of the most advanced states in our country from the point of 1literacy. Nearly 65 p.c. of the population 1is literate there. In 1957 the ratio of married to wunmarried prisoners there was 5301: 3420. In 1958 as we have given above. it rose to be 8005 to 4992 Another question may be asked- 1s it not a fact that the increase in the number of married Prisoners may be due to the increase in the number of habituals in prisons. This is also not a fact. The +total number of convicts in all the prisons in India in the year 1950 was 3,44.804. Out of these the number of habituals who were in prisons due to their 1nability to find sureties for good behaviour, was 3 671 only. In 1953 the total number of convicts in Indian prisons was 3.75.,607 out of which the number of habituals who had failed to find sureties for good behaviour and consequently lodged in prisons rose to 6.592. But, things have changed since 1953. In the State of West Bengal, which is one of the most advanced states 1in our country. in 1952. total habitual convicts numbered 8 053 +that 1is only 18.3 p.c.. In 1958. this figure came down to 2.848, 1.r., only 3.4 p.c. of the total prison population. In the State of Uttar Pradesh. the following was the position of the habituals - Year Total Admission Habituals P.C.of Habituals 1956 56,661 2,622 5,07 1957 58,401 3.269 5.66 1958 69,002 2. 597 3 73 - 6 — According to another statistical data, total prison population in India 1in the year 1952 was 409,456 out of which the number of those who had been to prison more than once was 11,468, more than twice- 5169 and more three times- 7850, 1.e., total 27,481, which means 7.0 p.c. only of the total prison population in India. IS SEXUAL DELINQUENCY INCREASING Having analysed the figures given above we are faced with the poser-is sexual delinquency 1n- creasing in our country? Is India also fast loosing its grip on married life or married stability? It will take some time when criminologists could answer this question. .7 . RESUME LA DELINQUANCE SEXUELLE AUGMENTE-T-ELLE *? Apres avoir analysé les chiffres mentionnés ci- dessus,nous devons répondre a une questioh embarras— Sante: la délinquance sexuelle augmente-t-elle dans notre pays? 1'Inde se libere-t-elle aussi rapidement de 1'idée, du principe,d'une vie de mariage ou de la stabilité dans lemariage? I1 faudra quelque temps aux Criminologues pour trouver une réponse. QUATRIEME CONGRES INTERNATIONAL DE CRIMINOLOGIE ~ LA HAYE 1960 - TRAVAUX PREPARATOIRES I1 LES DELITS CONTRE LES MOEURS/DELITS SEXUELS Secrétariat du Congrés, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, La Haye (Pays - Bas) " LES DELITS CONTRE LES MOEURS DELITS SEXUELS Un aperg¢u historique et de droit pénal comparé Par Dr Janko Dj. Tahovic, prof. de Droit Pénal a la Facul té de Droit de Belgrade,Yougoslavie. S'il estun groupe d'infractions dont 1'incrimi- nation et larépression aient subi a travers les siecles Plus d'influences de diverses conditions historiques et socio-culturelles, c'est bien le groupe de délits Sexuel s, c'est—-a-dire le groupe de délits d'attentats aux moeurs 1).L'incrimination et la répression de ces délits posaient toujours devant tous les législateurs, aujourd'hui de meéme, bien de probleémes dont la résolution dépend de beaucoup de facteurs, parmi lesquels 1les conditions socio-culturelles sont sans doute les plus importantes. La question se pose en premier lieu de savoir ce qul est1'objet de protec- tion pénale chez ces délits.Est ce la morale indivi- duelle, qui doit déterminer les devoirs des hommes énvers eux-meémes,ou bien la morale sociale, qui doit déeterminer les devoirs des hommes envers les autres? Par conséquent, quel est le but principal de 1'inter- vention de 1la 1loi pénale dans cette matitre: de moraliser 1'individu et dele contraindre hvivre d'une maniere conforme “la dignité humaine en réprimant ses Propres passions, ou bien de conserver la moralité Publique comme base de toute société? Autrement dit, veut-onpar cette incrimination et répression prévenir les vices moraux comme tels,ou bien veut on prévenir les maux sociaux qui peuvent provenir de ces Vvices moraux, troublant et compromettant le bon ordre dans la société comme dans la famille 2)? C'est sous ces deux aspects et dans cette double tendance que 1'évolution des délits d'attentats aux moeurs s'est déroul é depuis les premitres lois pénales, - 9 _ surtout depuis 1'avenement du christianisme, jusqu'a nos jours c'est— a-dire jusqu'aux codes pénaux contemporains. ] Chez 1les peuples anciens et dans 1les autres législations jusqu' & la moitié du XVIII® siecle, l'incrimination et la répression de ces délits avait pour but en premier lieude réprimer les actes sexuels qui constitualient des vices aux yeux delaloi morale, on peut meme dire, des peéchés moraux. Ce que la loi pénale voulait réprimer,c'étaitla luxure dans la vie sexuelle comme telle,autrement dit toute conjonction sexuelle, toute habitude charnelle illicite.Ces vices moraux et ces pechés étaient réprimés et punis avec une sévérité excessive.La loi pénale allait méme jusqu'a punir le fait de 1'habitude charnelle illicite,de la peine capitale, Un bien grand nombre de dispositions de toute 10i pénale dans cette époque etaient consacrées aux diverses formes de luxurie, parmi lesquelles on peut citer, par exemple,les délits de fornication, de concubinage,de stupre,de mariage clandestin,du rapt,. du viol, de 1'adultere, de 1'inceste, de polygamie, de crimes contre nature,etc.Presque tousles législa— teurs dans cette époque étaient unanimes dans 1'appreé- ciation de ces délits.On frappait presque uniformément ces délits des peines les plus séveres. I1 suffit de citer seul ement quelques exemples pour illustrer toute la bizarrerie et la sévérité de ces 1égislations en ce qui concerne la pénalité de ces délits, 1. La bigamie., Les Romains frapperent la bigamie (binae nuptiae) d'abord d'infamie, mais Justinien a exagéré la pénalité pour ce délit jusqu' a prononcer la peine demort.La Caroline pronong¢ait aussi la peine de mort contre les époux en bigamie. Le droit commun all emand prescrivait pour la bigamiela peine du glaive, Lalégislation etla jurisprudence de 1'ancienne France, anal oguement du resteala législation et & la juris- prudence des autres pays de ce temps, réprimait tres -3 - séverement la pluralité de mariages. On peut trouver des arreéts qui ont porté pour ce délit la peine de mort.La peine ordinaire pour ce crime était pour les hommes 1a condamnation aux galeres,et pour les femmes le bannissement 4 temps ou 4 perpétuité, Les personnes coupables de ce crime étaient préalablement attachées au carcan,les hommes avec deux quenouilles,les femmes avec deux chapeaux 3). 2., L'adultere. L'incrimination de violation de la foi conjugale était connue presque dans toutes les législations. Mais dans les 1égislations anclennes, % cause de l1'inégalité entre la femme et le mari, 1'adul tere ne pouvait @étre commis que par la femme. A Rome au commencement, 1'adultere ressortait du tribunal domestique etlemari était 1'unique arbitre de sortde la femme coupable.D'ordinaire la peine pour la femme coupable était le bannissement.La loi Julia a déclaré 1'adultere pour un crime public avecla peine de 1a relégation contre la femme et son complice. Constantin remplagca la peine de la relégation par la peine de mort. Justinien tout emn affirmant la peine de mort contre le complice, prescrivit que la femme coupable de 1'adultere devait @tre d'abord fustigée et ensuite enfermée dans un monastere d'ou le mari pouvait la retirer dans les deux années apres la dé- tention; dans le cas ou le mari ne voulait pas la retirer, elle devait prendre le voile. I1 faut noter cependant que d'apres le droit canonique,le mari est de méme coupable de 1'adultere "eadem a viro, quae ab uxore debetur castitas;christianareligio adulterim 1n utroque sexu pari ratione condemnat". La Carolina a acceptéle concept du droit canonique et punit aussi 1'infidélité du mari 4). 3. Les crimes contre nature. L'ancien droit se caractérise surtout par une sévérité particuliere en ce qul concerne la pénalité pourles actes d'inversions oude perversions del'instinct sexuel Sodomia ratione - 4 - sexus et sodomia ratione generis, dans toutes les formes, étaient frappées presque dans toutes les ancien- nes législations de peine de mort. Il ne s'agissait pas seulement, dans ces actes,d'aberrations pathologi- ques ou de vices moraux,mais bien de crimes monstrueux . En droit romain on peut citer +tout d'abord Lex Scatinia sur la monstruosa venus,plus tard Lex Julia de adulterium. Enfin, le droit impérial prévoyait la peine de mort pour tous les actes:"ubi sexus perdidit locum,ubi venus mutaturin al teriam formam". Carolina pronongalit pour ces vices la peine du feu. Le droit commun allemand appliquaitlapeine du feu & labestia- lité;de méme il étend 1'incrimination sur toutes les formes de la sodomia contra ordinem naturae, c'est - a-dire a toutesrelations sexuelles contre nature entre hommes et femmes,ensuite & 1'onanisme,d la souillure des cadavres,etc. D'apres 1'ancien droit frangais,le coupable de sodomie suivant 1'usage ordinaire était chatré, Pour 1la premiere fois, le coupable devrait perdre les testicules,pourla seconde fois,les parties naturelles,et pour la troisieme fois, il était brul é vif 5), Plus tard, les sodomistes étaient brulés en place de greve, et comme on disait " & 1'exemple du chatiment que la justice divine enavait tiré", Et il y a peu de temps encore, on pendait les coupables de ce crime en Angleterre et en Amérique. 6), 4, L'inceste, Enfin, il faut mentionner encore ce crime qui était tres connudans1l'ancien droit et puni ordinairement de peines assez séveres. Il est peu de probléemes qui aient été davantage discutés que celui de savoir si 1'inceste (c'est-a-dire les relations sexuelles entre personnes qui ne peuvent se marier & raison de leur parenté ou de leur alli1ance) devait eétre puni et dans quelles limites. Le droit romain faisait distinctiondel'incestus juris gentium, entre ascendants et descendants, et 1'incestus juris civilis, entre collatéraux et alliés. Le droit canonigque distinguaitl'incestusjurisdivinietlfincestusjuris -5 humani.L'ancien droit frang¢ais et les autres anciennes legislations distinguaient de méme plusieurs formes de ce delit. L'inceste en ligne directe etait puni d*ordinaire de la peine du feu. L'inceste en ligne collaterale etait puni aussi de mort. A 1l'egard des incestes entre des parents autres que des freres et soeurs, la peine variait suivant la proximite des degres. 7). II. Les legislations modernes prevoient et punissent de méme les diverses infractions contre les moeurs, c'est-a-direles delits sexuels.Mais les codes modernes s'inspirent des idees tout a fait differentes dans l'incrimination et dans la reéepression de ces délits, Une reaction contre l'intrusion exageree de la 1loi pPénale dans le domaine de la morale individuelle peut €tre deja notée dans 1 a secondemoitie du XVIIIe siecle. Cependant. ce n'est qu'au XIXe siecle qu'on trouve dans les codes pénaux des tendances et des conceptions nouvelles en ce qui concerne 1'incrimination et 1la repression des delits sexuels., Sous 1'influence des nouvelles conditions historiques et socio-cul turelles, une evolution evidente s'est produite al'egard de la comprehension et de 1'appréciation de ces délits., L'idee fondamentale de cette évolution se trouve tout d*abord dans la conception moderne que la repression des vices moraux n'appartient pas seulement a la loi Penal e mais aussi aux autres facteurs sociaux, parmi lesquels on souligne de plus en plus le rdle d'opi- nion publique et de reprimande publique dans la pré- vention et dans la repression des vices moraux. D'autre part, dans les sociétés modernes 1'idée a Prevalu que la loi penale ne doit pas punir tous les actes qui constituent des vices dans le domaine de la vie sexuelle. Seules. les actes qui representent des atteintes alaliberte sexuelleou a la pudeur publique peuvent donner lieu &4 1'intervention de laloi pénale. Les codes penaux modernes n'interviennent pas contre les vices moraux qui restent en principe dans 1le - 6 — domaine de 1a conscience et de ladignité individuelles; ces vices peuvent constituer des crimes ou délits seulement dans les cas ouils sont accompagnés de cer- taines autres circonstances importantes du point de vue de 1aloi pénale.Les codes sont a4 peu pres d'accord que les actes—attentats auxmoeurs peuvent &¢tre frappes de peine seulement s'ils sont accompagnés de circon- stances suivantes: s'ils sont commis a 1'aide de violence; s'ils sont commis a 1'égard des personnes qui ne sont pas capables a émettre un consentement valable:s'ils sont commis publiquement et constituent de cette fagon des outrages & la pudeur publique; et enfin, si ces actes représentent une excitation a la débauche ou donnent des facilités a la prostitution, D'apres quelques lois on punit de méme les actes qui constituent une violation de la foi conjugale. 8) Néanmoins, si nous examinons les 1législations contemporalnes, nous pouvons remarquer quel ques différences évidentes, meme quelques particulaprités interessantes en ce qui concerne l1'incrimination des actes contre les moeurs, surtout en ce qui concerne la penalite des auteurs de ces delits. Les codes pénaux européens seront 1'objet de cet examen,surtout ceux qui sont traduits et publies par le Centre Fran- ¢ais de droit comparé. 9).Nous allons exposer ci-apres seul ement quel ques délits,notamment ceux qui sont les plus interessants a ce point de vue. 1. La bigamie, Leslégislations modernes montrent me double évolution en ce qui concerne ce delit, d'une part au point de vue du concept, d'autre part au point de vue de 1a peine prévue pour ce déelit. L'ancien droit considérait d'ordinairelabigamie comme une forme de 1'adultere,en exigeant pourla constitution du delit. la consommation des rapports sexuels.Les codes modernes ne considerentla bigamie que comme abus de la forma- 1ité,du ritus nuptialis. D'autre part, les legisla- tions modernes semontrent beaucoup moins rigoureuses a 1'égard delapénalité de ce délit, La peine prévue T - contre ce delit est d'ordinaire la privation de liberté. Presque tous les codes punissent la bigamie seulement s1 elle est commise 1intentionnellement, tandis que l1e Code pénal danois punit aussi sile delit est commis par une grave neégligence (1'art.208 al. 2). On trouve dans le Code penal finlandais une autre particuliarite,quli punitnon seulement la bigamie mais aussi le fait de la promesse, des fiancailles, et, meme les rapports sexuels entre personnes fiancées avant le mariage bigamique/Chapitre XIX, 1'art. 6/. 2, L'adul tere. L'évolution actuelle dudroit positif a 1'egard de ce delit, peut etre caractérisee par des considérations suivantes, En premier lieu on voit une tendence a faire disparaitre oua attenuer la difference autrefois faite entre 1 'adultere dela femme et celul du mari,soit a 1'égardde 1'incrimination de ce fait, soital'egardde la pénalite dudelit, En second lieu, les peines pour ce délit, autrefois tres séveres, aujourd'hui tendent & s'abaisser ou a semodifier.Enfin, la tendancela plus moderne va & supprimer la sanction pénalede 1 'adultere,se contentant de 1a seule sanction civile pour 1'adultere, c'est-a-dire, de celle du divorce aux torts et griefs de 1'époux qui a commis 1'adul tere. D'apres cette opinion, toutes les peines prononcées contrel 'adul tere sont inutiles et insuffi- santes.Les dangers du scandale et 1es inconvénients de la poursuite,dépassent les préjudices du delit., Meéme la peine contre 1'adultere n'a aucun effet préventif; elle ne suffit pas a emptcher la commission de 1'adul- tere chez ceux que n'arreétent pas des considérations plus élevées. 10).I1 faut mentionner que FERRI aussi, parmi l esmoyens préventifs qu'il appelait substituts de la peine, a préconisé le divorce contre 1'adultere. 11).D'ailleurs,meéme dans les 1égislations qui aujourd' hui répriment pénalement 1'adul tere, ce délit est de caractere demi-privé,parceque,le pouvoir de la partie lésée,en matiere d'adultere,s'étend d'ordinaire jusqu' a empecher la poursuite. Les Codes pénaux, comme par - 8 - exemple: danois, groenlandais, espagnol, yougoslave, bulgare, ne connaissent pas le délit de 1'adultere, En Angleterre de méme 1'adultere est du ressort de la justice civile, il ne constitue pas un délit pénal, mais un délit civil. Les Codespénaux, comme par exem-— ple:allemand, suisse, grec, considerent comme délits, 1'adul tere de la femme et celui du mari.Quel ques codes, par exemple allemand et suisse, punissent 1'adultere seul ement 4 condition que le divorce ou la séparation de corps ait été prononcé a raison d'adultere de la part d'un époux. Quel ques autres codes, cependant, punissent encore seulement 1'adultere de la femme, tandis que 1la violation de la foi conjugale de la part du mari est punie comme délit de concubinage, mais seulement & certaines conditions. Telle est la situation, par exemple, dans 1les Codes pénaux: francais, belge et italien.D'apres le Code pénal frangais ?1'art. 336 & 339) et le Code pénal belge (1'art. 387 % 389), 1la femme adul tere et son complic¢e sont punis d'emprisonne— ment & deux ans, tandis que le mari n'est coupable pour concubinage que pour le fait d'avoir entretenu une concubine dans la maison conjugale, et 1la peine est dans ce cas pour le mari d'apres la loi belge un emprisonnement & un an, et d'aprés la loi frangaise, une amende.D'apres le Code pénal italien (1'art., 559 et 560), 1a femme adultere et son complice sont con- damnés & réclusion jusqu'a deux ans, tandis que le mari peut @tre condamné seulement s'il entretient une concubine dans la maison conjugale ou ailleurs d'une maniere notoire. 3. L'inceste. On peut remarquer deux tendances dans les 1égislations contemporaines en ce qui concerne le commerce 1llicite entre les personnes liées par des rapports de parenté ou d'alliance.Un groupe de 1égisla- tions incriminent 1'inceste, mais elles different a 1'égard des degrés de parenté entre lesquels les re- lations sexuelles sont punies, de méme & 1'égard des -9 - peines qui sont prévues pour ce délit. Les autres législations, cependant, considérent que ni le mariage incestueux, ni les rapports incestueux en dehors du mariage ne doivent @tre spécialement incriminés. Ces actes,dit-on,par eux-mémes n'offensent aucun droit particulier ou général. En les incriminant,et en les punissant, on met en lumieére, par des recherches in- discretes,des turpitudes et des hontes dont la révé- lation méme est une cause de scandale, On peut noterles Codes p&naux frangais et belge corme exemples de législations qui n'incriminent pas les actes de 1'inceste. Le Code pénal frangais, dans l1'art., 331 al. 2,punit seulement 1'attentat a la pu- deur commis par wun ascendant sur la personne d'un mineur et non émancipé par le mariage. De meme, 1le Code pénal belge, dans 1'art. 372 al. 2, prévoit et punit 1'attentat a l1a pudeur commis par tout ascendant sur la personne ou & 1'aide de personne d'un mineur et non émancipé par le mariage. Mais ce qu'on punit par ces dispositions,ce n'est pas autantle fait de 1'in- ceste, mais plutdt 1'abus d'autorité, employé par un ascendant envers son descendant dans le but de satis- faire ses passions sexuelles. D'autre part, 1'objet d'incrimination n'est pas ici seulement 1'inceste- c'est-a-dire 1'acte sexuel - mais tout attentat a la pudeur, c'est-a—dire tout acte libidineux d'un ascen- dant avec son descendant. 12). Les autres codes pénaux,comme nous 1'avons noté ci-dessus, répriment pénalement 1'irceste,mais ils different en ce qui concerne les degrés de parenté entre lesquels le commerce charnel est puni, de méme en ce qui concerne les peines prévues pour ces rela- tions illicites. Quelques codes punissent les actes sexuels seulement entre les parents en ligne directe ou avec freres ou soeurs (par exemple,les Code pénaux: yougoslave, suisse). Le Code pénal espagnol, dans l'art, 435,punitle délit de stupre seulement avec sa soeur ou sa descendante, méme majeure de vingt-trois ans.En Angleterre,the punishment of Incest Act, punit - 10 - d'un emprisonnement jusqu'a sept ans. 1le commerce charnel (carnal knowledge) entre grand-pere et petite- fille, entre pere et fille, entre mere et fils, et entre frere et soeur. La loi criminelle de Groen- land (Chapitre XV, 1'art. 49) prévoit et punit comme inceste non seulement le commerce charnel et autres rapports sexuels, malis aussi un contrat de mariage avec un parent en ligne ascendante ou descendante ou aves frere ou soeur.Le Code peénal grec,dans 1'art. 345, prévoit et punit 1'inceste (1'acte sexuel) entre les parents en ligne ascendante et descendante et entre freres et soeurs, tandis que 1'art. 346 prevoit et punit tout autre acte 1mpudique commis entre les mémes personnes. Le Code penal italien (1'art. 564 ) incrimine de méme 1'inceste avec un descendant ou un ascendant ou bien avec sa soeur ou son frere, mais seulement lorsque 1'inceste est commis de telle maniere a provoquer un scandale publiec. Enfin, il faut noter qu'il y a encore des codes peénaux qui connaissent plusieurs formes du delit de l'inceste, entre autres. 1les anciennes formes de l'incestus juris gentium et l'incestus juris civilis, c'est—a-dire 1'inceste entre les parents et l'inceste entreles alliés.Le Code penal allemand., par exemple. prévoit et punit de différentes peines, le commerce charnel entre ascendants et descendants,entre freres et soeurs, ensuite entre allies en ligne ascendante et descendante, lorsque les liens matrimoniaux qui ont créé 1'alliance subsistant au moment del'infrac- tion (1'art, 173). Le Code pénal autrichien, prévoit dans 1'art. 131, le crime de 1'inceste, commis entre parents de ligne ascendante et descendante, tandis que 1'article 501 prévoit et punit comme contravention les relations sexuelles entre freres et soeurs, ensui te avec les conjoints des peres et meres, des enfants ou des freres et soeurs. Le Code pénal bulgare incrimine les relations sexuelles entre ascendants et descendants, entre parents dememe lignée jusqu'au troisieme degré, ou entre parents par alliance jusqu'au deuxieme degre - 11 - inclus (1'art, 174). Notons,enfin, le Code pénal fin landais qui connait de méme plusieurs formes de 1'inceste,prévues dans le Chapitre XX, 1'art. 1 & 5, Entre autre,ce Code punit aussi les relations sexuelles avec la femme, le mari, la veuve ou le veulf de son enfant ou d'un autre de ses descendants, avec 1'enfant ou le descendant de son conjoint, ensulte méme les relations sexuelles entre deux personnes alors que 1'une est 1'ex-épouse ou 1'ex—-époux d'un frere ou d'une soeur de 1'autre oude 1'unde leurs descendants, 4, Inversions et perversions sexuelles.On a beaucoup discuté dans tous les paysla question de savoir s'il faut prévoir et réprimer par la loi pénale les atten- tats & la pudeur qui semanifestent par des actes se- xuels antiphysiologiques.La question est délicate et on peut dire qu'elle est encore en discussion. 13). Les legislations contemporaines de méme ne sont pas unanimes 4 1'egard de l'incrimination et de la pénalité de ces actes.On peut y apercevoir des tendances dif- ferentes.Un groupe de codes pénaux punissent ceux qui se rendent coupables de sodomie et de bestialité, en prévoyant de diverses formes de ces délits. Mais il y a de méme des codes qui s'inspirent d'une idée tout a fait contraire,dont le motif fondamental se trouve dans la conception moderne que la répression des vices sexuelles appartient a la loi morale et & 1'opinion publique et non a la loi pénale. Quelques écrivains soulignent de plus que cette cenception est due aujourd'hui peut-etre 4 une appréciationplus clémente du probléemedes dépravations sexuelles en général dans les sociétés modernes. D'apres ces législations, les diverse "péchés contre nature" ne deviennent crimes ou delit que lorsqu'ils constituent en méme temps soit un outrage public & la pudeur, soit un attentat aux moeurs commis avec violance ou sous d'autres cir- constances qui caractérisent les autres infractions contre les moeurs, Les actes de sodomie et de bestialité ne sont - 19 - pas incrimines comme infractions particulieres, par exemple dans les Codes penaux: francails, bel ge, espagnol . italien de méme ni dans la loi criminelle pour Le Groenl and,Quel ques codes incriminent seulement la debauche entreles personnes du sexe masculin, par exemplele Code penal yougoslave et allemand. Le droit anglais punit aussi les actes contre nature (unnatural offences) commis seulement entre 1les hommes. Les autres codes punissent les actes de debauche entre toutes les personnes de meme sexe. Le Code penal bul - gare par exemple dans l'art. 176, incrimine les rap- ports sexuels oulasatisfactiondelapassion sexuelle d'unemaniere oud'une autre entre personnes du meme sexe, punit comme crime les attentats aux moeurs avec des personnes dumeme sexe (1'art. 129 b).La situation est la meme dans le Code penal finlandais, qui dans le Chapitre XX. 1'art. 12, prevoit comme delit, le fait des personnes de méme sexe qui se livrent ensemble a des actes impudiques. Enfin. 11 y a des codes qui ne punissent les actes sexuels contre nature que s'1ls sont commis dans certaines conditions. Le Code pénal suisse par exemple punit dans 1'art, 194 al. 3, celul qui fait métier de commettre des actes contraires a la pudeur avec des personnes duméme sexe., Le Code pénal islandais,dans l'art. 207,punit celul qul reg¢oit une retribution pour commettre des actes contraires aux moeurs avec une personne duméme sexe. De meéme le Code penal grec, dans l'art. 374, incrimine les actes im- pudiques contre nature commis dans un but de lucre ou par profession. La bestialite n'est punie que d'apres quelques codes penaux contemporains.Cette perversion est punie par exemple.parle droit anglais,et les Codes penaux: allemand. autrichien, finlandais, 5, L'excitation a la débauche, proxénetisme et 1la prostitution.La répression des actes de ceux qui fa- vorisent la débauche était aussi mobile et variable a travers des siécles suivant les diverses conditions - 13 - historiques et socio-culturelles.L'excitation d'autrui soit & la corruption soit a la prostitution était considerée dans les législations anciennes comme acte de complicité et d'ordinaire punie d'une peine plus grave que le délit principal. Les législations con- temporaines regardent les actes d'excitation a la débauche comme des délits"sul generis"qui peuvent ¢tre poursuivis et punis indépendamment des mémes actes de débauche., Mais les législations particulieres dif- ferent en ce qui concerne 1l'incrimination et la péna- 1ité de ces actes. On peut apercevoir deux tendances et deux systémes. Dans certains pays, 1'excitation a la débauche et le proxénétisme sont considerés comme délits seulement lorsqu'ils concernentles mineurs et les personnes plus oumoins incapables de se défendre contre les actes d'excitation a la débauche. Le but principal de la répression d'apres ce systeme n'est pas autant de punir 1'immoralité de ces actes mais plutdt de protéger la jeunesse et les autres personnes inexpérimentées contre les excitation al'immoralité. D'aprés le deuxieme systeme, cependant, 1'excitation a la débauche et le proxénétisme constituent un délit particulier contrelamoralité publique et les moeurs, Le seul faitd' avoir favoriser 1la débauche et la prostitution sans épard a 1'age, 1'expérience ou la moralité antérieure des personnes dont la débauche a été facilitée,tombe sousle coup de la loi penale. Cette derniere tendance a prévalu surtout apresla der niere guerre mondiale.Les conséquances de la guerre, spécialement 1es bouleversements éoonomiques et sociaux, débilitent toujours la moralité publique en général, et surtout la moralité dans 1le domaine de la vie sexuelle. L'expérience démontre partout que ce sont les conditions qui favorisent et facilitentle plus les diverses formes de la débauche, du honteux commerce et de la prostitution. C'est pour cela que la répres- sion de ces actes contre les moeurs est devenue apres la guerre presque dans tous les pays plus extensive et plus rigoureuse. - 14 - En ce qui concerne les incriminations particulibdres des actes del'excitation 41a débauche,nous n'expose- rons ci-apres que quelques exemples qui sont les plus intéressants & cet égard. 10 20 30 La prostitution est prévue comme délit, par exemple. dans le Code pénal finland s dont 1'art, 10 du Chapitre XX,punit toute femme qui aura été trouvée dans une maisonde débauche ou qui se livre publi- quement de toute autre maniere & la prostitution. Aujourd'hui cette disposition est remplacée par la loi sur le vagabondage de 1936. La tenue d'une maison de tolérance ou d'une établissement similaire est considérée comme délit d'apres plusieurs codes pénaux, par exempl e d'apres les Codes pénaux: allemand,belge,bulgare, finlan- dais, frangais, suisse, de meéme dans le droit anglais (keeping a disorderly house). I1 faut noter encore que dans quel ques codes on punit de meme comme délit particulier 1'exploitation de gain déshonneéte d'une femme adonnée & laprostitution c'est-a~-direle délit des souteneurs. Les disposi- tions surce délit se trouvent par exemple dans les Codes pénaux allemand, belge, danois, francais, grec, 1talien, suisse, etc, NOTES: 1) Sur 1'évolution d'infractions contre les moeurs, voir surtout: A. Chauveau- Faustin Hélie. Théorie du Code Pénal, 6€ éd. Paris, 1887-1908, T.IV. pp. 221-244; R. Garraud, Traité Théorique et Pratique du Droit Pénal Francais, 3¢ éd. Paris, 1924, T.V, pp. 430 - 452; Mittermaier, Vergleichende Darstel - lung des Deutschen und Ausléndischen Strafrechts, Berlin 1908, Bes. T.IV, 1; Fr. v. Liszt-Eberhard Schmidt, Lehrbuch des Deutschen Strafrechts, 23€ éd.,Berlin 1921,8.103; Vincenzo Manzini, Trattato di Diritto penale Italiano, Torino, 1936, Vol. VII. pp. 242-490; Giuseppe Maggiore, Principi di Diritto penale, 2 éd. Bologna 1938, Vol. II: - 15 - Parte speciale, pp. 461-466; Max Rottenberg, Der Sittlichkeitsverbrecher und seine Strafrechtliche Behandlung, Winterhur, Verlag P.G. Keller, 1957; Radzinowicz, L.,/Ed./ 1957. "Sexual Offences": A Report of the Cambridge Department of Criminal Science, London: Macmillan, 2) Garraud, op.cit. pp. 431-432. 3) Chauveau-Hélie, op. cit. pp.407-425; Garraud, op. cit. pp. 605-625; Liszt-Schmidt, op. cit. 8. 115; Manzini, op. cit. pp. 587-610. 4) Garraud, op. cit. pp.565-604; Chauveau-Hélie, op. cit. pp. 341-406; Liszt-Schmidt, op. cit, 8, 116; Manzini, op. cit. 620-678. 5) Les autres anciens peuples connaissaient aussi la peine de castration pour les auteurs des délits sexuels, par exemple, 1'ancien droit d'Inde, d'As- syrie,d'Egypte, etc. Voir; Ernst Seelig, Lehrbuch der Kriminologie, 28 éd.Graz,1951,p.316, note 330. 6) Garraud, op. cit. pp. 439-446; Chauveau-Faustin Hélie, op. cit. p. 224; Liszt-Schmidt, op. cit.S. 110; Manzini, op. cit. pp. 250-256. 7) Garraud, op. cit.490-492; Chauveau-Hélie, op.cit, pP-224; Liszt-Schmidt. op.cit, 8 111; Manzini, op. cit. pp. 680-698. 8) Garraud. op cit pp. 433-434. 9) Les Codes Pédaux Européens. publiés par le Centre FFrancais de droit comparé, Paris T.L.-II1. 10) Garraud, op. cit. p. 570-573. 11) E. IF'erri. Sociologia criminale, Quinta edizione, Torino, 1929, Vol. Primo; pp. 520-524. 12) Garraud, op. cit. p. 489. 13) Pour une discussion récente surle probleme de dé- lits contre 1la nature. voir les articles publiés dans 1a Revue; The British Journal of Delinquency, Vol .1X, No. 1: 1. Wolfenden Committée's Recommen- dations with regard to Homosexual Offences, et 2° Francois Lafitte, Homosexuality and the Law, the Wol fenden Report in Historical Perspective, - 16 - SUMMARY There 1s a small number of criminal offences whose evolution was, and still 1is to-day. as much influenced by different historical and social-cul tural conditions as 1s the evolution and actual repression of sexual offences., The principal problem in the study of these of fences and in their repression is to determine what is themain purpose of their repression and punishment, and also what is their object of protection.Are they the individual morals or the social ones? Consequently, the punishment of these offences ought tomoralize the men and to force them to restrain their own passions, or to protect the public morality as the base of every society? In other words, the repression of these of- fences ought either to prevent the moral vices as such, or to prevent the social evils and troubles which may be caused by these moral vices, The whole evolution of these crimes and their repression 1n all the comtemporary penal codes are marked by these two tendencies and viewpoints, In the early period of human evolution and in the ancient legislations the idea prevailed that all acts of sexual lewdness and also all similar moral vices and sins must be regarded as crimes and punished very severely. Almost for all sexual offences capital punishment was applied and this punishment, for every sexual crime, was executed in different ways, for instance: by swords,by hanging,by burning, etc. This can be seen best by studying especially the evolution of following crimes,for instance: of bigamy, adul tery, 1ncest and unnatural crimes.The subject of study here are particularly the Roman law and the old German and French 1aw. The modern legislations punish also a number of sexual offences. But, the fundamental idea of the contemporary codes is that the repression of = sexual vices belongs not only to the criminal 1aw but also to - 17 - the other social forces, for instance, also to the public opinion and public reprimand. Furthermore, the sexual vices to-day, are punished not because of themselves, but especially if they constitute the assault against individual sexual freedom or against public morals. And finally, in all modern laws the punishment for sexual offences is much reduced in comparision to that in the ancient legislations. Nevertheless;1n spite of these similar and common viewpolints, there are many differences in contemporary legislations both in the 1incrimination and in the penalty of sexual offences. The aim of this short comparative examination is to 1indicate both these similarities and differences in the modern criminal laws concerning sexual offences,especially with regard to some more interesting sexual crimes,for instance: bigamy, adultery. incest. unnatural sexual acts and encouragement of prostitution. The subject of this examination are the European penal codes, especially those which are published by the French Center for Comparative Law in Paris,including also the criminal law of England. QUATRIEME CONGRES INTERNATIONAI DE CRIMINOILOGIE - LA HAYE 1960 - TRAVAUX PREPARATOIRES 2 I1 LES DELITS SEXUELS Sccrétariat du Congres, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, I.a Hayc (Pays - Bas) LES DELITS SEXUELS par Dr. Giselle Galy, Psychiatre 16 rue Spontini, Paris XVI Depuis 1956 nous poursuivons une enquete medico- pPsychologique et sociale sur des délinquants sexuels ayant passé par le Centre National de Fresnes. Le matériel recueilli représente 350 observations indivi- duelles et concerne les délits suivants. Outrages publics ala pudeur,Vagabondage spécial, Excitation de mineurs 3 la débauche, Exhibitionnisme, Viols avec ou sans violence.Attentats aux moeurs sur filles et garg¢ons mineurs. Disons toutde suite quele plus grand nombre des délits concerne 1'attentat aux moeurs et représente environ 82% des cas. A tres peu d'exceptions pres,ils surviennent en milieu rural.Lemilieu social des délinquants comprend avant tout des fermiers, des ouvriers agricoles, des Cul tivateurs, cantonniers, garde-barrieres. Toujours €N milieu rural: un médecin, 2 instituteurs, 3 curés de campagne et 2 petits employés. D'unemaniere générale,les délits sexuels semblent Plus difficiles b déceler que d'autres, sauf les cas d? Viol et de violence.Il apparait,en effet, que les Mineurs victimes d'attentats s'en plaignent tres rare- ment. Les dénonciations proviennent de tiers. . A cause du secret qui entoure ces agissements, 11 est permis de penser que 1eur nombre est peu en rapport avec les délits poursuivis. D'autre part,les dénonciateurs n'ont rienvuou presque,mais procedent Par interprétationde certains faits et les choses vont d'autant plus vite que la mésentente regne entre les deux parties.On est souvent étonné par laminceur des i‘?il’ments figurant au dossier ainsi que par leur fragi- 1le. - 9 _ Les causes auxquelles ces délits semblent im- putables par moitié a des états pathologiques, en accordant a ce terme sa valeur ethymologique et non sa conception courante de maladie mentale du criterium asilaire, — L'autre moitié des cas ressortie des anomalies inhérentes aumode de vie dans les campagnes frangcaises. L'intrication des deux sortes de causes se trouve d'ailleurs souvent réaliseée. Quel ques caractéristiques des facteurs sociaux & la campagne 1. La dispersionet]'isolement des habitations: on nous a signalé des distances de 6 a 10 km & pied avant d'atteindre le moindre moyen de communication. A cela s'ajoutent les intempéries par pluies ou en- neigement rendant les chemins inpratiquables pendant plusieurs mois de 1'année. 2. I1 ressort de notre enquete qu'il existe une grande opposition entre les facteurs sociaux perturbant la vie de famille urbaine et celle des campagnes., En effet,le mal dont souffre les citadins serait d&t & la dispersion des familles, cela de par leur li1eu de travail,leurs centres d'intéret,la sol- licitation de nombreuses distractions,etc. Le résul- tat en est quela famille se retrouve a 1'occasion de certains repas et se sépare en hate sitdot apres,d'ou moindre cohésion sinon détachement total. Le milieurural semble souffrir d'unmal inverse: la viede famille y est trop restreinte.Elle se réduit le plus souvent au pere, h la mere et aux enfants. Les besoins du travail, les occasions d'installation éloignees du lieu d'origine font que le mari et 1la femme perdent souvent contact avec les leurs, puisque 1'art épistolaire ne se cultive pas dans nos campagnes, les liens petit a petit disparaissent.Ainsi réduite, la famille se replie de ©plus en plus sur elle-méme. - 3 - Il en résulte une sorte de blocage, rendant pres- que 1mpossible les rapports avec les tiers et excluant les amitiés.Méme lorsque la famille habite un village, elle n'a pas tendance a frayer avec les voisins, Voici quelques propos recueillis a ce sujet "On reste chez soi,on finit par vivre comme les b@tes."..."cela ne se fait pas d'aller les uns chez les autres'"; "on a bien assez a faire chez soi" ou "le soir on est fatigué,on fait la vaisselle et on se couche"; "moi, Je suis pret & rendre service a tout 1le monde, mais Je n'aime pas que l'on vienne chez moi; &, ¢a, non". Et "est ce qu'ils ont besoinde savoir ce qui se passe chez moi?" Le champ visuel se retrécit de plus en plus pour Ne plus comprendre que 1'intimité familiale. A tres breve échéance on s'adressedes reproches, des scenes éclatent, des bagarres, & propos de motifs de plus en plus sérieux. L'isolement crée 1'ennui qui, a son tour. devient angoisse. Tous signalent des épisodes de "cafard". C'est alors que 1'on a de plus en plus recours a 1'alcool, 3, Le probléme du logement a la campagne: d'apres notre enquéte, il ressort que ce probleme se Présente sous un aspect particulidrement navrant, Hormis ]les régions qui furent détruites lors des bom- bardements de la dernitre guerre, 1'habitat rural en est reste a la formule du moyen-age., Ces familles, grace a 1'alcool,sont tres prolifiques; le nombre de Pieces pour 8 a 10 personnes et plus se compose d'une Ou deux piéces et cuisine. Souvent on apprend que la maison était tellement vieille,qu'elle s'est effondrée un beau jour.Alors lamunicipalité les aurait relogés S01t dans une ancienne carriere,soit dans une grotte. Sur dix enfants,il a en a deux ou trois qui survivent, Les lits de ces familles sont utilisés par4 a 5 per-— sonnes a la fois. Si un des enfants est malade, les pParents le prennent dans leur lit, cela quelque fut son age.Le médecinn'est pas appel é "sauf ala derniere - 4 - extreme", comme nous le déclara 1'un des détenus. Lorque la femme se trouve a 1'hdopital pour un de ses nombreux accouchements ou pour maladie grave,le pere partage le 11t uniquement avec ses enfants.A la faveur du clair - obscure qui regne dans le demi sommeil de 1'ébrieux,biende situations trouvent leur explication. Parfois la mere décede et c'est la fille ainée qul tient lieu de mere...et d'épouse. "Je ne voulais pas d'une étrangere dans la maison", 4, Le rdledes croyances dans lamentalité paysanne: Si 1'on hésite 1longtemps pour avoir recours au medecin, par contre on s'adresse souvent au "sorcier". C'est un personnage fort redouté, car si, mieux que le médecinil s'entend & vous guérir de vos maladies, 11 peut quand il le veut vous en octroyer et des plus singulieres. Tous les malheurs qui peuvent s'abattre sur une famille viennent du pouvoir du sorcier. L'ambivalence de ce personnage fait que "1'on ne peut Jjamais vivre tranquille", Un détenu nous décrivit des douleurs graves dont 11 aurait souffert, probablement une sciatique, dont le sorcier réussitale soulager.Mais par la suite il devint hostile et lui dit un jour: "tu es fier de ta famille,eh bien,tu ne le seras pas longtemps". C'est a cette sorte de "sort" qu'il lui jeta que serait df l'activité incestueuse dont il se rendit coupable. Le cadre 1imité qui fut fixé & ce rapport ne permét pas un expo$e détaillé de notre enquete, qui fera 1'objet d'un travail wultérieur. Mais d'ores et déja il semble que la sanction, méme séwere, ne peut résoudre a elle seule le probleme de la délinquance sexuelle. Tout un programme d'hygiéne et de prophylaxie reste amettre en place pour sortir de 1'impasse actu— elle une population qui, apres tout est égale, sinon supérieure,a la population totale des grands centres. La récidive de ces délits prouve amplement qu'une campagne sérieuse doit 2tre entreprise pour apporter un changement. Le retour du détenu sexuel dans son foyer et dans son village semble poser moins de problémes que pour le: meurtrier ou méme pour le voleur. Tout dépend si, en dehors de son délit, il est réputé comme un etre paisible ou comme tyran familial,brutal et impulsif. En prison, c'est cette catégorie de détenus qui regoivent le plus de courrier de leur famille.Méme dénoncés par leur femmes, celles—ci sont prttes b reprendre la vie en commun.Certaines s'accusent d'etre cause, par leur mal adie ou par leur attidude,des déreglements sexuels du mari . En prison ils forment une sorte "d'élite", sont bien vus et ont des postes de confiance. - 6 - S UMMARY Our medico-psychological and social enquiry 1into sexual offencesis based on 350 detailed observations relating to prisoners detained in the National Observa- tion Centre of Fresnes, the population of which in- stitution consists exclusively of males.Some of these offences, such as special cases of vagrancy, proselyti- zing and incitement of young persons to debauchery. seem to be peculiar to urban centres.But the majority of the offences encountered are rape and especially outrages against the sense of decency of young persons. girls and boys, which category accounts for some 82% of the total number. Indecent assaults seem to be a specifically rural offence. We have here drawn attention to a certain number of social factors entailed by rural life which are conducive to the mass occurrence of this form of delinquency in country places. Owing to the 1limited scope of this report it has not been possible to deal with individual factors, but a complete enquiry will be published in due course. The real remedy for sexual delinquency in rural districts i1s of the prophylactic order, It furthermore follows from our enquiry that a sexual offender meets with a better reception by his a2 family on his discharge from prison than any other category of offender, provided he is not reputed to be quick-tempered or violent, FOURTH INTERNATIONAI. CRIMINOLOGICAIL. CONGRESS ~ THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS 2 I1 SOCIO-CULTURAL CONTEMPORARY DISTORTIONS RESPONSIBLE FOR ERRATIC SEXUAL BEHAVIOR Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). SOCIO-CULTURAL CONTEMPORARY DISTORTIONS RESPONSIBLE FOR ERRATI C SEXUAL BEHAVIOR by Dr, Hector J. Ritey Medical Director New York Mental Health Clinic New York, U.S A. The so-called liberalizationof sex 1s recurrent 1n history.After a long period of formal puritanism, the past hal f-century has provided it with a veneer of social and psychological explanation which gives 1t the appearance of a step forward. But in fact there 1s a change of label rather than a change of content. Al though the sexual taboos of the nineteenth century are - or should be - buried in history, many Contemporaries are still fighting them as if nothing had changed since. It is an objective fact that pre- marital sexual experience for young women is no longer met with the contemptuous attitude of an unforgivable sin, which brings disgrace to the whole family. It 1S also an objective fact that the tolerating indul gence for girls of so-called medium or lower classes, for whom some sexual experience 1s conceded, while girls of the so-called upper class would not consider it beforemarri age,1s now looked upon only as a p1cturesque f?ature of the nineteenth century French and English literature. Nevertheless, it happens only too often thét criticism reflecting on the present sexual mores brings some retort as emotionally loaded as i1n defense of political convictions.Inmany people's minds, there 1S no al ternative except the present unsettled habits Or a return to the compulsive repression of past generations.This overloaded emotional atmosphere sug- gests that the advocates of uncontrolled sexual freedom are fighting their own temptation to revert to the Compul sive extreme of prohibitions and taboos, the only alternative they are able to consider. - 9 . Judging both from the individual standpoint as evidenced 1n sexual neuroses which are today as fre- quent and severe as at the time when sexual repression was a real fact,and from the angle of social effects of sexual habits, which are not improved either one would say that both attitudes and set of customs are out of step with the psychological reality. A happy medium would be an even poorer way out It is a quali- tative and not a quantitative change which i1s required- Itis the attitude toward sex which causes the unrest, and not the amount of experience. As 1t stands now the attitude is fundamentally unchanged from the past century The fact that restrictive sexual education was pushed to the compulsive exaggeration of an intransigent attitude in sexual ethics is as much amistake as the 11lusion that the total removal of such restriction will free human emotionality Two wrongs do not make a right and the rigid taboo of sexual morality pathological asevery rigid attitude - is not going to be destroyed by another form of compulsiveness. namely the compulsive necessity of sexual experience as a step toward adjustment. Compul siveness and duty are the keynotes of the wrong attitude toward sex,whether they are expressed through forcible repressionor through sexual freedom as 1ts own goal. The taboo of repression whereby sex without marriage 1s viewed as amistake or a sin. thus focali- sing the emphasis on facts and not on psychological causes,when applied with compulsive conformism 1eads to:(l)compulsiveness to 1gnore,sidetrack, or indulge 1n wild day-dreams, the sexual impulses at the normal psychological time;(2)compuhuvenessix)release sexual 1mpul ses on order,following a marriage which, in the social atmosphere of such taboos, is often bound to occur when the elders are satisfied that the social and financial requirements for sincere happiness are met ,From there on,sexis as much amatter of compulsive -3 - duty as weekly attendance at religious services, and tragically enough with as li1ttle 1nner content.We do not have to dig 1nto remote history to find how this atmosphere reflected on children, Because this taboo applied strictly to women and loosely to men, male envy on the part of women was a secondary by-product the objectof envy being the tllusi1on that the partner did not have to exhaust the best of his energy 1n day- dreaming -Nevertheless 6 the taboo was so well entrenched that 1t could be violated only with i1ntense production of guilt, which 1n turn alternated the two secondary Pl easures of punishing the enviromment and indulging In self-pity. The taboo of sexual freedom,often hinging on the magic of the word "adjustment” (adjustment to what would be hard to define with accuracy). in other in- Stances just accepted as the line of lesser resistance, where 1mitation plays the main role., leads to (1) an amount of rationalization, with compulsiveness to Substitute 1ntellectual control for emotional drive. 80 that the psychosomatic performance of sex loses 1its spontaneity. or (2) conversely the passive action of belng carried by compulsive i1mi1tation, where both 1n- tellect and emotion are sidetracked or forcibly satisfied With slogans or magic expectation. The rationalized. rather than felt pattern of expectation for a deeply longed-for search for unity, 1s compromised by com- Pulsiveness to seek an extended number of short-lived €Xperiences, short because disappointing and disap- Pointing because short, The compulsive duty to reach happiness through release causes one to compromise as much as possible the impact of the actual experience. to make it fit with the previously day-dreamed pattern. Sometimes psychoneurosis,becausemore acceptable today than in past decades, is a short cut. In any case, adjustment is duty and sexual release is compulsion. Boredomvfiifilmasculinitygaszulunrewanfingly vulnerable lncrease of responsibility,is the consequence,leaving the couple without leadership, because the female has - 4 - to cope with her own disappointment, too. Children pay the toll as they did when repression was the ac- cepted taboo. As 1n past centuries, today, too, some couples occasionally break all the taboos and reach the neces- sary sense of unity.But they do so only at the price of ignoring forcible repression as well as freedom for 1ts own sake.They must repudiate as well a fundamen- tally unnatural distortion with i1ts long sequence of superimposed secondary distortions,as the egotism of a magnified sense of power and individual accomplish- ment which 1ntellectualizes narcissism, leaving it alive as the only possible refuge against disappointment. And, when i1t has magnified 1t to the point of addic- tion, 1t has cut at the roots the quest for search of unity through love,which is the incentive toward the mature approach to sex, Whatever 1ts label a taboo is nothing but the crystallization of compulsion. and of its measer 1n- tellectual justification, whichh i1s conformisn. The real di1fference 1lies betwecen taboo and non-taboo, Clinical evidence teaches that ncurotic developnents from the disappointment of early sexual expericnces, when sought only as an outlet for the rational 1dea of a necessary step toward adjustment, are as {requent and severe as neurotic developments{from lack of sex or from forcible repression of sexual drives. The analogy be pushed even further The same anxious groping in the dark 1s duplicated,even 1 1t 1s longing for a different goal. Instead of facing repression of sexual desires through a compulsive acceptance of ethical principles, we are confronted with an equally compulsive display of a fictitious Pl easure,which, as an objective fact, exists only in very few instances. More often than not, youngsters who experience sex because they think that it is the step toward adjustment, keep a mask of fictitious gratification until they break down under the impact of frustration, made more acute by the pretension of - 5 - happiness or by the fear that someone else's display of happiness may instead be sincere. The frustration 1s pushed to the level of despair by the expectation, too often repeated and rationalized, that actual sexual experience 1s the over-all cure that will carry the magic of adjustment.When the youngster realizes that the basic problems are untouched, despair may follow due to the sensation that the longed-for cure failed and nothing else is left to turn to. What follows 1is a neurotic condition characterized either by disgust toward sexor by defiant sel fdestructive promiscuity. The 1dea of sex as amere achievement for personal satisfaction or for i1ndividual adjustment has become so much a part of our way of 1life that in the mind of too many people it is accepted as the only natural approach to the problem of sex. Consequently, it 1n- volves the necessity of avoiding conception or inter- rupting 1t as an unavoidable measure of social defense- Procreation, the physiolocical ~oal of sex,is changed Into an undesirable comuplication of the process. now distorted into pointin~ to a ¢i T erent goal If at least the ;o0al wcrc tnity through under- standing some valuable result would still be attained. But the experience of the past decades,where sex has become increasingly free, has proved the opposite. Sexual freedom has increased manifold the instances of immature approach to sex.What is worse, distorted ?ationalizations, through misunderstanding of sound ldeas, through having created a thousandfold more frustration than release, through having kept alive tbrough adul thood and full maturity the day-dreaming vVision of "next time will be the real one",6 thus Protracting adol escence to the threshold of old age, and through the unrestricted popularization of con- traceptives,sexual freedom is responsible for having crystallized sex at an adolescent level in millions Of People who otherwise would not necessarily have missed their psychological sexual maturity. Sexuality is kept at an adolescent level by the abuse of contraceptives. The adolescent conception of sex as an achievement through expression of power 1s made to last as long as sex as a search for complete uni ty with another personis either ignored or made to be a secondary and not lasting achievement. Defense of the species 13 1oo remote to be even considered, Sex 30 conceilved does not entail responsibility., It perpetuates forever the concept of sex as 1t emerges in adolescent day-dreams. personal gratification sense of power, and some jJjustification for using another human being as a tool .The adolescent projects the responsibility of the outcome of sex 1nto the futare.,The adult who also for reasons other: than sex wants to remaln on the adolescent level sidetracks the future forever by the use of contraceptives. The incentive for growth into adul thood 1s lost.The line of lesser resistance consists 1tn sliding along the ~easy pathof self perpetuating lack of responsibility. Soon the pattern extends to fields other than sex be- cause 1t gratifies the soothing laziness of avoliding adal thood. The sanction of the extremely extended use of contraceptives would not have occurred 1 f the conscilous expl anation for 1t - avoiding procreationunder trying clrcuams tances avoiding puatting a girl 1n a clumsy sequence of events,and 1 1mi1ting the excessive 1ncrease in population - were the only valuable ones. Its popularity 1s essentially due to the much deeper and more substantial need to give sanction through alibi to the perpetuationof an 1mmature conception of sex. This explains also 1ts being sanctioned by people who do not and never will have to use contraceptives, Maybe 1in contrast to the sexual mania of a decaying world, the example is already coming from those young and dynamic countries where the youngsters focus their spontaneous attention on many other con- structive goals than sex as an outlet for their energy. their aggressiveness and their need for power. Those are made means to some constructive goal which reaches ~ 7 - beyond the individual range When the aim of education 1s to create a set of non-individualized i1nterests as the basic values of life the pitfall of sex as its own goal has less chance te develop,6and sex does not become the main root of mental pathology. Overemphasis on sexis a characteristic of peoples on the historical decline The dynamic constructive drive 1s diminished, and consequently sex as an ex- pression of power and individual achievement fills a gap. Under such circumstances, any attempt to keep sex withinits teleological 11m1ts necessarily becomes repression and,as a consequence,carries all the well known pathology from sexual repression. In young and dynamic peoples. the objective developments may be abstinence or any other manifestation that we are accustomed to ascribe to sexual repression. but the psychological connotation of forcible repression 1s missing,or reduced to a minimum. To them, practising sex only as a complement to a much deeper emotional tie and 1n many cases postponing sexual experience until marriage doesnot carry the pathological symptoms of repression as 1ts natural consequence. In contrast 1n many countries the pathological developments from Sexual repression were considered as inherent to human nature and not as peculiarities of historical condi- tions, The real starting point of sexual pathology is Over-concentration of attentionon sex. repression is 1ts corollary. - 8 - RESUME Les actuelles habitudes sexuelles, libérées des tabous répressifs du dix-neuvieme siecle, n'ont pas délivré les nouvelles générations des symptomes attri- buables a la pathologie sexuelle qui caractérisaient les générations précédentes. La répression a éteé rempl acée par la liberté sexuelle,mais toujours avec les mémes corrélations coercitives. La criminalité sexuelle,considérée comme une ex- croissance de mauvaise adaptation sexuelle indivi- duelle, n'a pas diminue. Ce que les deux systemes de préceptes moraux ont de commun, c'est le caractere coercitif de leurs tabous. Le but a change, mais 1'essentiel est resté le méme. Ce qui est la conse- quence de la fausse conception qui comprend la sexua- lite comme ne visant que la satisfaction personnelle, La cause profonde des états sexuels pathologiques et du comportement sexuel irrégulier estla concentration exagéréede l'attentiona l'égard dela chose sexuelle. FOURTH INTERNATIONAIL CRIMINOLOGICAIL CONGRESS _ THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS 2 I1 SOME OBSERVATIONS ON SEX OFFENCES IN ISRAEL Sccretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Nctherlands). SOME OBSERVATIONS ON SEX OFFENCES IN ISRAEL by David Reifen Juvenile Court Judge Tel-Aviv (Israel) Scope of Problem: Whenever newspapers report about a sex offence having been committed, there 1is a strong reaction felt towards this type of offence. Public opinion 1s aroused, and an uneasy feeling makes itself felt.This reactionis even more conspicuous if children are the victims of such offences. Obviously,many people have heard of a case, or have read in different papers about the same case,and thus an impression is formed that this type of offence is rather widespread.Hence the demand for heavier punishment, which; so 1t 1is assumed, may be a deterrent to further offences. There is an additional factor which has to be taken into account in Israel. A large percentage of the present population has come from a rigorous and inhibiting cultural background, and has been trans- planted into a free society, patterned according to customs and values prevalent in the Western World. Temptations in the new environment are much greater than in the previous one. Within a rigid, almost hermetically closed and inhibiting environment it 1s much easier to keep sexual desires, inclinations and passions under control .Matters become much different and more difficult in a free society,and particularly if the various cultures are undergoing a change of values. Under these conditions latent tendencies may mani fest themselves more easily,and controls tend to be more ineffective. This may result - among others in large numbers of sex offenders. In fact,however, sex offences in Israel are not widespread. Police statistics from 1955 and 1956 (latest available) reveal that of all investigated - 9 _ complaints, 2% of all criminal offences during 1956 were connected with an offence against morality, and in 1955 there were 1.7% only.These figures represent the genuine cases, 1.e. 1n which the complaint was substantiated after investigation.Yet,a considerable number has to be deducted from these figures because they relate to offences against morality, and not strictly to sex offences. They include for instance offences such as: living on the earnings of a prosti- tute, soliciting for immoral purposes, keeping of a brothal, etc. 1.,e. offences, which 1n some way or another are connected with illegal and immoral sex activity, but are not sex offences in the meaning of this discussion.At a reasonable guess one could state that sex offences proper do amount to only half of the above given figures, I'urther evidence can be seen from figures of convicted persons. In 1955, of all convictions, 1.6% were against people charged with offences against morality.In 1956, these convictions dropped to 1.3%. These figures do also include all types of offences against morality. When we consider separately juvenile offenders, we find a similar picture, namely, sex delinquency among juvenile offenders is on a very small scale. This we can see from the records of the Juvenile Court and the Juvenile Probation Service. Over the last three years, of all juvenile delinquents aged up to 16 years, 1.1% were charged with having committed a sex offence, mostly a kind of indecent act. During previous years figures were still smaller. These are interesting facts, particularly in a complicated and heterogemouws society such as Israel. Characteristic Aspects of Sex Offenders: It 1s regarded a sine qua non that victims to a criminal offence complain about it to the police. This is the first reaction, and the best thing they - 3 — can do to apprehend the offender. On the other hand, victims to sex offences are hesitant to lodge a com- plaint because of the negative reflection this may have on their character. A married woman may decide to conceal the matter lest her husband may become suspicious as to her own part in the committed offence; a young and unmarried woman may be afraid to spoil her good name and her chances to marry if i1t should become known that she was involved in a sex offence. Guilt feelings seem also to be at work, which deter- mine a certain kind of behaviour. These and similar considerations are at work and make people think twice before they lodge a complaint, because they fear that disclosuremay have unpleasant repercussions for them.These motivations are not un- known to the sex offender, particularly so the habitual one.They take it into account- to their own advantage. Youth Examiners 1n Israel relate that children who were victims to a sex offence withhold often in- formation because the offender threatened them to retaliate if they disclose the happening. This is a real fear for many children which prompts them even to yield to further acts, and to conceal them as far as possible.Thus we can see that there exists a kind of bond between the sex offender and his victim,which does not exist in other types of offences.The victim takes sides with the offender, as it were, and helps him to avoid being apprehended. Characteristic of sex offenders i1s that they take great pain to ensure that they are not seen while committing the offence, but for the Exhibitionists. Itis also our experience i1n Israel that delinquents, who would usually plan with their accomplices when and how to commit an offence, do not tend to do so while committing a sex offence. (During War-time matters may be different). There is hardly a case known in which offenders committed together a sex of fence. Yet, there are offenders who boast of having committed a rape.0n investigation it often transpires ~ 4 - that this is a made up story, and based on wishful thinking.It can safely be assumed that such disclosure is 1in line with +their own need to affirm their potency - to themselves and to others. However, 1if a <child is the victim of a sex offence, this is always Lkept a secret even from intimate accomplices. On this score sex offenders never boast and inhibitions are effective. It is an interesting feature that even hard-boiled offenders have an aversion towards a sex offence if committed against a child. Investigation of 871 children under 14 years,who became victim to a sex offence revealed that the offenders used very primitive methods in order to get at their victims. They promised them small gifts, gave them sweets,or even just talked nicely to them. Particularly the latter point seems of great importance. It can be guessed that it was this approach which swayed the issue in many cases. These children may not have been accustomed to be kindly treated at their homes. It is this tactic which is generally practised by seducers, to be friendly and polite to would-be victims, which is surely to yield "expected results. Evidently, with many children there was also what might be called passive acceptance, with others some sort of provocation was decisive.In most of the 871 cases where children became victims to an indecent act, there was some sex play, but no sex relations proper. Among them was hardly a case of rape. Yet, among boys some of them became victims to an act of sodomy. It 1is my impression that the sex offenders who comnitted these offences were not out to have sex relations proper, but rather to have sex experience short of sex relations. These offenders would pre- sumably look out especially for children_victims. It may be a typical outlet of their personality make- up. - 5 — It is perhaps not sufficiently realised to what extent small children may get involved as victims to a sex offence. According to our material, girls were victims inmore than 70% of offences committed against children. 0f all children involved, 60% were in age group of 5-10 years, and 12% were less than 5 years old. Sometimes these small children do not perceive and understand properly what has been done to them. Some Aspects of Victims: Since we have enacted the "Law of Evidence Revision (Protection of Children) Law, 5715-1955", which came into force on 20th September 1955, we are able to gather material about sex offenders who com— mitted offences against children under 14 years. xX) From our Police statistics we could infer that about half of all complaints lodged regarding sex offences were concerned with children under 14 years. In all these instances Youth Examiners especlally assigned to investigate these children,collected most valuable data about victims, and, in many instances, about offenders as well. We have almostno suchmaterial to inform us about sex offences committed against adults. In these cases the story of the circumstances of the offence might be more distorted than among children. Adults have more to hide, and the information is not always reliable. It seems appropriate to distinguish between sex offences committed against children from those com— mitted against adults. We have also to differentiate between sex offenders who are aggressive, i.e, who are committing the sex offence on somebody else - to those who are of a more passive nature, for instance xX) see: Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology, and Police Science,Vol.49,No.3, Sept.-0ct.1958.; British Journal of Psychiatric Social Work, Vol.4, 1958,No.3. - 6 - the Exhibitionista.Obviously, in both cases there is a difference if the sex offence was of a serious type like rape or attempted rape, or an indecent act of some kind or another.However,in relation to children the dividing line cannot so sharply be drawn as among adults. It can be assumed that for a child even an attempted rape would always result 1n a traumatic experience. But there is sufficient evidence to show that an indecent act committed against a child has often much the same results., This will depend on previous life experience of the victim,on the perso- nality make-up of the child,on the attitude of parents to the offence,on the age of the child, and last not least - on the type of the indecent act,i.e.if force was used or not, Treatment Methods: In foregoing remarks it has already been mentioned that 1t 1s rather difficult to apprehend sex offenders and consequently also to bring them to trial.In Israel, for a person to be convicted of having committed a sex offence, there must be corroborating evidence. This 1s 1n accordance with Anglo-Saxon judicial methods as applied to sex offences, which are also applied in Israel. It is a safeguard against mischievous false,imaginary or revengeful accusations.The dangers of vindictive feelings particularly in this field, which is generally emotionally charged - overtly or concealed - should by no means be overlooked. About one-third of sex offenders who committed an offence against children wunder 14 years, were brought to court for trial. In roughly 50% of cases no court proceedings could be started, because the offender was not apprehended or else, no corrobo- rating evidence was available.It should also be men- tioned here that of those brought to court, about 10% were acquitted by various courts,including Courts of Appeal. In all these cases it was found that the offender should have the privilege of the benefit of the doubt.This principle, to acquit the offender when there 1is even the slightest doubt, is adhered to very strictly in Israel. We could observe a few interesting features in relation to sentences; 40% of those convicted received a prison sentence, the great majority of them,however, under six months; and another 35% recelvedzlsuspended sentence. It was noted that sentences in the latter group were more severe than 1in the former. About 10% of offenders were put on Probation. In relation to Probation it should be mentioned that a Probation Order can only be made, if a report by a Probation Officer was first handed in to the Court. This is a fairly new law of ours, aiming to secure as far as possible the appropriate cases for Probation. RESUME Dans ce mémoire sont exposés quel ques—-uns des aspects des attentats aux moeurs en Israel. L'auteur {fait remarquer que les changements d'ordre culturel qui ne cessent de se produire dans 1'hétérogene société israélite sont susceptibles d'entrainer un certain relachement des défenses (ou des 1nhibitions psychlques) et des contrf)les° Or,les statistiques policieres montrent que jusqu' hmalntemnt les attentats aux moeurs ne constituent qu'une menue fraction du nombre total des crimes. Chez les victimes des attentats & la pudeur la tendance parait exister de vouloir Trenoncer & la présentation d'une plainte, ceci pour cause de la - 8 - peur qu une telle plainte pourrait se répercuter sur la part prise par la victime elle-méme. Les enfants hésitent souvent de révéler ce qui s'est passé ©parce qu'ils craignent leurs parents ainsi que l1'offenseur. Les auteurs des attentats aux moeurs s'efforcent de garder secret leur penchant a ce genre d'offenses et n'en parlent pas pas meéme a leurs complices intimes avec qui 11ls se concertent dans le but de commettre d'autres attentats; ceci est toujours le cas lorsqu‘il s'agit d'impliquer - comme victimes - des enfants. La plupart des attentats commis contre les enfants de moins de 14 ans sont de 1'ordre des actes indécents; rares sont les cas rapportés de viol ou de sodomie. Le groupe principal d'enfants-victimes est celuil des fillettes de 5 & 10 ans; 1'effet d'une pareille offense est souvent préjudiciable a 1la future santé mentale de 1" enfant et & son développement général. Les méthodes de traitement en cas d'attentats aux moeurs sont surtout de 1'ordre des pelnes d'emprisonnement pour wune courte durée (de moins de 6 mois) ou des condamnations avec sursis; 10% des offenseurs de ce genre sont mis sous la surveillance de 1'Autorité Publique. Une nouvelle Loi - entrée en vigueur en Israél au cours de 1'année 1955 - vise la protection des enfants de moins de 14 ans impliqués dans des affaires de moeurs ,Cette innovation quasi révolutionnaire a déja fait preuve d'une grande valeur. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS ~ THE HAGUE 1960 — PREPARATORY PAPERS 2 I1 THE CHILD AS VICTIM Secretariat of the Congress, -14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). THE CHILD AS VICTIM *) by Dr. D,Arn. van Krevelen Lecturer on Child Psychiatry at the State University at Leijden, Medical Superintendent of the Pedological Clinic "Curium" Leijden. The child asavictim of an adult s offence.This 1s an antithesis which only seems to be an indisputable truism. Because the child has also taken part 1n the interaction which preceded the adult's offence. In many cases the question arises as to how great a part the child has playedin the circumstance which led up to the offence.Sometimes the child unwittingly arouses emotions in the adult which lead the latter to commit an offence. This can also be a result of some streak In the child's character and these cases are particu- larly interesting from a psychiatric viewpoint.Roughly Speaking,we can discern two distinct categories, one 1s formed by the typeof child which repels those with whom it comes into contact and the other type of child which is the victim of its own personal appeal. The interaction is,as a rule, of a very compli- cated character. The following is probably a classic example of the interaction which takes place between an adult and the child which repels him. When a young child is struck i1t raises its hands to defend its face. It is struck again and after a time.it grows accustomed to the fact that it will be struck and comesto expect it.This attitude reflects in 1ts movements and behaviour,both of which will be typical of that particular type of child:onemay cringe, the other raise his hands in a premature gesture of “Am— *) One of the so—called May-lectures at the Institute for Criminology at Utrecht, - 2 - defence. The "opponent"™ will react to this with in- creased aggression _be 1t an adult or a child. Ten to one this typeof child will be knocked about more than the out-going type of child. The two sexes react very differently to this be- haviour. By this, I do not mean to say that aggres- ston towards a defenceless individual is "vicious". without any reservation, But rationally speaking and in the opinion of a maternal type of woman. i1t is exactly that., As a general rule a man 1s repelled by the defenceless. Aggressive feelings are aroused, 1t 1s not manly and his masculinity is offended. Muiss CLEMENS SCHRONER' s 1) remarks are very 1interesting with regard to this.,She says that a baby's relations with 1ts father are more often disturbed than with 1ts mother, Several explanations for this are given. LEO BERTIMEIER 2) refers to the father s rivalry who transfers his juvenile aggression towardshis brothers and sisters to his baby not having outgrown his own Juvenile state, MICHEL's 3) explanation seems to me more 1mportant at any rate more general......: the maternal i1nstinct 1s a natural emotion while the pa- ternal i1nstinct is a special sort of adoption. Added to this. the steadily growing paternal instinct 1s counteracted by a masculinity which 1s developing at the same time. This can make the masculinity more paternal ,but paternatism alsomore virile DEBESSE 4). It isawell known fact that a father when faced with his new born baby, feels slightly out of his element, while the same baby moves the mother to tenderness, The 1nfant's cries move the mother s heart but only irritate the father.,At this stage the father has not yet had a chance to feel a sense of rivalry.PLOSZ 5) gives examples of the indifference shown by fathers, in the first few months after their baby's birth, among primitive people. A boy of 13 was put on probation, This was an - 3 - only child,born after a difficult confinement.He had been put in an incubator and his development was re-~- tarded. As a baby, he cried a great deal, and his father,a short-tempered man,would hit him.This child grew up with amorbid fear of his quick-tempered father. a man who otherwise is a kind-hearted fellow. Even worse, the boy has developed a cringing attitude to- wards any adult, who, in his opinion holds any sort of authority. Al though this attitude arouses amaternal instinct In a woman, I know from experience that it can be repellent.Therefore,I can well imagine that it irri- tates the father. The question is,has this boy been ruaned by what can be called cruelty, or has it simply become more and more evident that there is a total lack of charac- ter in the child. The thing which repelled the father originally, What type of child is it which may have a repel- lent effect on the people in its immediate sarroundings? What type of child has, in a manner of speaking. a Predisposition for mental or physical cruel ty? General - 1zing,I should say the following: the child which is not an integral part of its parent's plan of living, runs the risk of ill-treatment. Don't these g roaps fall under this heading? the illegitimate child born out of wedlock. unwanted children. the children who do not conform to the image created for them by their Parents., This last group includes deformed children puny and ugly children,those afflicted with a disease, weak -minded and below average,or in comparison,K below the expected standard,or those of which the character does not reach this standard, difficult children in short,all children who do not come up to expectations. Itisvery interesting to note,as mentioned by CLIMENS SCHRONER 1) that two victims of mental cruelty were children of whom the mothers thought that they were given the wrong child at the maternity home. - 4 - The number of 1llegitimate or deformed children among cruelty victims 1s considerable.(15% 1n material collected by CLEMENS SCHRONER 1) and 25%of the child- ren examined by HILDEGARD HETZER 6°) ). Further-more, this percentage cannot be disregarded even when the fact is taken tnto account that to a certain extent, these two groaps of children overlap. One thinks un- consciously of the abandonment or downright marder by primitive peoples of 1llegitimate or deformed children PLOSZ 5). Even though this practice may survive 1n cruelty cases 1n our civilization. we are impressed by the complicated human incentives, when an attempt 1s made to analyse the phenomenon for example. guilt complex. a desire for punishment self- aggression and aggression towardsother adults on the part of the: offender resulting i1n cruelty to the chi1ld, An 1llegitimate child.a girl of 13 who had spent the first ei1ght years of her life in a Children s Home was exposed to serious cruelty from her mother. The mother admitted that she could stand very little from her daughter, because the child habitually lied to her. The mother decided to test the child s trust- worthiness in the following manner She made the child promise to get dressed within ten minutes. K a promise which the child could not possibly keep then arrived on the dot,to checkif the girl had kept her promise., She knew of course that she would find that the girl had broken her word. The punishments to which the child was subjected were barbaric; she was ducked 1in a tub of 1cy water. made to run round an unheated room 1n freezing weather half undressed.In her fury, the mother threatened to throw her daughter out of a top floor window. Now for the psychological background of this aggression. The mother had had a boy friend who was not accepted by her family.They decided to force the 1ssue by confronting the family with a "fait accompli". However, when the girl was pregnant, the man let her 5 - down, he couldn't face the consequences. This man became a lie personified to the mother and via hum. her child a 1living reminder of his treachery; a lie became an atrocity to the mother. She developed an unconscious desire to be confronted by deceit, and her child provided her with ample opportunity. She could force her to make promises which she could not possi1blyY keep. The tragedy was deepened by the fact that the mother felt impelled tolie to the growing child with regard to her origin, And so,via the child she punished the faithless traitor who ruined her own life and at the same time. she did a penance for the lie which she had to live day after day herself.CLIMENS SCHRONER 1)found that 20% of her cases were so-called "difficult" children. but added that the children concerned were called difficult by the offender. The fact that about one fifth of these children are bed-wetters is character- 1stic., To the doctor bed-wetting i1s an illness but to the parents of such children it 1s a nuisance and " Immoral"”., This must be punished and sometimes the Punishment can be classed as i1lltreatment CLIMENS SCHRONER 1) records the case of a four year old boy, who still wets his bed. His mother orders an older brother to thrash him continually until he has eaten his own motion. This reminds me of a practice which was applied in olden days. whereby a child suffering from this complaint was made to eat a rusk which had been soaked in its own urine. From methods of treat- ment for enuresis which have been recommended in the course of time, 1t can be gathered that this treat- ment 1f of a punitive character 1f not downright 111-treatment. However thin the dividing line between therapy- treatment and 1ll-treatment may be very often just as easy 1s the step between well meant measures taken to ensure a sound training and ill-treatment. To mention an example, if the parents or guardians -6 - are possessed by a feeling of 1mpotence.Any treatment which humiliates a child or subjects i1t toareallsat- ion of its own helplessness,l regard as a border-lme case, It 1s obvious that ambitious parents tend to ask too much of their children. If they overstep the mark in their demands, their methods will bear a strong resemblance to cruelty. An excellent example of this is a case,reported by LESLIE, G. HOUSDEN 7).of a girl three years old who was whipped soundly by her parents when it was discovered that she could not spell the word, fox. One must therefore assume that this girl suffered in other ways at the hands of her parents., al though there 1is no mention made of it in the case description.One can speak of downright cruel- ty when the offender not only causes the child in question to suffer but shows signs of sadistic be- haviour in other circumstances.In my opinion a similar case s rare and I have only encountered one. This case 18 of great interest because i1t con- cerns a stepfather who himself had had a difficult youth .He joined up, as military life appealed to him and became a Regular sergeant.During the occupation, he joined the police which resulted in his detention in a Dutch internment camp, after the liberation. He recounts with obvious pleasure. the "i1ll-treatment" which he suffered according to him. 1n this camp. During his visit to me he delighted i1in showing me a hideous wound on his arm. He confided that he wanted to join the police again. but in a special branch as his interests lay i1n opium hashish and abortion. In his spare time he constructed daggers and scimitars of which he had a collection of about forty. adorning the walls of the room.When a trip to the Zoo was un- dertaken he carried several swords just in case the bears should escape. According to his wife he 13 un- controlled. quick tempered and unpredictable in the home and he works off all his pent wup emotions on his fifteen year old stepson. This boy 1s the eldest of three children from the woman's first marriage. -7 - He once threw a gravy boat at the child's head, with- out any provocation.lle is also absolutely intolerant of his own small son. In romping with the children, he 1s vicious.He distrusts his wife and threatens to stab her. The stepson's work at school is under par, a fact which infuriates his stepfather.The boy's in- tractability and impudence annoy him intensely. The school has made no complaint of the child's general beha- viour or the manner in whichhemixes with his school- fellows. Examination has shown that this boy, in actual fact of a very sensitive character ,has put up a bar- rier as a defence against the attacks which he has grown to expect from his stepfather. In actuel fact, all these accusations can be reduced to an i1ntensified reaction to puberty and only when the stepfather's terrorisation is taken into consideration. can they be seenin their proper perspective.The only redeeming feature was the stepfather's detailed and pressing request for a foster home for his stepson. Mental cruelty to children leads to mental in- Jury and this,as opposed to physical cruelty, is not S0 1mmediately obvious., CLEMENS SCHRONER 1) Another difficulty is that the victim cannot escape from a compulsion to keep the trouble hidden from the outside world, and this can be a prolonged affair. In recon- structing what happens,we find that the child's wond image, formed for it by its parents, collapses. This happens, for instance, when the child is deprived of some thing upon which it depends, GISELA VON LEVETZOW 8) cites a tragic example wherein a child's pet rabbit 18 beaten to death and the child made to put the dead rabbit beside it in bed, What should be a source of security to the child 1s suddenly taken away or,even worse, becomes a source of insecurity. The child is thrown back on its own resources,1t is attacked and threatened by those with whom it has a natural bond.This,in my opinion,is the - 8 - main factor of child cruelty, of which parents are guilty.The child cannot get away from the situation, nelther in reality nor emotionally. The interaction between offender and victim con- tinues, The victim is imprisoned in the clutches of the offender and there he stays.even when the actual si- tuation belongs to the past. The child still carries the remains of 1ts broken image. The most immediate consequence,especially when the cruelty has also been of a physical type. is fear. It can be manifested as such, but can also take the form of shyness of a chro- nic type, a lack of faith in adults in general or a contributory cause of the "sealed lips" attitude, so often encountered., ° This fear can also manifest itself in a variety of symptoms: lack of appetite, bed-wetting and other dirty habits whimpering and snivelling, nightmares. And so begins the vicious circle. The child who"won't" eat, the child with “dirty" habits, the "snivellers", all these children are troubl esome and arouse feelings of trritation repulsion. This fear must be fought and what better weapon than one's own aggression? But this aggression 1s answered by aggression in the adult., and no wonder! Another result of cruelty 1s the f u g u e , the child tries to find security., 1t 1looks for safety. But where? It has to fall back on the very persons who have robbed it of security. This 1s not only reality, but an invincible lack of freedom. The child cannot escape from the situation. The fugue 1is a reaction caused by panic,1t gets the child nowhere 1t doesnot bring the longed for security and provokes adul ts to aggression. Its only advantage lies in the fact that it works as an alarm signal .But the question 1s,whether 1t 1snot too late,the fugue remains, even in surroundings which would appear to offer security, because the surroundings which should offer security were responsible for the child's loss of faith 1n its small world. Another reaction to cruelty is an extreme devotion to those responsible for the victim's upbringing. It seems that the child reasons, consciously, that it must cajole its parents into returningits lost securi- ty. Excessive devotion can arise from a very varied number of reasons.Sometimes it is a child's -‘expression of despair, a scared attemp at adjustment. Excessive devotion in an older child is the voiceof its feeling of guilt,which becomes very obvious in cases of pseudo- . educational cruelty. Another driving force in this over affectionate victim is the need to belie the reali- ty of the situationin which it finds itself.The child behaves as if the unpleasant situation simply does not exist. It is being nice....how could anyone want to harm it? Lastly,excessive devotion can be a cover for pseudo-devotion.A false adjustment is developed. The inner life is violated, it becomes meaningl ess. Another symbolic emotional disorderisa s a d o - masochi1stiec attachment between the offen- der and the victim. It has reached the stage where one cannot live without the other. The child cannot escape from this situation and strange as it may seem, 1t needs it as it needs its daily bread. It extracts Pleasure from the unpleasantness. It looks for the baiting and humiliation.It places itselfin all sorts of gsituations where it can become the butt for its tormentors taunts, The child will reproduce the original incident during contact with a brother, friend or playmate, I am of the opinion that repudlatlonlfsnot enough in itself, to create a pathological character,but that this form of cruelty can be a contributory cause to the creation of a true masochist, One outcome of great importance, however, is aggressionin all its varied forms whether or not ac- companied by fear,as a forerunner to fear, or resul- ting from fear. The child which is a v1ct1m to this, will find other victims, it will vent its pent up 10 emotions on 1nanimate objects. It will turn on creatu- res more helpless than 1tself, such as animals or other smail children, It will try to provoke those responsible for 1ts loss of security by means of petty theft destructiveness and that sort of thing. The victim will wait until the time comes whenit no lon- ger feels helpless., As an adult it will re enact the experiences which have caused its own misery, 1dent1- fying 1tself with the victims thereby becoming one of them. This has led EUSTAGE CHESSER 9) to make the grave prediction that the development of an individual who has been subjected to cruelty in youth.is impalred to such a degree that the i1ndividual will not be f1t- ted for parenthood. Before dealing with the second groupof children, those who are the victimof their own personal charm.I feel that I should point out that the distinction be- tween the aforementioned two categories 1s not so great as my grouping would suggest. Attraction and repulsion often go hand in hand as will be recognized 1n those cases of mental cruelty where the adult plays a sort of cat and mouse game with the child for exam- ple promising the child something which 1t will not get Here one notes that the accent falls on repulsion The child provokes an ambivalent emotional reaction in the adult. Sex appeal 1s not always attractive and certainly not in one s own child. Even less if the adult con- cerned 1s not attracted by the opposite sex. I have in mind the case of a five year old girl who was definitely hostile towards her mother but did everything in her power to win her father’'s affection,. This repelled her father lle was 1rritated by the child who. 1n his words. "looks at me with an expressim more fitted to a mature woman of twenty., a thing 1 cannot appreciate 1n any child of my own"., This 1s an 1llustration of a child's provocation, even 1f. as in this case. 1t 18 not reciprocated. partly because - 11 - the father was a homosexual. A remarkable example of the blending of attrac- tion and repulsion 1s noted 1in those cases where the assault has been ameans of expressing aggression to- wards the child or via the child,6 towards the marriage partner. This 1s clearly indicated in the case of a step- father who interfered with his eleven year old step- daughter because he discovered that his wife was golng out with other men.When under the influence of al cohol he had sexual relations with the girl by then twelve years old. This was accompanted by the threat: "There. now you'il have my baby!"This man had already served a six weeks prison sentence for cruelty to a seven year old girl. It i's also interesting tonote that those posses- sed of an erotic appeal are 30 often threatened with the worst type of aggression. namely muarder. 1f they attempt to evade or escape the sexual relation.l have encountered a number of girls, in my contart with 1n- cest vietims, of whom the father or stepfather has threatened a murderous beating 1n the event of the slightest betrayal or refusal to participate in 1nde- cent relations.I shall return later to the fact that 1t has repeatedly been shown that it ts not the act of incest i1tself which produces a damaging effect but the threats which accompany i1t whereby the father and men 1n general become terrifying aggressors. The father- 1mage is distorted so that 1t differs very 11ttle from that of the cruel father, It i1s obvious that 1t 1s fear of exposure that prompts the father to pledge his daughter to silence. While the girl places a blind faith 1in his judgment and accepts him as a sexual partner, this pledge 1s not necessary. Incest in its simplest form. 1s merely a continuation and refine- ment of the caresses the girl receives as a toddler. With this in mind it is not hard to believe that at - 12 - the start she accepts her father's claim that "Fathers always do this with their daughters". The father = attraction for the girl and her own sense of rivalry to her mother will guarantee that she will not con- fide in the latter.Complications arise when the girl confides in a friend and hears the truth. Or perhaps her interest in boys is aroused and she then finds that her father does everything 1n his power to stop her contact with them. Complications also arise when father and daughter disagree about something or 1f there 1s a chance of pregnancy. An only daughter. 15 years of age ana the eldest of three came tomy consulting rooms with her mother, The visit was a result of the continual unpleasantness between father and daughter which arose from his ob- jections to her going out with boys. After the libe- ration this man had returned from Germany.His dauaghter was then s1x years old and he saw her more or less “or the first time.A remark passed at the time.shows that even then she had a strong attraction for him. The father showed the child a great deal of affection and according to the mother. romped with her 1n a way which was indecent. The girl's menstruation started when she was thirteen and shortly after this her father took advantage of the mother's absence to have sexual i1ntercourse with his daughter.This situation continued until the girl began to feel the burden of her father's attachment, She was not allowed to stand by the window because she would attract attention from the boys who passed, she was not allowed to talk to her girl friend. because in all probability their conversation would be about boys. She was not allowed to go out 1n the evening let alone with boys, In a word, her father watched over her as a jealous lover. Once. her father gave her a hiding and then she threatened to expose him. This led to his confession. Both the mother and the father are of the opinion that the girl 1s in danger - 13 - as a vresult of her provocative manner. The mother considers that the girl would certainly have the 1m- pudence to "take a man away from his wife". She says of her husband that he 1s "girl crazy". The father claims that his daughter i1nvited him after a talk with a girl friend. She repeated this conversation to her father "Would you dare to ask your father?" to which the tather answered "and what did you say?" "“Not I?" the girl told him. "A few days later 1t happened! “"added the father by way of explanation.Examination of the child shows her to be physically mature sensual and of a not very intelli gent type whose only 1nterests are finery superficial pleasure and boys.This helps to clarify the 1nterac- tion between the childish, sensual father and his carefree daughter And what role does the mother play? It strikes us.that 1t took her nearly a year to decide to ask for help. If this gives the 1mpression that she accepted the situation. this impression is further born out by the manner in which she relates the de- tails as 1f one might 1magine 1t had li1ttle interest for her.The motive for her attitude could be summed up as follows: "Rather +this, than that my husband should go to strange women!'". A searching talk with the father showed that the wlfe was unable to give him the sort of love he needed. He callshis wife hard and unfeeling.In his daughter's cordial nature he finds recompense for what his wife denies him.He has become his daughter s jealous lover, a slave to her favours, afraid of any boy who might take his daughter away from him. This case 1s a classic example of the triangle in a family; the man who. feeling that his wife de- prives him of his rights turns to the sprightly daughter if only for this reason: a daughter who re- gards the father as anatural partner in sexual 1nter- course and feels drawn to him by some obscure compul- sion; and finally the woman who shuts her eyes to - 14 - the act of incest to save her marriage, partly to cover her own guilt and partly as a result of sound reasoning, The study of twenty five cases of 1ncest has convinced me that the root of the cause of each case differs. Each case should be judged in view of the matual interaction between the members of the family. As a rule 1t is the relationship between the parents and that of each parent to the child,which i1s i1mpor- tant ,Sometimes other children are concerned. That 1s the case when the father has sexual relations with more than one daughter and the daughters regard each other as rivals. The mother's vrole is the most constant. It is a remarkable part that she plays 1n the realisation of this i1ncestuous relationship. The example which has been given shows that the mother can accept the re- lations between her husband and daughter.In only two of the twelve cases of incestuous relations between a father and daughter. did the mother lodge a com- plaint., As opposed to this. eight out of fourteen mothers lodged a complaint against incestuous step- fathers. This would seem to indicate that it 1s hard for a mother to protect her child against 1i1ts own father. The situation is even more 1ironic when the mother helps to promote 1ncestuous relations by allow- ing the victim to sleepin the same bed as her father,. She herself takes a separate bed, sometimes even a separate room, Sometimes. albeit wunwillingly. 1 get the 1impression that the mother forces her dauaghter on the father in order that she herself may be spared hi1s sexual advances. And so the question must arise as to whether the root of the trouble lies where one would the least expect 1t: in a deranged mother and child relationship. The psychiatrist is repeatedly faced with the problem as to which of the persons concerned i1s the actual victim., I have so often noticed that experts 15 -~ who have examined the father 1n such a case have been impressed by his i1mmaturity. childishness and help- lessness. 1 have read more than one case history 1in which 1t transpires that a man after a long and vain search for love and support decides that he can find refuge in a relationship with hi1s daughter When the situation comes to light he 1s a broken man robbed of all security and he is faced with a problem to which the only answer seems to be suicide. Those who attempts to delve into the life historyofone of these perverted fathers (who although adult are 1in actual fact juvenile) are disinclined to place the entire responsibility on them for their very reprehensible actions, The opinion of the victims themselves 1s some- times rather the same as this. For example. I have in mind three girls from one family, all of whom have been 1nterfered with by the stepfather. Their mother sexually frigid towards her husband. illtreated her <children beating them putting them outside the door with no clothes on. This woman sent her eldest daughter to her husband s bed while she herself slept in another bed.These children met only with hostility from their mother, The woman did lodge a complaint but not for the benefit of her daughters. The reason was that she felt she had been slighted. The girls relate everything which their stepfather has done. without the slightest prevarication. They like him very much they have never regarded his ad- vances as unpleasant rather the contrary. After all. he was the only person who was kind to them. When delving into the tragic circvumstances which may have led the offender to his act. we must not lose sight of the fact that children must be protected against this very act At this point, a reminder 1n connection with this fact does not seem to me to be out of place for the following reason. In the inter- est of the prisoner's rehabilitation.it 1s sometimes - 16 - considered advisable to allow the offender to live under the same roof as the victim again, in spite of the dangers attached +to this situation. Keeping 1n mind the change of relationship which has taken place between the victim and the man who has served his prison sentence, it is not hard to realize that the child is in danger of the man's vengeance. for now they face each other as betrayed victim and his be- trayer. It may not always be necessary to keep the adult offender and juvenile victim apart permanently, but I do think that a great deal of caution is needed in their re-union. I have in mind a stepfather who,after the failure of his first marriage, took vengeance on his ex-wife by means of transferring it to the woman he then mar- ried and her fourteen year old daughter. He admits sexual assault on the latter in order to strike at the mother towards whom he had an aversion. When the daughter asked her mother for help. the woman tried in vain,to protect her young daughter.When the step- father noticed this,he started taunting the woman and threatened to go on strike if she didn't stop inter- fering. Under threat,this child was forced to suffer sexual interference for six months.The complaint was finally lodged, only when the father threatened to murder the girl, her small brother and her mother if they did not all cooperate in the bringing about of a proper sexual relation.This was the last straw for the mother, who then lodged her complaint. This offender had a very suspicious past. As a boy he had spent a long time in a remand home. As a youngster he had already shown sadistic tendencies. The childrenof his first marriage had been abominably 1ll1-treated.While divorce proceedings were going on, he assaulted his wife. He had been put in a psychia- tric home several times., Investigation showed what terror the girl had suffered and the fear she had ex- perienced.The psychiatrist who had handled the man's - 17 - case had given warning that the offender must be kept strictly separated from the girl. In spite of this warning,in the interest of the man's rehabilitation, he was sent home after his sentence. Only after the stepfather had made several attempts to rape the child. was she. by means of an application, placed in a Home as being i1n need of care and attention. There was a breach between mother and daughter, K because the latter bl amed her mother for allowing her stepfather to re- turn to the home. It is hardly necessary to point out that the after-effects on the child victim of incest depend on whether or not the act was accompanied by aggres- sion. In the type of case mentioned above. the effect on the child will be comparable with that of cruelty as the act of incest was of a sadistic character. The gravity of the threats which sometimes accompany in- cestuous relations should not be underestimated.There are also the threats that the offender utters in prison which also terrorize the <child and keep her in a state of nervous anxiety. I have in mind the case of a child.under super- vision in my clinic, who was in a state of constant fear that her stepfather,when discharged from prison, would come straight to the clinic and murder her. Apart from the fear, which can be very violent, a definite aggression towards the mother can be seen. The child feels that the mother has deserted 1t,even abandoned it. An older girl will realize that her mother has put her husband before herself and when this involves a stepfather, and not her own father, the wound will be almost unbearable. The immediate effects of 1ncest in which the sadistic element is absent, are less startling. But this does not mean they are any the less 1mportant. On the one side they affect character development and on the other give rise to conflicts. Girls of 12 and .18 - 13 are most usually involved in cases of incest.These girls are either approaching or just starting Ppuber- scence which means that they will have experienced sexual relations very early, a thing which, in our civilisation can lead to promiscuity. 1 cannot be certain of this theory, but I have encountered one case which has bearing on it. It involves a girl who had been i1nterfered with by her mother's lover since her tenth year. By the time she was fifteen she had a reputation for easy virtue. among the boys in the nelghbourhood, Another point is,the relation towards the part- ner-in-incest. The father image 1is distorted. He is no longer her superior but her equal. The father 1s sometimes even submissive and has become an ingratiating 1inferior. He has lost authority with his daughter and this will in time, find expression in the daughter's impudence to the father. She will learn to wind him round her little finger and to ex- tract certain advantages in exchange for her favours; special gifts and perhaps even little outings with boys of her own age,all of which must be kept secret from the mother., The trouble starts when the father suddenly assumes the role of jealous lover (a report on sach a case has already been given). This often leads to exposure of the whole affair. The father could have been the Ideal-Ego image had he not lost the girl‘s respect and her character development will be impaired by this loss. Inner conflicts arise from .an awareness of her +treachery towards her mother in taking her father's affection and this conflict will be equally due to a feeling of having betrayed the father when the affair has been exposed. I have the impression that the father's attraction for the girl carries more weight than the realisation that she has betrayed her mother. Besides, I have already pointed out that as a rule, the mother does not oppose the incestuous relationship, if it happens to suit her purpose., Furthermore.,the father in question will not 19 - hesi1tate to emphasize the fact that he has not time for hi1is wife which fact must necessarily ease the girl's conscience with regard to her mother. Afar more 1mportant factori1s the child's feeling of guilt concerning the father who has been sent to gaol on her account. (I published a report on this question, some years ago 10)).It can be assumed that the father's arrest and the subsequent separation arouse a feeling of guilt which does more harm than the act of incest 1tself.This guilt complex concern- ing her father, results 1n the girl taking all the blame both on her father s behalf and her own. This 1s because the aftermath of i1ncest does more damage than the actual offence for 1t 1s often a fact that the daughter has 1f unconsciously. desired the re- lationship as much as her father. I mentioned at the beginning an uncomplicated interaction 1in which the child "cried before 1t was hurt" and as a result of this action. provoked the adult to renewed aggression. It must have occurred to the reader that I passed over the 1nitial blows without further reference and it 1s these blows after all, which are the very cause of the guilt complex. Admittedly I tried further on, to atone for this om- mission by pointing out that children who repel and provoke their parents in this way are the ones who do not conform to the pattern of their parent s lives, Still further on I tried to give an impression of the doubtful chance of these children ever reaching a fully matured character, and I drew attention to the fact that they run the risk of growing up into the same type of parents as their own.Their own children will not fit into the pattern of their life and so the vicious circle begins, Several different interpretations canbe offered concerning this.One 1s to emphasize that today s of- fenders are yesterday's victims., On the other hand, 1f taking the future 1nto account.one might emphasize the enormity of the offence 1tself. when 1t is known . 920 - that 1t will have such far reaching effects on the future generation., Finally the question of cause and effect can be shelved and one can concentrate on the actual situation, the relationship of the child and adul t today ., For this purpose.1t wouldbe advisable to return to the problem of the child which is a victim of i1ts own charm for a moment. . This child was not beaten but caressed. It grew accustomed to these caresses and sexual tnterference and accepted them with childish tnnocence,at first Later on however, they are accep- ted with repugnance and quite often, with pleasure. Too little is known about the damaging effect on fu ture generations.In any case 1t is not clear whether today's offenders are 1n general.the victim of their own experilences in youth. As far as the viectims are concerned and once again, speaking generally,one has the 1mpression that later devel opment is not radically damaged.This means that we can rightly limit ourselves to handling the actual situation, I have already mentioned that the root of the problem 1n child cruelty as faras the victim 1s con- cerned 1s the destruction of the child's i1mage of 1ts parents and adalts i1n general. The same applies to the child which i1savictimof indecent assault.Adults represent authority and protection to a child and it counts on this by virtue of the natural relationship which should exist between parents and their children, "M1t einem sol chen Verhal tnis zwischen Eltern und Kind sind sexuelle Handlungen vollkommen unvereinbar. Die Aatoritat wird untergraben. das Vertrauen gebrochen" BAX 11). The 1mage which the child has formed of 1ts parents has been violated.The problem which faces us 18 how to protect this parent image. I believe that there is but one answer to this: interaction be- tween parent and child must be improved, a healthy relationship must be achieved.People must be preven- ted from entering tnto matrimony before they have learned to understand each other and to realize their - 91 - individual and mutual responsibilities Parents must reali1ze that they carry the great responstbility of the child‘s physical and mental wel fare. When expec- ting the child both parents must realize that they will have to accept their child "for better and for worse" when 1t 1s born. HOUSDEN 12) has quite rightly made adistinction between biological parenthood and parentcraft which means being a true parent.creating a happy atmosphere for the child,an "affair of the spirit" 1 sometimes think that we are threatened with failure on amatter of great importance, these days. That 1s the question of preparation for parenthood: sexual education. But preparation for parentcraft demands even more 1t means "how to enjoy married and family life free from sex—-obsession". Parentcraft (s the mental attitude in the family circle. It can nay 1ttt must be taught at school and after leaving school to future and young parents Tn England it 1s taught to parents in prison those who to all 1ntents and purposes are failures, There should be a sound system of parent education as to the true meaning of their parental obligations 1in this country. That 1s., 1f preventative steps are to be taken. I close with a quotation from Housden s programme for the prevention of cruelty to children.It 1s the sux- teenth and last paragraph: "Almost too much has been written of the freedom of the individual and too lit- tle of the fate of those who are the result of that freedom.If men and women have the right of biological ful filment, what of the rights of those who are 1its products?" - 929 - RESUME L auteur commence par souligner 1l'importance de l1'interaction que de la part de son milieu l'enfant subi1t avant de devenirla victime du délinquant adul- te. Il distingue deux groupes dont 1'un comprend les enfants repoussant leur entourage et 1'autre ceux qui au contraire sont les victimes de leur force attrac- tive. Entre ces deux catégories le contraste n'est pas bien défini: attraction et répulsion se donnent souvent la main. Le groupe des enfants exercant une force répulsive sur leur entourage comprend tous ceux qui ne forment pas une partie 1ntégrante du plan de vie de leurs parents: les enfants naturels et extra-conjugaux, les enfants non-desires et ceuxd’'un autre lit,les enfants differant beaucoupde 1'image formée par les parents, donc les enfants contrefaits,chétifs, affectés d'une maladie chronique, faibles d'esprit, peu doués ou relativement trop peu doués,les enfants dontle carac- tere ne correspond pas aux grandes esperances des parents, ceux qui sont difficiles a élever.,bref: tou- tes les "tuiles", Ces enfants risquent d'2tre mal traites corporellement et/ou psychiquement, Comme les consequences des outrages psychiques sont considérés: 1 angoisse visible ou cachée, 1'agression, la fugue, 1'exces d'attachement.la sujétion d'ordre sado-maso- chiste, autrement dit: les deformations de caractere, Comme des exemples d'enfants-victimes de leur charme 1'auteur cite les relations incestueuses aux- quelles 1 aggression donne souvent une nuance speciale, L 'auteur a etudié 25 cas d'inceste et il conclut que chaque cas merite d'@tre jugé a la lumiere de la mutuelle interaction existant entre les membres de la famille. Ce qui., chez 1'avenement de la relation in- cestueuse, est le plus constant, c'est le role joué par la mere.En sealement 2 des 12 cas d'inceste entre pere et fille, la mere avait déposé une plainte, Par 23 contre, 8 sur 14 meres denoncerent le beau-pere 1n- cestueux. Ce qul porte a vrolre que cen:-est pas sans faire de la peine a la mere que de protéger 1 enfant contre son propre pere. On est amené a chercher 1'origine de 1'1nceste dans une relation troublée de mere a enfant, Ici le psychiatre se trouve fréquemment place devant le probleme d avoir a determiner laquelle des dramatis personae 1nteressees est de fairt la victime. L'expert qui examine le pere est frappé par le fait que celuil-ci parait ne pas avotr atteint sa maturite il remarque sa naiveté son 1ncapacite de se defendre sol-meéme, en un mot sa detresse Cec1 peut avolr des consequen: es juridiques etant donnée la circonstance que 1 1ntéret du reclassement du delinquant parait parfors exiger que 1 auteur dua delit et la victime se retrouvent de nouveau sous le meme toi1t cecl1 avec tous les dangers pour 1 ' enfant que cela comporte, ou l'on ne doit pas oublier que parfoisla relation entrele delinquant (adulte) et la victime(juvénlle)parait - aux yeux du premier -~ etre renversee. Pour 1'enfant les suites de 1 inceste dependent du degré de l1'agression additionnelle. St 1'inceste a un cote sadique., les suttes correspondent a celles des sévices subies. Quant aux consequences pour la formation du caractere ouvn n'en sait pas beaucoup lorsqu'i1l s'agit d un cas d inceste ne comprenant pas un élément composant d’'ordre sadique. Chez un des cas qui furent observes par 1 auteur. c'etalt dejaen bas age quela jeune fille en question s'adonna a la promiscuité.Les conflits qui chez 1'en- fant surgissent se rapportent en partie a des senti- ments de cul pabilité vis-a-visde la mere ceci d autant molns distinctement quelamere a plus activement con- tribué a favoriser la realisation de la relation 1n- cestueuse. Cette relation fait dua tort aux rapports avec le pere parcequ'elle produirt 1'eliminationde son autorite et aussi de li1nstance-du-moi1-1deal qu en vertu - 924 - de son prestige il aurait pu représenter pour la jeune fille, Mais ce qui 1mporte bien plus.c'est le sentiment d'avoir fauté qu‘éprouve 1'enfant quandle pere échoue en prison (voir: Tijdschrift voor Strafrecht - Revue de Droit pénal - 63, 1954, 132: Problemes autour de l'inceste).Le fait d'@tre séparé du pere détenu fait naitrve un sentiment de culpabilité qui laisse des traces bien plus profondes que ne le fait 1:inceste comme tel. En accentuant 1 importancedel'interaction ayant precéde les sévices respectivement 1 'inceste.l'auteur tire la conclusion quela prévention des actes bl ama- bles dont 1'enfant devient la victime est dans une vigilance perpetuelle a fin d'assurer,dans la mesure du possible,l'etabl issement et le maintien d'une saine interaction. L'auteur estime que 1'éclaircissement donné aux parents et aux futurs parents. en vue de 1'exercice correct de leur "parentcraft" (influence parentale), puisse etre une mesure préventive par excellence. Extrait de: "Het kind als slachtoffer"(L'Enfant vic- time ) ,Nederlands Tijdschrift voor Criminologie (Revue Néerlandaise de Criminologie), 15e Année. no. 5, Oc- tobre 1959, pages 139-154, 1) - 95 _ REFERENCES Bertha L.F.Clemens Schroner, Psychische kindermis- handeling, Martinus Nijhoff, fs-Gravenhage 1956, 2) L. Bartemeier, The contribution of the father to 3) the mental health of the family. Amer.J.Psychiat. 110, 1953, 277. Elechel Das Vaterprobl em heute1115021010glscher H1ns1cht Seine Bedeutung fiir die Tiefenpsycholo- gie, Psyche 8, 1954, 161. 4) M.Debesse,Le sentiment paternel dans 1a psychol o- 5) 6) 7) 8) 9) 10) 11) 12) gie masculine,]l 'Ecole des Parents, 1953-54,No.2, 3. H.Plosz,Das Kind in Brauch und Sitte der Volker, Th, Grieben's Verl., Leipzig 1911. Hildegard Hetzer.Psychologi sche Beguachtung misz- handel ter Kinder,Z.f.angew.Psychol .50,1936, 209. Leslie G. Housden, The Prevention of Cruelty to Children, London 1955. GiselavonLevetzow,Die seelische Kindermiszhand- lung, Heidelberg 1934, E. Chesser, Cruelty to Children, London 1951, D.Arn. van Krevelen, Problemen rondom de incest, T.v.Strafr, 63, 1954. 132. J.Bax,Das Inzestproblem,Folia psychiatr. neurol. neurochir. neerl., 61, 1958, 328. Leslie G. Housden, The Teaching of Parentcraft, London 1951. | FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS ~ THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS 2 I1 THE NONVIOLENT SEX OFFENDER COMPARED WITH CERTAIN OTHER PRISONER TYPES Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands) THE NONVIOLENT SEX OFFENDER COMPARED WITH CERTAIN OTHER PRISONER TYPES 1) by Norman S. Hayner University of Washington Seattl e, Washington, U.S.A. Parole board members will often comment that an offender "follows a pattern". By this they mean that among prisoners who have committed a given variety of Crime, there may be repetition of a key personality trait, or a general likeness in the relationship to the family or community from which the prisoners come, Or a similarity in the role they play in the society of captives. During the time that the writer was interviewing men "within prison walls", five patterns seemed to €merge most frequently. 2) The present paper gives Special attention to the personal and social charac- teristics that appeared to be associated with one of these prisoner types, the nonviolent sex offender. In 1957 an unpublished tentative report gave the 1) This paper is an aspect of a 1larger study which has been accepted for publicationin full, late in 1960 or early in 1961,by the American Sociological Review. 2) Throughout the course of the five years when the author was a member of the Washington State Board of Prison Terms and Paroles he interviewed more than six thousand prisoners.With each of these he talked on an average of two occasions. Prior to board hearings at the prisons the case records of men to be interviewed had been carefully studied. These included an admission summary prepared by a Professional staff. Often in addition there had been office conferences with interested parties. - 9 - following 1informal hunches about traits that were thought on the basis of experience to be associated with the so-cglled "rapo": The occasional prisoner: who shows a clear-cut pattern for violent rapeisnot included in the 1n- mate epithet "rapo".This term applies to the non- violent sex offender who abuses children carnally or takes indecent liberties with them. The "rapo" usually comes from a low-standard background,both economically and morally,and is slightly less than average in intel ligence,but has a good work record. As part of the picture there is often an unsatis- factory sex relation with the wife,frequently there are psychological barriers preventing contact with other mature females, and there are children available and friendly in the home or neighborhood. Al though usually non-criminal in identification,he has pro- bably been engaging in the deviant sex behavior for a considerable period of time. A man who has had intercourse or has taken indecent 1liberties with his daughters,orwith any little girl for that mat- ter,1s despised even more by convicts than by people outside.He often turns to religion. As a result,a major challenge to any energetic prison chaplain 1s to make the religious program so vital that it appeals to "self-respecting cons" as well as to "rapos". Al though usually classed in prison as a "ding",or outcast, the "rapo" occasionally plays the pro—administration,anticon role of "square john", W.T., for example, pleaded guilty to carnal knowledge of his older daughter on three specific dates. Actually he had had intercourse with her from the time she was eleven to age sixteen 1nclusive. Just prior to his arrest he was starting in on his fourteen-year-old daughter.Sex relations with his wife had been unsatisfactory.When arrested he was operating a small, independent logging outfit, In contrast to many "rapos",he is exceptionally high in computational and clerical interest and is plan- - 3 - ning to take high school courses while in prison, He seems to be playing the role of "square john" in the institution and gave us the common "rapo" lament: "All the 1inmates talk about 1is crime!" For the purposes of identifying the "rapo" ope- rationally and studying each prisoner so identified to determine the presence or absence of the hypothesi- zed traits, he was defined as the nonviolent sex of- fender who abuses children under the age of sixteen. The offense for which he was serving time must have been carnal knowledge,incest, or indecent liberties. One conviction of this type was enough, but there should be no record of any other type of felony. The other offender types studied were themore or less skilled con forger; the alcoholic forger who writes worthless checks during periods of heavy drinking; the So0-called "heavy", a property offender older than twenty-five whose crimes were characterized by a wil- lingness to use force as in armed robbery; and the "graduate",a property offender twenty-five or younger wWith two prior commitments to juvenile institutions. In the search for offender types 1,691 male sen- tence cases (January 1, 1955 to June 30,1957) from the confidential files of the Washington State Board of Prison Terms and Paroles in Olympia were examined.All offenders who satisfied any of the five sets of iden- tifying characteristics(339 individuals) were selec-— ted for special study. In addition, a sample of the residual group, 198 in all, was chosen as a control. After the offender types and controls had been Selected, each case record was studied to determine the frequency with which any of the characteristics assumed to be present were actually present.In spite Or a rather complete case file, certain items, such as the presence of psychological barriers preventing fontact with mature females other than wife for the rapo”, were not available; and other items, like degree of identification wi th religious activities for the "rapo", were recorded so infrequently that they were not hel pful . Earmarks used to identify various characteristics thought to be associated with the non-violent sex of - fender are listed below: A good outside work record was indicated when an inmate had held a job for two years or more, his employer was willing to rehire, or both. The alleged"low moral background"was checked by asking the question: Was a memberof theman's family (parent, sibling,or other relative)a delinquent,a gambler, a pimp,or a prostitute?An unsatisfactory sex rela- tion withhis wife from the inmate's standpoint was either revealed in his own statement abouthis crime or had been reported, sometimes with tears, to a mem- ber of the professional staff.A prisoner waslisted as playing the role of "ding" if study of his file disclosed two of the following earmarks: evidence ' of low status among inmates, indication of being shunned or outcast, extreme religious activity in prison; behavior irrational or unpredictable. Major Findings A comparison of the italicized percentages in Table 1 with thosein the same row that are not ital- 1cized will suggest the extent +to which hunches re- garding associated characteristics were supported by study of the records. 2) 2) Themedian chronological age for each offender type was: for the con forger, 39; for +the alcoholic forger, 37; for the "rapo", 41; for the "heavy", 33; for the "graduate",20; and for the control | 26, As to race; the "rapos" and the "graduates" were simil ar to the residual group which was 8 per cent Negro and 4 per cent Indian. However, almost all forgers were white(there was one Negro con forger and one Indian alcoholic forger),and one of every four "heavies" was a Negro. TABLE 1 CHARACTERISTICS ASSOCIATED WITH FIVE OFFENDER TYPES AND WITH A SAMPLE OF THE RESIDUAL GROUP* —— Con Alcoholic "Rapo" "Heavy" "Graduate" Residual forger forger CHARACTERISTICS N = 49 N - 73 N = 54 N = 66 N - 97 N = 198 * Num- Per Num- Per Num- Per Num- Per Num- Per Num- Per ber cent ber cent ber cent ber cent ber cent ber cent A. Personality Traits 1. Dcpendent* 13 26.5 55 75.3 25 46.3 11 16.7 9 9.3 43 21.7 2. "Anti-social reaction" 26 53.1 11 15.1 9 16.7 50 75.5 81 83.5 59 29.8 3. Ability to rationalize* 24 49.0 6 8.2 3 5.6 12 18.2 10 10.3 13 6.6 4. 1C 120 or above 18 36.7 16 21.9 4 7.4 16 24.2 13 13. 4 29 14,6 5. Educ. achicvement 10th grade or above* 36 73.5 26 35.6 10 18.5 21 31.8 18 18.6 60 30.3 B. Family and Community Relations 6. Member of family delinquent 3 6.1 6 8.2 3 S.6 16 24,2 28 28.9 16 8.1 7. Unsatisfactory sex lifc* 3 6.1 2.7 24 44.4 3.0 2 2.1 8 4.0 8. Good outside work record* 6 12,2 12 16. 4 30 S5.5 7 10.6 8 8.2 36 18. 2 9. Lowecr-lower socio. -econ. status 12 24.5 24 32.9 35 64.8 33 50.0 55 56.7 75 37.9 10. Lower-middle socio. -econ. status 20 40.8 26 35.6 3 5.6 4 6.1 11 11.3 40 20, 2 C. Role Played in Prison 1i. "Qutlaw'*» 1 2.0 0 0.0 ) 0.0 8 12,1 28 28.8 5 2.5 12. Escape or attempted escape 12 24,5 5 6.8 o 0.0 20 30.3 20 20.6 S 2.5 13. "Right guy''** 27 55 1 4 630 3 5.6 54 81.8 61 62.9 62 31.3 14. Shuns self-improvement~ - 23 47 0 43 58 9 6 11,1 52 78.8 62 63.9 87 43.9 15. "Politician'* 19 3 - 9 23 1 1.9 1 1.5 0 0.0 9 4.5 16. "Square john"* 0 ; 16 21. Y 29 53 7 1 1.5 2 2.1 86 43, 4 17. "Ding"* ! 11, 19 35 2 2 3.0 5 5.1 10 5.1 D. Seriousness as Judged by Board 18. Minimum sent, 7£ yrs. Or more > 12 BEE 6 8.2 12 22 2 33 50.0 18 18.6 23 11.6 Both types and sample were selccted from 1;691 Washington St.ite .entence cmi, January 1, 1955, to Junc 30, 1957, Hypothesized characteristic or sclected carmark significantly diffcrent from the other types and from the residual at the 1 per cent level. Significantly differcnt at the S per cent level. - 6 - In addition to themajor hypothesized traits which also have been placed in 1talics. certain earmarks that proved to be i1ndependently differentiating have been included. Table 1 shows, too, whether or not chi- squares 1ndicate that an hypothesized characteristic or selected earmark 1is signiflicantly different from the other types and from the residual at the 5 per cent level or better. The "rapo" came from a lower-lower socio-economlc status more frequently than the others, but the "graduate" and the "heavy" were close to him 1n this respect. On the item. member of family delinquent, the "rapo" and the con forger had low percentages, while the "graduate" and "heavy" had high rates. If this 1s an adequate index, then the "rapo". in com- parison with the others, does not have a "low moral background"”. The median I§ for the "rapo" i1s 93.5; for the con forger, 113.5; for the others, including the control, 104 . 1. The "vrapo" has the lowest per- centage of those with IQ 120 or above and the highest for IQ 59 or below, but the differences are small. He has a significantly better outside work record than any of the other offender typesor the residual. Al though more than twice as many "rapos" as controls were married the former wecre much more likely to consider their sex lives unsatisfactory.The connection between this fact and their carnal abuse of young childreni1s obvious.In prison the "rapo", to an extent much greater than for the other types or the residual, 1s forced to play the role of "ding" but many of them do turn out to be "square johns" . It will be noted that the con forger plays the role of "politician" (one who manipulates 1nmates and staff)three times as frequently as the alcoholic for- ger and more than ei1ght times as of ten as the control . There 1s also the unanticipated finding that the con forger vanked high in "antt-social reaction” and highest of all 1n the earmark,ability to rationalize hi1s behavior so that i1t appears warranted . reasonable and justified, The al coholi1c forger was significantlymore depen- dent in personality than the other inmates. 3) Psychologically speaking, he leaned heavily on his mother in 31,5 per cent of the cases, on his wife 1n 27,4 per cent. In contrast, the "rapo" was dependent on his wife 1n 27,8 per cent of the cases, on his mother in 14,8 per cent,Both forgers came from lower- middle socio-economic backgrounds to a greater extent than the other types or the control. In accordance with the hunch that came out of parole board experience,the "heavy" 1s more apt than others to act the part of "right guy" (pro-con, anti- administration) in prison. It will be noted that the "heavy" is clearly a greater escape risk than the "rapo", the residual,or the alcoholic forger, but is only somewhat more of a hazard in this respect than the "graduate" or the con forger.It is understandable however, that the Board of Prison Terms and Paroles, regcarded the "heavy's" behawior, with its threat of force,as serious and was more prone for him,than for other prisoners, to set a minimum sentence of seven and one half years or longer, The "graduate", as expected, ranked highest in "anti-social reaction". He was in fact, highest in four of the six identificationitems: alwaysin trouble, frequently callous and hedonistic.shows marked emot- lonal 1mmaturity. lacks judgment. The "heavy" was, however not far behind both 1n "anti-social reaction" and in each of the four earmarks. It 1s well known that such traits make for high resistance to treat ment and a low percentage of success on parole. The T ————————— 3) A post-doctoral study of the alcoholic¢ offender by Jean Garneau using parole board files shows no sig- nificant difference 1n the extent of dependency between al coholi¢ forgers and alcoholic burglars or thieves, - 8 - frequency with which the "graduate" plays the role of "outlaw" (social rebel) in the prison community 1s clearly indicated. 4) Not counting the hunches on which the data needed for checking were either unavailable or inadequately available, nine of +the hypothesized associated characteristics were significantly supported by study of the records and five were not. With four hypothesized characteristics verified at the one per cent 1level, the "rapo" is the most clear-cut of the five types.He combines anon-criminal background and a good work record with what to him is an unsatisfactory adult sex relation. His abuse of young children has made himan outcast from conventional soclety and has often earned for him in prison the low status of "ding". But he is the only one of the five types with a better-than-average prospect for making a success on parole. The other four in fact, are in the highest risk group of offenders from the standpoint of parole violation. Valid generalizations about all criminals or even a substantial proportionaredifficult to make.Selec- ted offender types,however, such as those studied in this project, show distinctive personality traits, family and community backgrounds,and roles played in prison. In brief, if attention is given to specific kinds of offenders, significant generalizations are possible. 4) Like the other terms wused here to describe roles in prison, the word "outlaw" is an inmate epithet at Washington State Penitentary. Chez les prisonniers qul ont commls un certain genre de crime, il peut y avoir une répétition d'un trait de personnalité,une certaine ressemblance dans leurs relations familiales ou sociales, ou encore dans le 1rdle qu'ils jouent dans le groupe social restreint de 1la prison., Nous avons parlé ici des traits de la personnalité et des caractéristiques sociales qui paraissent associés(avecla commi ssion) aux (d')actes sexuels non aggressifs envers des enfants, Certaines intuitions au sujet de ce groupe, que nous nommons "rapo", furent étudiées chez 1,291 prisonniers de 1'Etat de Washington. Ce groupe, ainsi que quatre .autres catégories de criminels, fut soigneusement choisi, et 339 individus firent 1'objet d'une étude intensive. Un groupe contrdle de 198 prisonniers fut aussi utilisé. De ces cinq catégories, le "rapo" fut celui qui montra les traits les plus définis. Son orientation est non-criminelle,il est un travailleur consciencieux, mais souffre de mésentente mésadapta- tion sexuelle. Parce qu'il moleste les enfants, il est rejeté non seulement par 1la société en général, mais aussi Par le groupe de prisonniers,qui lui donnent un status inférieur et le qualifient de "ding". Le "rapo" est - 10 - cependant celui qui ales meilleures chances de succes lorsqu'il est 1ibéré conditionnellement, Pour ce qui est des autres catégories, il fut intéressant de constater qu'en prison, ces individus jouent souvent un role specifique.Celui qui fait des faux cheques réussit facilement & convaincre et a manipuler ses victimes pour en arriver a ses fins; en prison, il est qualifié de "politicien" pour 1la meme raison. Le groupe de "heavy" (lourd, brutal) comprend les voleurs dangereux, semi-professionnels, et ils semontrent anti-administration et tout-a-fait rangés du cote des prisonniers; c'est 1le rdle du "right guy". Le "graduate" (gradué) est un voleur de moins de 25 ans, qui a déja été incarcéré dans une institution de juvéniles, et qui montre une réaction anti-sociale définie, joue le rdle de rebelle("outlaw"), alors que 1le faussaire alcoolique, qui émet des chéeques durant des beuveries prolongées, a une per- sonnalité dépendante, s'identifie avec 1'administra- tion ("square john") mais souvent aussi avec le rdle de "right guy". I1 est difficile de généraliser au sujet de ces catégories de criminels.Nous avons indiqué cependant que certaines catégories, telles celles du "rapo" et du faussalire, jouent des rdoles définis en prison, et qu'ils ont une histoire familiale et sociale, et des traits de personnalité qui leur sont propres. FOURTH INTERNATIONAIL CRIMINOLOGICAIL CONGRESS ~ THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS 3 I1 THEFT IN DEPARTMENT STORES Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). THEFT IN DEPARTMENT STORES by Dr. Wolfgang Doleisch Ministerialrat im Bundesministerium fir Justiz, Wien (OSTERREICH) I. Forms of larceny from department stores. II. To what extent are these thefts known to the po- lice? ITI. what measures of prevention are to be recommended? General. Larceny from department stores as such does not,1n Austrian law, form a separate offence such as, for example, burglary. It is therefore not Possible to obtain figures by way of criminal statistics. The data for this investigation was obtained mainly from leading officials of the big Viennese department Stores.In order to complete this information the au- thor has had interviews with a number of inmates in an Austrian prison for women. These women were all Sentenced for having stolen from department stores. Some data could also be extracted by the study of the files relating to such offences. Finally, the author §°Pes that he may have succeeded in reconciling his Investigations with those of an experienced official of the Vienna police force. Remarks concerning I If we consider as alarceny from department sto- res, all those offences which imply a loss for the Proprietors of these department stores then larceny from clients of such a store may be excluded. Experience - 9 - shows that "shoplifting" and "pocket picking" are two completely separate types of criminal activities. 1) Thefts which result inaloss to the proprietors of the department store may be committed by the fol- lowing: a. By those who come from outside as clients of the department store. b, By employees of the department store, and C. By clients and employees jointly. Of these three categories (b) is not of particu- lar interest sinceit is not something that is typical for department stores only. Thefts committed jointly by employees and clients are comparatively rare but may 1nvolve considerable sums.This category too,will not be considered further in this report.What follows 18 exclusively concerned with shoplifting as defined in (a) above. The manner in which shoplifting offences are com- mitted depends on the place where the offence occurs and on the organization of the department store. It 1s therefore not possible to enter into the different techniques involved in a short report, 1) Typical of this commonly held point of view is the explanation which was given by a professional wo- man shoplifter for this curious division.This shop- li1fter denied hotly that she would ever pick poc- kets, indeed she despises pickpockets ever since the time when her mother had her purse stolen - a purse which contained the money for the rent - the theft of which caused considerable hardship. But if you stole from a department store then "they" would not really find themselves in difficulties. This showed clearly the lessening moral resistance viz-a-viz proprietors. - 3 - The author would divide shoplifting into three categories: - Occasional shoplifting. The persistent shoplifter, C, The professional shoplifter, As regards the occasional shoplifter,she (or he) Seldom enters a department store with a deliberste intention of stealing,but seduced by the look of the goods that may be displayed in a haphazard manner she may take a single article. In such cases, articles may be stolen for which the offender has no use what- ever, Avarice and pleasure in possession may be leading motives in such acts of shoplifting., The persistent shoplifter,by contrast,seeks op- Portunities for stealing.Frequently, these are thieves who succeeded so well in their first exploit that they steal again and finally do not have enough will-power to cease. As for the professional shoplifter she steals in order to keep herself,Professionals operate often in two's sometimes alsoin larger groups but hardly ever singly. They steal those objects which represent the greatest value such as cloth, silk, leather attaché cases; electric razors, coats (fur) and overcoats. The technique of shoplifting is often extremely in- genious., The professional shoplifter sells what she has stolen to a fence, or she pawns the goods or has them sold by public auctions. Occasionally stolen goods are sold by offering them from door to door. The comradeship amongst professional thieves shows itself by such acts as drawing the attention °f a colleague to a useful opportunity, for example, the carelessness of a shop assistant or the time du- ring which the floor detective takes his lunch. Ex- Perienced shoplifters prefer the time of the lunch- - 4 - hour sinceit is at this time the number of assistants is generally lower. Real need is seldom,if ever, the cause of shop- lifting.Possibly this was otherwise in the last years of the war when the lack of consumer goods was very pronounced,Statistics concerning thefts from a large department store in Vienna covering the last 37 years, show that in 1941 the number of thefts was 117 per cent higher than in 1937 and in 1943 99 per cent. On the other hand, the thief may well experience a desire to steal additional objects she could not pur- chase out of the income she possesses but which she would not like to do without, such as nylons, cosme- tics, perfumes, chocolates, jewelry. The following categories may be distinguished ac- cording to the reaction on being caught. a. A small number of those caught do not seem to mind.This type accepts arrest as a business risk. Mostly these are professional shoplifters. b. A number are greatly upset by their arrest.They may feel sick and even lose control over their bodily functions. Even attempts at suicide are not uncommon, C. The largest proportion of arrested shoplifters deny the theft even when the stolen articles are found to be still in their possession. All sorts of incredible excuses are offered: "The shop assistant took so long in coming", "I wanted to pay the next time", "I was in a great hurry", "I thought that my sisterhad already paid","l only wanted to see whether things are properly supervised here". Occasionally there may be threats or force. A woman arrested for shoplifting in a department store,for example,agreed to an examination of her lodgings but ran away after having locked upin her home the two officials of the ~department store who had come with her. Sex and Age of Shoplifters In accordance with the preponderance of female clients of department stores,the proportion of arres- ted shoplifters amongst women is higher than amongst men.The actual percentage isnoted in different ways. The average is about 80% to 85%. Amongst those arrested all age groups are re- presented but the proportion of youthful offende:s 1s considerable. This may be connected with the fa-t that the youngsters are still clumsy and therefore most often caught. Amongst male shoplifters, the proportion of youngsters 1s overwhelming .Even children between 10 and 14 who, according to Austrian law are not punishable, may be found amongst those arrested for shoplifting. The fact that such children are not punishable 1s sometimes used by adults,who encourage these children below the minimum age of criminal res- ponsibility to commit the offence without risk. It is particularly at Christmas time when the department stores are specially decorated, or in the autumn just before schools begin, that children go to department stores, often in fairly large groups, and there see objects which they would like for them- selves but for the purchase of which they do not have the money. Occasionally shoplifting within a group of such children may be regarded as something of a Proof of courage.He who has succeeded in one offence will become more daring still .Amongst children there may also be the desire to give presents to relations or others who are in close contact with them or whom they admire. What is stolen? As mentioned above, the professional shoplifter steals those objects which represent the highest value. Children prefer objects which may be used at school, - 6 - such as propelling pencils, fountain pens or quality toys. Apart from this, everything may be stolen that the department store displays and that may easily be carried. Extent of shoplifting Apart from a few departments in which goods are accounted for by numbers(for example, radios, refrigera- tors,T.V. sets) it is a general rule in a department store to control by value,not by numbers. At the in- ventory the total value of the goods sold plus the value of the goods unsold should equal the value ori- ginal ly present.Mostly,there 1s a deficit however |, which is even taken into consideration,within certain limits, by the Income Tax authorities. This deficit contains also loss through shoplifting.The exact pro- portion to the total loss, is, however, not exactly available. The head of a department store in Vienna estima- tes on the basis of careful calculations that only about 10% of shoplifters are caught. The author is not in a position to quote the exact figures since the absolute value of the deficit without taking into account the total turnover would produce amisleading picture. Remarks concerning 11 If the shoplifter who has been caught has money on him thenhe will be asked to pay the purchase price of the stolen articles, otherwise the articles will be taken away from him. The police are, as a rule, only notified if the quantity of stolen goods 1s con- siderable or when the person caught is a professional shoplifter or shows hersel f to be completely impenitent. There is,however, a tendency nowadays to notify - 7 - the policein all cases since a greater degree of de- terrence is expected from such a course of action. The hesitations in notifying the police may be related to the fact that many notifications would result in an increased personnel having to deal with police and court authorities and this would result in higher costs.Shoplifters who are caught are,without except- 1on, forbidden the entry of the department store in future. Remarks concerning III It may be said that shoplifting is part and parcel of the risk of running a department store. All those conditions which together make up the special atmos- phere of a department store, also make possible and facilitate shoplifting. "When no-one steals, no-one dies". A preventive measure which would be sure to make shoplifting completely 1impossible does, there- fore,not exist. It is only possible to have recourse to preventive measures which can diminish the number of thefts.In order to prevent shoplifting,department stores use above all, special detectives who are mostly full time employees. These are employed either the whole year round or only during the especially busy times( for example in the period October to December). Female detectives are less obvious in such cases. It is of course out of the question, that a few pri- vate detectives could insure the complete safety of all the articles contained in the whole department store; they must, therefore, try to recognize those clients who enter the store with the intention of shoplifting. The co-operation of shop assistants and of the other personnel is also necessary.Even leading officials of the department store have to keep their eyes open. Apart from the store detectives there are special groups of criminal police that look in at the busiest - 8 - times. These are often aided by their special know- ledge of professional thieves. It follows from the above that it is not possible to recommend really decisive measures which would re- sult in considerable changes.A few possibilities may, nevertheless,be mentioned, which may somewhat reduce the i1ncidents of shoplifting. 1. The creation of special circumstances concerning shoplifting which,similar to the theft of vehi- cles, would reduce the legal gqualifying limits. (In other words, the strengthening of penal sanctions). 2. More frequent notification to the police. 3. Bringing about a change in public opinion but also 1n the vliews current amongst police and court circles according to which the attractive dis- play of goods in department stores actually entices clients to steal .This point of view should be fought against with all the means of mass communication which are avallable such as press,radio and T.V. The argu- ments should stress that the growing number of motor vehicles does not excuse the stealing of motorcars either, even though the element of enticement must enter also, 4, The installation of special apparatus for super- visionin department stores using the most modern technical means (e.g. closed circuit T.V.) in order to create the feeling amongst the clients that they are being constantly watched. 9, The department store finally should only refrain from notifying the police of an occasional shop- lifter where the person caught agrees to the taking of a photograph to be usedin the files of the depart- ment store.This provision is based on the fear which people experience, of having their particulars in a - 9 _ file and particularly their photographs. Moreover, such photographs can be wuseful for identification purposes. 6. Obtaining the co-operation of school authorities and women police 1in occasional searches of de- partment stores at special times(for instance at the beginning of term)in order to survey school children and to protect them from committing offences, - 10 - RESUME Au début, il est fait mention de ce que la sta- tistique des crimes ne peut pas fournir d'éléments d'appréciation quantal'importance des vols dans les grands magasins, cette forme du vol ne correspondant pas a une espece de ce délit prévue spécialement par la loi pénale; en outre,de la totalité des vols dans les grands magasins découverts, une partie seulement est portée a la connaissance des autorités. Les ré- sultats de 1'enquete sont donc basés,pour la majeure partie, sur les communications regues des employeés dirigeants des grands magasins viennois et sur des conversations personelles avec des voleuses se trou- vant en détention, Dans la suite, une définition exacte du temme "vols dans les grands magasins" au sens de 1'enquete est donnée. On distingue,quant au vol dans les grands maga- sins, trois catégories de voleurs: a. le voleur occasionnel, b. le voleur persistant, c. le voleur professionnel. Un essai est fait de délimiter ces trois caté- gories. Les réactions des voleurs lors de leur découverte - 11 - sont traitées de maniere détaillée, dememel'dge et le sexe des voleurs, la nature des objets voles et leur valeur. On peut constaterla tendance de s'adresser a la police dans tous les cas,un tel comportement contri- buant & une plus grande intimidation. L'activité des détectives des grands magasins est également traitce, Partant de 1'idée que les vols dans les grands magasins ne pourront jamais @tre empéchés entierement, a la fin une série de propositions est formulée, pro- positions qui pourront éventuellement contribuer a réduire & un minimum cette forme du vol. FOURTH INTERNATIONAIL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS ~ THE HAGUE 1g6o0 - PREPARATORY PAPERS 3 I1 THEFT IN DEPARTMENT STORES Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). THEFT IN DEPARTMENT STORES by Dr. C.N. Peijster Chief of Police Vl aardingen (the Netherlands) A. Introduction The problem of department store thefts is as old as department stores themselves.Since Boucicaut foun- ded the "Bon Marché" store in Paris in 1852 this mo- dern selling system has soared to great heights.With the devel opment of large residential centres the num- ber and size of department stores increased, and with the growth of department stores the thefts committed in these shopping palaces have shown a similarly in- creading trend.This 1s easily understood,considering that department store theft is inherent in the sel- ling system of these stores;, which seek by every available means to excite the desire of the public for possession of the goods displayed. This system will be referred to again later. For the present we must devote some attention to the definition of the terms used and to the degree in which the evil of de- partment store theft figures in the total volume of criminality. We describe as a department store theft any stea- ling of merchandise by the frequenter of a department store to the detriment of the establishment. By this definition so-called staff thefts are therefore ex- cluded from our present field of study.Thefts commit- ted by the members of the staff of department stores have of course,in common with department store thefts in general, the feature that the goods stolen belong to the sales stock of the establishment. But the op- portunity for theft that is open to.the employees of department storesis not a specific feature of depart- ment stores alone. On the contrary, it is a feature - 9 _ that occurs 1in connection with thefts by employed staff in general. The number of department store em- ployees who lay hands on the property of the store 1s usually small compared with the numbers of apprehended department store thieves (in the Dutch statistical material which I used formy survey,the figures showed that during a period of four years 33 staff members were arrested against 1062 department store thieves), It should be borne in mind. however, that the total losses sustained through thefts by individual staff members are often considerable. (Thus, the total loss caused by the 33 staff members apprehended during the 4 years covered bymy investigatory material amounted al together to over Dfl 57.000,- against a total of nearly Dfl 16,000.- caused by the 1062 department store thieves arrested during the same years). The social evil lurking in staff thefts finds expression chiefly in the amount of the loss caused to the injured party.In the case of thefts by people frequenting the stores,the extent of the evil is in- dicated mainly by the number of thieves. The average number of frequenters of the department store surveyed by me 1s estimated as from 20,000 to 25,000 persons daily. The daily average number of staff members em- ployed 1is 850. It may therefore be stated that one store thief to every 24,000 to 30,000 frequenters is apprehended daily, whilst in the case of staff thieves 1 staff member to every 100 1s caught thieving., However,there 1s little point 1n weighing up these figures against each other considering the different nature of the two classes of offenders and particularly the different frequency and duration of contact which staff members on the one hand and frequenterson the other hand have with the store. The question now arises as to what relation be- tween the number of department store thieves bears to the number of persons committing other indictable offences. The available criminal statistics do not - 3 - offer much data for determining this share of depart- ment store theft i1n the total volume of criminality. On the basis of the material at my disposal 1t canbe figured for the city of The Hague that the to- tal number of department store thieves arrested by the police during the year 1954 was: 10.8% of the total number arrested for any misdemeanour. Obviously de- partment store thefts are a by no means negligible category among the offences to be dealt with by the police of a large town, During a recent visit to the Cologne police 1 was granted the use of some statistics relating to that city; they are recorded i1n the table below. Table 1: Statistics of department store theft crimi- nality reported to the police in Cologne,as compared with other thefts. 1957 1958 Cases Cases Cases Cases reported cleared reported cleared up up Plain theft(incl. 15,021 2,817 16,799 3,145 dept.store thefts) Qualified theft 5,258 926 6,086 1,046 Dept.store theft 323 529 As practically all department store thefts known to the police have been cleared up,because as a rule a theftis only reported after the detection and arrest of the thief,the numbers of cases reported of depart- ment store thefts could appropriately also be entered in the column of "Cases cleared up". On this basis department store theftsin Cologne during the year 1958 comprise more than 12% of the total number of cleared-up thefts. For The Hague the corresponding percentage for 1954 is: nearly 10%. Of the cleared-up cases of plain theft,department store thefts in Cologne (during 1958) comprise nearly 17%. -4 - The evi]l of department store thefts has, more- over, some speclal aspects: 1. Firstly.1n a comparatively large number of cases department store thefts are found to have been commltted by persons under age according to criminal law, whom we may term "juvenile delinquents". In The Hague a large annual number of juvenile delinquents are i1nterrogated by the Juvenile's Police on account of misdemeanours. The majority of these cases are dealt with out of court.The percentage of shop thefts under this category (hence a somewhat larger class than department store thefts) averages roughly 30%. There i1s no doubt that as far as juveniles are con- cerned the trouble is particularly serious. 2. Department store theft 1is a form of offence to which women are in general more addicted than men. As will be seen from the figures to be given in the further course of this report. the number of de- partment store thieves of the female sex who are ap- prehended is amultiple of the number of male thieves apprehended, at any rate as far as persons over age according to criminal law(whom we will term "adul ts") are concerned.In the case of juveniles the proportion 1s reversed.If juveniles are included in the count and if allowance is made for the fact that the number of women frequenting department stores is a multiple of the number of male customers(I think the ratio between the numbers of male and female department store fre- quenters may reasonably be estimated at 1 : 4), the distribution of the sexes in this offence still proves to be a statistically interesting phenomenon. at any rate when viewed against the relative volume of all-round male criminality as compared with female criminality (in the Netherlands above 5men were convicted to every one woman convicted during the year 1949). 3. The criminality quotient (i.e.the ratio between the known number and the actual number of offen- ces, the number of known offences being taken as unity 1) ) is influenced by certain special factors. One of these is that as a rule goods stolen from de- partment stores are not "missed" until the thief has been caught red-handed, or when seizure of the goods by the police results in restoration of the stolen property. Otherwise 1t i1s seldom that stolen store property 1is missed. It is evident that the statistical material 1is influenced by the above-mentioned circumstance (to which should of course be added the reluctance of the store management to report the theft), The statistics of bicycle thefts, to take an example, will <certainly give a truer record of the reality, Similarly, many victims of a bicycle thief evidently do not consider 1t worth while to report the theft. As a rule, however, they will undoubtedly be aware of the loss of their property. B. Typology (question 3a) The drawing up of a classification of offenders in the field of criminology is amatter of great dif- ficulty, and this applies in no less a degree to de- partment store thefts.l even think the latter present still more diffi cul ty where classification 1s concerned. The persons committing this offence are just as varied 1n type as those committing plain theft in ge- neral. The circumstances in department stores, the temptation to which the public are exposed and es- pecially the opportunities people have of stealing in these establishments are such that persons of the most divergent description,moved by the most diverse 1) It may be noted that in this definition of the cri- minal quotient the term"known"means: having become known to the authorities according to the criminal statistics, - 6 - motives, are led to commit this offence, That the "professional thief" also takes advan- tage of the opportunity for theft 1n a department store, is not surprising; that a department store tis a field of operation for many a "pathological theft" 1s well known and also easily understood. that among department store thieves there are numbers of occa- sional offenders,in viewof the conditions 1n depart- ment stores, is again easily accounted for. However, there is a certain part of the last-mentioned cate- gory that rendersitdifficult to gain an insight 1nto department store thefts.But itis this very part that makes the study of department store thefts so very interesting. I mean the category of those who, while being of good name and repute,yield to the temptation in a department store and lay hands on the property of the establishment. The fact that many persons who have the name for being honest and who rightly enjoy the utmost confi- dence in their own environments, commit theft 1n a department store, proves the relative nature of the "well-developed sense of correctness" which we attri- bute to them. Psycho-analysts seek to explain this by the deeply rooted inclination in man to take things. However this may be,it is an establi1shed fact that a by no means negligible percentage of humanity are only deterred from theft by fear of the consequences of apprehension.The (practical) certainty of being able to take something unnoticed, causes many to have no misgivings about committing theft. Many people think (rightly or wrongly )that they can find this certainty in department stores and are thus led to take something from the mass of goods displayed. In viewof this particular category of offenders I consider the study of the department store thief to be of great importance in gaining an insight into the theft phenomenon in general. The class of offenders just mentioned belongs to a much larger category of thieves who may be regarded as -7 - fully accountable for their act, they are thus offenders who are fully aware of the reprehensible character of their act,and for the sakeof convenience we may call them "common thieves".They 1nclude,along with oppor- tunistic offenders, K professional and habitual thieves. Al though of course no sharp dividing line can be drawn, there exists besides the category of "common thieves" a category which I have described as "depart- ment store thieves 1n a restricted sense".Their thefts might be termed "pathological thefts".It is just this category that has received the lion's shareof interest in relevant literature.lf anywhere, 1t 1s in depart- ment store thefts that psycho-pathological aspects are generally discerned. Kleptomania 1n particular, the act of stealing under a constraining influence,has 1n this connection received much attention.Several modern writers agree that kleptomania 1s a very rare occurrence. The dif- ferences of opinion which exist on this point are in my view largely due to the divergent meanings which are assigned to the term kleptomania. Thus, Von Hentig is of opinion that kleptomania does not occur in department stores.According to his vision, when the kleptomaniac is under the influence of certain states of constraint he takes objects from relatives and friends, returning them again after the state of restraint has passed. In addition, however, Von Hentig speaks of "kleptophilia" , by which he means "shortcircuit"actionsof less serious character in which endogeneous factors do play a part but 1in which the element of passion is much weaker than in kleptomania. In the case of kleptophilia the theft comes about only under the pressure of externals factors. I think this view may help to account for the differences of opinion as to the occurrence or non- occurrence of kleptomaniac thefts in department stores. Those who discovered kleptomania among department store thieves generally had kleptophile persons 1n mind. If we do not rank these offenders as kleptoma- - 8 - niacs, then 1t 1s certainly a fact that kleptomania occurs very rarely 1n department stores, Among 59 cases against department store delin- quents which were received by the Public Prosecutor, I found that 7 related to "kleptomaniacs". (According to Von Hentig's line of thought we should in this case read "kleptophiles" for "kleptomaniacs") 2). Among suspects not handed over to the police the percentage of kleptophiles 1s,1 believe, still grea- ter, 1ndeed, the thefts which. i1ncomprehensible to outsiders. are committed by women of good name and repute. will be treated with lenience by the depart- ment stores. Lastly, 1t 1s deserving of mention that klep- tophiles 1nclude a certain proportion of women who are led to commit department store thefts during the critical periods of a woman's life.Particular atten- tion 18 pald to this class of offenders by Miss Val- kis barrister-at-law. C. Criminality quotient (question 3b) That the criminal statistics can only portray a part of the actual volume of crime, 1s easily ascer- tainable in the caseof department store thefts.Thanks to the co-operation of department store managements we have at our disposal statistical material relating tomany thefts committed in department stores which have not been brought to the notice of the police or courts. There are of course numerous cases of theft un- known to the managements of the stores concerned. Still, the statistics mentioned do throw light on the "obscure aspects" of this sector.As a result we have ourselves gained amuch better insight into the rele- 2) H.vonHentig.Zur Psychologieder Einzeldel ikte ( the Psychology of Individual Offences)., I Diebstahl- Einbruch-Raub (Theft, Burglary, Robbery) page 52. vant criminality quotient, The table below,borrowed frommy dissertation 3), gives a record of the tion of this ascertained theft criminality in a large Dutch department store and of the propor- criminality that came to the knowledge of the police.Only this last part finds 1ts way 1nto the official criminal statistics., 1) For this year no specification was available according to age and scx. TABLE 2 Department store thieves apprehended in a large Dutch department store during the period 1947-1955 Suspects handed over Percentage handed over Persons apprchended . . to the police to the police Yecar . ] . _ ] juveniles adults juveniles adults juventles adults Totall__. Tot.l . r Total Boy| Girl | Man| Woman Boy| Girl | Man| Woman Boy |Girl Man Woman 1947 1) 461 70 15,18 11948 1) 314 64 20, 38 1949 1) 273 88 32,23 1950 1) 207 42 20, 28 1951 30 31| 10 151 222 | 21 9 6 36 72170,0{ 29,01 60,0 23.8 | 32.43 1952 98| 40| 22| 111 271 63 | 23 |10 48 144 164 2| 57,5] «5.4| 43,2 | 53,13 1953 65| 19| 22 99 205 | 33 5 |15 29 82150,7| 26,3| 68,1] 29,2 | 40,0 1954 127 39| 25 | 110 301 | 65 21 |13 53 152 151,1] 53,8| 52,0 48,1 { 50,49 1955 135 33| 26 91 285 | 42 9 |14 39 104 |31,1] 27,2]| 53,8 42,8 | 36,49 Totaks 1947 upto and incl. 1955 2539 818 32,21 Totals 1951 upt ota “PYO 1 455] 162 |105 |562 1284 [224 | 67 |58 [20s 554 (49, 2| 41,3] 55,2 36,4 | 43,14 and incl. 1955 . Totals 1951 upto and inc. 1955 Males: 560 Females: 724 |Males: 282 Females: 722 [Males: 50,35 Females: 37,56 per sex 3) C.N. Peijstér, De onbekende misdaad (The Unknown Crime), page 145. - 10 - The average percentage which the cases notified to the police comprised of the total of department store thefts, according to the Dutch material which I examined (viz.over 32% during 9 years)is identical with the percentage that can be calculated on the basis of recent figures furnished to me with regard to department store thefts i1in Germany. 1 am here re- ferring to the undermentioned total figures relating to 38 department stores in different German towns. ———————— Table 3: Department store thefts in 38 department stores 1n Germany. ——— 1955 1956 1957 1958 figrsons apprehended 2583 2725 | 2417 2965 Number of these persons handed over to the police 5173 1044 1051 1163 According to these figures over 35% of the of- fenders were handed over to the police during this period of four years. It 1is clear,as we have already suggested above, that only a fraction of the department store thefts committed comes to the knowledge of the department store managers. There is no doubt that a large num- ber of thefts escape the notice of the department store detective service.Their number is particularly difficult to ascertain. It is not found possible to calculate the numbers of thefts via the losses in recelpts of department stores. The amounts of these losses arise through the operation of a large number of varying factors (breakages, deterioration, losses in weighing out ,losses through drying out,unexpected changes in price,differences in exchange rates after purchase in foreign countries,errors in price calcu- lations,errors in labelling, etc.). What part of the losses should be ascribed to thefts, can merely be estimated. 11 - D. Prevention of department store thefts(question 3c¢) In the Introduction we stated that department store theft 1s inherent i1n the selling system of de- partment stores. All our observations on the preven- tionof department store thefts will be based on these premises. The principles underlying the sales technique 1n department stores are essentially irreconcilable with theft-preventingmeasures insofar as such measures aim at suppressing the 1inclination to theft on the part of department store frequenters. Important means em- ployed by department stores to excite the purchasing zest of the public, such as: attractive displays, tasteful packing,large stocks and the possibility of handling the goods, have also the effect of creating or stimulating the inclination to theft, especially 1n viewof the comparativelylax supervisionof depart- ment store frequenters.This 1nconvenience is insepa- rably associated with the means employed. This is tantamount to saying that the possibili- ties of taking measures for the preventionof depart- ment store thefts are considerably less than might be supposed: the incentive to theft which - uninten- tionally - emanates from the department stores them- selves, the goods displayed. the general atmosphere and the further conditions in these establishments. cannot as a rule be eliminated. We are therefore confronted withadifficult pro- blem: after the incentive to theft has been aroused, something has to be done to prevent this 1incentive from having i1ts consequences. The most potent means to this end is to exercise as intensive a supervision as possible. Most large department stores exercise this supervision in two forms: by the sales staff and by inspectors speciali- zing in this matter (establishment detectives). As a stimulus to store assistants in the perfor- mance a@f this task, premiums are often awarded. This - 12 - giving of premiums 1s andoubtedly ameans of increasing the alertness of the staff in detecting department store thieves.Repressive actioni1s certainly intensi- fied tn this way. This means is, however.not without 1ts drawbacks: the store staff will as a result be more inclined to defer the taking of preventive action. 1.e.to 1ntervene only after an offence has been com- mitted K though earlier intervention by the giving of a warning might have prevented the consummation of the act .Moreover. during the time of peak activity 1n the store when the need for supervisionis greatest, there is the least opportunity for 1ts exercise, Another drawback to this supervision by sales staff 1s the fact that the assistants are not all qualified for this work.Errors are easily made,6 as a result of which bona fide customers are scared. This scaring of bona fide customers is in fact the main difficulty with nearly all supervisory measures.Such measures should be as unvexatious as possible to well- intending shoppers inorder to prevent them from shun- ning the store, This requirement of course soon sets a limit to the intensity of supervisory measures. And there 1s yet another, at least equally important limit to the scope of supervision, and that 1s the 1imit set by financial possibilities. It is to be feared that the limits thus set to any system of supervision afford little opportunity for i1ts intensification. It has been suggested that supervisionin regard to theft would be more effective if the inspection staff were in uniform while performing their task. 1 do not believe that this would 1mprove matters, 1n fact I think 1t would be detrimental rather than ad- vantageous. Professional thieves would be able to achieve their purpose with much greater ease after the uniformed inspector had turned his back to them.In my view one need not expect much enthusiasm for this 1dea on the part of department store managements: a part of the c¢lientele would feel less at ease in an - 13 - atmosphere in which suspicion and supervisory measures became too consplcuous.These people would henceforth make their purchases in othermore "hospitable" shops. In the Netherlands no use is made of modern tech- nical inventions such as radio and television for the purpose of tracking down department store thieves. Radio contact with surveying detectives would certain- ly be of benefit to the work of detection. The use of television cameras installed in the store 1s very much boosted in the United States. It seems to me that the efficiency of observationof crowds of people on a television screen is very small,The psychologi- cal effect of this means is perhaps deserving of the highest assessment. However, I consider 1t doubtful whether the results will offset the enormous cost which the use of this medium entails. The method of taking action against department store thieves who are caught and apprehended is im- portant with aview to individual and general preven- tion.In my opinion such prevention will not as a rule be promoted if the stores deal with thefts on too large a scale without the intervention of the police. Meanwhile 1 do not think ameasure of a legisla- tive nature 1mposing the obligation to report these cases would be desirable.The advocacy of such a far- reaching amendment of the law might find some support in viewof the comparatively large volume of the evil of department store thefts(for this see under A).The effectiveness of this measure seems to me, however, to be very problematic. The inconvenience that would be entailed by reporting the cases to the police (loss of time!) would induce the stores to pass over many of the facts ascertained without taking any further action; besides,for an indictable offence as of this kind the authorities would find it very difficult to enforce the regulation to report each case to the police. In cases of department store theft the Netherlands courts are already making frequent useof informatory and psychiatric reports. It i1s recommended that this - 14 - expert system of information be put into service on as large a scale as possible. There is then more chance that the motives of the offenders will be discerned. For "opportunistic offenders" who have a large share in department store thefts, there is of course little need of individual prevention. Publication of these cases in the Press will,however, make for all- round prevention, We did not see much in the way of workable schemes for the prevention of department store thefts.In the light of the foregoing it is evident that the store managements themselves are best able to make a positive contribution towards the solving of this problem, which they can do by taking the following measures: 1. By allowing the public interest to carry as much weight as possible as against the commercial in- terests of the store, if by so doing 1t is possible to meet any wishes, c¢.g. in the matter of goods dis- play, that may be put forward with a view to theft prevention, 2. By bringing the staff entrusted with the combat- ment of department store thefts wup to as large a strength as possible, RESUME A, Introduction Des vols commis dans les grands magasins nous donnons la définition suivante: chaque vol de marchandises commis parwun visiteur d'un grand magasin ets effectué au détriment de la dite malson. - 15 - Le phénoméne facheux des vols commis aux grands magasins présente quelques aspects spécifiques(beau- coup de jeunes délinquants et des voleuses en grand nombre) et - comparé au total de la criminalité en matiere de vol - il compte quatitativement parmi les délits d'une certaine importance(de 10 & 12%de toutes les affaires résolues de vol). B. Typologie (question 3a) Les auteurs de ce délit varient autant que ceux du vol simple en général. On peut distinguer: "les voleurs ordinaires" (voleurs de circonstance et aussi voleurs profession- nels et voleurs dits d'habitude) et "les voleurs de crand magasin dans un sens strict". Dans la derniere de ces deux catégories,les facteurs psycho-pathologi- ques jouent un rdle important; dans la 1littérature c'est cette catégorie qui se trouve 2tre placee au centre de 1'attention.Parmi eux sont les kleptomanes et les "kleptophyles" (un néologisme introduit par von Hentig); dans le dernier de ces deux groupes se produisent les déraillements de moindre importance et ou 1 impulsion instinctive est de beaucoupmoins forte que chez les kleptomanes. C. Quotient de la criminalité (question 3b) Le matériel que j'al pu examiner (plus de 2.500 vol eurs de grand magasin arretés dans un seul des grands magasins néerlandais)a démontré que - dans une periode de neuf ans (de 1947 jusqu'ad 1955 compris) - plus de 32% des auteurs de vols arretés par 1'intervention de grand magasin en question furent transférés ala police. Un pourcentage du méme ordre (35%) a été trouvé par rapportal'arrestation de plus de 10.000 voleurs pris sur le fait - dans la période de 1955 jusqu'a 1958 compris - en 38 grands magasins allemands. Dans les affaires contre les auteurs non-trans- - 16 —_ féerés a la police (Donc: dans environ les deux tiers des cas).il n'y a pas d'intervention officielle ( po- liciére); ainsi ces affaires ne sont pas comprises dans les chiffres des statistiques criminologiques et font croitre dans ce secteur le "dark number" ?nombro des cas qui restent inconnus). Le quotient de la criminalité (c'est a dire: le rapport existant entrele nombre des delits connus et celui des délits effectivement commis, le nombre des délits connus etant reduit a 1) est évidemment encore grandement influencé par les nombreux vols qui restent ignorés des services de surveillance organisés par les grands magasins et dont le chiffre se laisse difficile~- ment évaluer. D, Moyens pour prévenir les vols aux grands magasins (question 3c¢) Nous n'avons pas rencontré beaucoup de moyens pratiques pour empeécher de se produire les vols dans les grands magasins,ceci parce que ces delits doivent etre considérés comme etant inhérant au systeme de vente qui est,pour les grands magasins, une caracté- ristique essentielle, A ce sujet, ce sont surtout les directolres des grands magasins qul peuvent preter une contribution positive: 1. en donnant - quand elles mettent dans la balance l'interet commercial et l'interet général - & ce dernier autant de poids que possible,en tous les cas ou ils sauraient ainsi donner,Suite a des désirs ex- primés en vue de prévenir les vols, e.a. aux deside- rata regardant]les méthodes d'étalerles marchandises; 2. en augmentant dans la mesure du possible, 1'ef- fectif du personnel chargé de la lutte contre les vols aux grands magasins. FOURTH INTERNATIONAIL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS — THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS 3 I1 THEFT IN DEPARTMENT STORES Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). THEFT IN DEPARTMENT STORES by Dr. A.G. Valkis Probation Officer Amsterdam, (the Netherlands) QR Sy Mdichhas been written about shoplifting since the advent of the department store, that type of esta- blishment in which a wide variety of merchandise is sold and where the management readily accepts the concept that anyone may enter and browse without obligation to buy.Such stores have existed since the latter part of the nineteenth century and their number has increased steadily. Temptation is very strong in a department store, The suggestive displays stimulate a desire for all types of goods; but while they stimulate one's incen- tive to buy, they also offer a great temptation to commit theft, In the course of time, increasingly diversified goods have been placed on the market.Advertising has been employed to ensure the want of all types of new Products.The acquisitionof goods necessary to satisfy this desire far exceeds the purchasing power of many, but no one wants to feel inferior to his neighbour; the lessening of class distinction also plays & role in this regard. Generally speaking, shopping is the province of the woman.Most women do it gladly, finding it pleasant to browse in the stores.They often purchase far more than they had intended, and they rarely restrict themselves to the most useful items. Women also enjoy shoppingin the large department stores because,in the cosy and luxurious atmosphere, they can escape the poverty and loneliness of their own homes and the boredom of the daily routine. The stores are well aware of these motives and cater to them by planning their buildings to include cosy - 9 = lunchrooms and other attractive features, Usually far too little 1s done by the stores to diminish the temptation to steal .Often there are too few employees to watch the merchandise properly, and even these personnel do not always realize their responsability.This irresponsible attitude is particu- larly prevalent 1in large department stores; young salesgirls stand talking to each other rather than attending to the shoppers. Frequently one is obliged to wait a considerable time before being hel ped with the desired article, and the temptation to leave without paying becomes very great.Thus temptationis greatest in the large department stores where cheap merchandise 1s sold, for both the management and the public: those who can afford to purchase least come there, The impersonality of the department store also plays 1ts role in the thefts committed there; one finds 1t much easier to rob a large store with an unknown management than a small shopkeeper whom one knows personally. In addition, the 1large store contains a great many more articles,and the offender can easily convince himself that the store will nevermiss whatever he might take, According to Thiekotter, the noisy atmosphere of the department store and the typical scent which lingers there are also influential:Psychopathic women could suffer a consciousness stricture. 1) Theft Patterns. Premeditated theft is usually accomplished more systematically and adroitly than that committed im- pulsively. Women steal clothing, small articles with which they can make themselves more attractive, and 1) H.B. Thiekotter, "Die psychologische Wurzel und strafrechtliche Bewertung von Warenhausdiebstahl en", 1naugural dissertation, Cologne, 1932. P.16, 20. -8 - food; men show a preference for books and phonograph records; children steal pencils, ball point pens and other small articles. The Offenders. I will confine myself to shoplifting committed by adult shoppers in department stores, When one 1limits oneself exclusively to adult offenders in this inquiry, one must assert that such theft is accomplished by women. Dr. C.N., Peyster has also examined the shoplifting of minors and has found that boys steal more than girls.Nevertheless, female delinquents still take more from department stores than males; thus shoplifting becomes a typical female offense. Inlarge stores,merchandiseis readily available, and consequently the deterrents fall away more easily than elsewhere.Some people,whose morals are not high but who have insufficient nerve to steal elsewhere, find the courage to take things from department stores because it appears to go unnoticed there. Dr.Peyster distinguishes from these offenders shopliftersin the narrow sense, those with psychological deficiences or defects which drive them, al though they may be honest, respected and wealthy citizens, to shoplift from department sores., 2) As I shall explain below, I am well acquainted with both male and female offenders in this narrow sense, , Men differ markedly from womenin their shopping habits.They head directly for their goal,while women look about and often buy morei than they had intended, sometimes entirely useless things. Some women cannot restrain their appetites and are impelled to buy anything which strikes their fancy. 2) C.N.Peyster, "De Onbekende Misdaad", diss.,p.1883. - 4 - Psychological Conditions and Circumstances of Offen- ders. What are the motives of shoplifting? In the first place,one must mention the craving for displayed goods. That some women, living in poverty-stricken cilrcumn- stances,should turn to theft i1s only natural. A lack of luxuries can also lend to the{ft; 1t can be very depressing never to be able to permit oneself a little "extra". The desire for luxury is not limited to the pl easure that the women experiences from seeing and owning beautiful things, but often includes a desire to make herself more attractive to men by wearing nice clothes. Case 1. I know a 24-year old girl who stole a dress so that she might make a better impression with young men. She had much against her: she had been reared in an institution for retarded children and, as she came from a very disreputable family, 1t was impossible to introduce a progpective husband to her; she also has experienced a number of disappointments. Aware of everything against her,she sought compensa- tion through nice clothing. Some women have an adequate i1ncome but, because they cannot handle money,often {ind themselves short of funds. Many people enjoy getting something for nothing, al though they possess the means to buy 1t, Most housewives receive no pay {for their work and, consequently, have no pocket money of their own., It is often 1impossible to put aside anything {from the household money for themselves. It is striking how frequently a housewife sacrifices herself for the sake of the other members of the family; as her husband and children appear more in public and must look neat, she buys for them f{irst and, if something is left over, she then gets her turn. It 1s generally accepted that generative condi- tions can play a role 1n thefts committed by women. If puberty and aging i1ncline people to psycholo- gical disturbances,a woman's psyche oftenis affected by pregnancy, childbirth, nursing menstruation and ovulation also. Instability often occurs 1in these circumstances. According to most authors. however, these conditions predispose to theft only those women who possess a weak psychic make-up. Dr.Tammenoms Baklker toldme that he had examined especially a great number of female shoplifters who had stolen during the climateric. He believed the cause to be metabolic disorders which lessen one's resistance until instincts. which normally remain hidden, are expressed outwardly. In such cases the desire to possess goods gains expressionin the theft. As far as the effect of menstruation is concerned, Lekkerkerker finds the biological and psychoanalytical Views equally acceptable 3) The former school holds that the theft tendency of amenstruating woman stems from the biology of the species; she manifests an instinct for collecting things which one can compare with the nest-building instinet of birds in the mating season.Psychoanalysts usually accept the view that each pathological theft tendency has a sexual basis Thiekdotter speaks of an "Ersatzbefriedigung" which would occur, particularly In a generative circumstance. if the psychologically weak delinquent could not derive normal satisfaction In one way or another.4) Insufficiency feelings can occur in women who have not, as is usually the case, conquered penis envy. In his psychiatric report con- cerning a woman who shoplifted during her menstrual 3) H. Lekkerkerker: "Menstruatie en steelneiging" 1n Prof. Carp's "Sexuele Misdadigheid", p. 75 etc. 4) Thiekotter, p. 23. -6 - period, Dr. van der Sterren wrote that the offence was motivated by the offender's desire to be a man, This desireis strongest during the periods of greatest emphasis on femininity, pregnancy and menstruation, If penis envy no longer exists, then 1in many cases menstruation probably will be no more than an acco- modating factor, as the late Dr. de Leeuw - Aalbers stated in a psychiatric report on a female shoplifter. In addition,as has been said, one must consider whether a weak psychic so1l i1s present The weaker the psychic soil, the more influential will be the particul ar conditions of the woman. 5) It seems to me, in general, that the most 1important of these conditions are menopause and climateric, closely followed by pregnancy. Case 2 1 am also acquainted with the case of a man who stole books on <child psychology. It appears that he was motivated by feelings of insuf- ficiency 1n connection with his sterility, Whenever a sexual basis for a pathological theft tendency has been indicated,both the stolen articles and the act of stealingmay have symbolic significance, This has been demonstrated by Grelinger. 6) The stolen articles are sometimes sex symbols; the act of stealing 1s forbidden and,as such, can be symbolic of the sexual act which the offender had really wished to perform. Those who steal feel that, should they be successful at theft, they can also succeed at the other. Grelingermentions further,after Stekel's exanple, tiie 1mpulse to give everything away after the crime, which often occurs with kleptomaniacs. I have known 5) Dr.P.Dubuisson,"Les Voleuses des Grands Magasins", Paris 1902, p. 221. 6) H.Grelinger, p. 63 and footnote: "Cleptomanie" in Prof. Carp's "Sexuele Misdadigheid", p- 53 etc. - 7 - several female shoplifters who kept stolen articles without ever putting them to any use. It seems to me that some women who steal during the climateric or afterwardssuffer from various 111- nesses which effect the psyche.One 54-year old woman stole a dress; she had suffered a stroke. Another woman of around 60, a diabetic, stole an i1nexpensive table covering. Both were respectable women. Itis possible that women sometimes steal during the menopause with the conscious motive of acquiring something which will make them more attractive to their husbands or tomen in general. Perhaps they are afraid of becoming less desirable as sexual partners. As to the ages and community status of shoplifters, I must refer to the study of Dr. Peyster. Offenders who have stolen from department stores due to unconscious drives are generally quite regretful. If a woman has proper feelings for norms,her conscious self will reject the act strongly. But i1f the theft has given her satisfaction, there is a danger that she will seek it again in this manner. However, penal prosecution creates counter motives; the woman's good reputation is endangered and,finally, the illegality of the act is emphasized We notice in practice that little recidivism occurs. Dr.van der Sterren writes that it appears that, in case one steals more or less from inner compulsion, the wunconscious motives can be summarized as an unconscious feeling of deprivation,always dating from childhood (a lack of love and care). Case 3., Some time agol reported about a girl who had stolen a dress.She had received very little Parental love and reproached her parents, especially her father, for it. According to the psychiatrist, under whose care she had placed herself,she had largely repressed this blame. She had discovered that, when she once stole a small "tidbit" at home, her father was greatly saddened by this petty "larceny". - 8 - Consequently, the psychiatrist felt that her shoplifting was really a manifestation of her negative feelings against her father.Here is a girl who suffers from a serious neurosis, Sometimes we see also how someone has been un- balanced in later times by his circumstances and even brought to theft by them. Why are these things stolen rather than purchased by people who commit symbolic theft? These people want to conquer something from life which 1i1fe has not given itself. And one can speak of a real conquest only when there is no equivalent. Consequently 1t is of great importance whether the equivalent 1s felt,whether it has effective signifi- cance. One who has ample funds but who attaches much value to money, will come to theft more easily than someone who 1is freer with his money and yet has 1less at his disposal. The lust for power can also play a role.Whenever a desire for dominance 1s present, there is a chance that one would embrace theft to realize this ambition, The delinquent is goaded into committing the prohibited act, Craving for sensation and the desire to take risks can also play a part.In addition,Thiekotter,attaches much significance to the childish desire to do things oneself. He feels that each of these desires plays a role, particularly in psychopathic women. 7) The tendency toward dominance and the desire to take risks are also factors of the game.Some offences, usually termed "sporting thefts", are based on these factors almost entirely.In the craving for dominance we can discern something of the desire to master life and death.The defiance of fate can also be connected closely with this; one wants to show that he has been 7) H.B. Thiekstter, p. 21, -9 - favoured by fate or a god.The suspense of the "game" liberates the offender from feelings of oppression. There also 1s a certain element of aggression present, and the game 1tself may serve to fill a void in the individual's 1life. Exampl es. Case 4 A. 1s now 33 years old.She was one of three rcirls of an unharmonious family in which the mother had little control over the girls.She did quite well 1n school and compiled an excellent record in her various positions as a servant girl; she sacrificed herself entirely for the idiot child of one of her employers At 19.A gotinto trouble with the police in con- nection with stealing a dress from a shop. She had been feeling quite depressed. and she did this act impul- sively. It was also noticed that she was somewhat proud and flirtatious. A. was engaged to W. whom she later married; he had been unemployed for some time. A helped to support him during this period and there- fore could not afford to purchase what she wanted. Consequently she yielded to temptation when she wanted a new Baster dress. As A was strongly impressed by her prosecution, the case was dismissed. There is no mention of further dishonesty for a 10- year period.The marriage with W. proved unsatisfactory W. appeared to have bullied A . who associated with Germans during the war .She neglected her housekeeping and her two children, the younger of which had not been fathered by W, A. became acquainted with U., a mechanic, and went to live with him; after her divorce from W., they were married. Al though U.earns a decent living, he is obliged to be away from home a great deal and A. feels neglected. She has sexual relations with other men and allows them to pay her. She has now become much more conscientious about her housework. A.tried m —— RN — 15 to gain possession of the child which she had by W.; this was motivated more by fear of later reproach than by motheriove ,and her request was denied. She shows little 1interest in the other child born during her first marriage, A.1s restless and nervous;according to her husband, she sometimes screams in her sleep.She is temperamental, violent and rather suspicious., At 28, A. began to shoplift with B., a woman from her neighbourhood. Within a few months she was apprehended. Several months later A. was caught com- mitting another similar actin the company of another neighbour, C, A, stole mainly luxury items, such as a sugar sprinkler.She also took clothing and other merchandise which was of no use to her. She said that she had stolen from wantonness; sometimes she said that she had stolen in order to give her children something. She craves for luxury items and has often purchased them, also. A. craves sensation; her 1llegitimate sexual relations and her preference for horror films would indicate this.ller expression "wantonness" also leads one to suspect that a yearning for sensation played its role in these thefts. One can also suppose that an aggressive element was presentin her offences: she 1s quite suspicious, particularly so of government officials since her difficulties with the Guardianship Board.In addition, she harbours very unpl easant memories of her childhood, and she focuses her aggression on her mother.If this aggressive feeling has played a part in fixing her attitude towardslife,it alsomay have found expression through her thefts., The psychiatrist noticed that A. was somewhat lmpertinent; her disharmonic feelings were quite apparent during her stay in the Ilouse of Detention. She displayed a certain amount of aggressiveness. Still, the psychiatrist was convinced that she was 11 well aware of the possible consequences of her offences. Al though she became very nervous when she contemplated the possible punishment this was 1nsufficient to restrain her {from recidivism. A received a partially conditional (or probatio- nary; sentence with supervision,but 1t was extremely difficult to make contact with her. She was 1later imprisoned for shoplifting 1n The Hague; this offence occurred during her probationary period. Since that time she has undergone psychiatric examination at the clinic 1n Utrecht in conjunction with still another theft Thus A stole not only because of her violence and craving for luxury but also from a desire for sensation and from probable aggressive tendencies. Possibly she tried to fill avoid in her life through theft, and 1t 1s not inconceivable that this woman whose youth and adult 11fe had been marked by such misfortune wanted to demonstrate oy means of thett that fortune still smiled on her. Case 5. B. is 27 years old. Her family has become quite weal thy through her parents hard work 1n the pastry shop which her father owns. The only daughter of the family her education was badly neglected; she was dominated by her mother and never could develop an i1ndependent personality. As achi1ld B was fickle and full of fantasy. She assoclated with an older man in the neighbourhood and probably went out with German soldiers during the war. At 19 she married a very clever workman.. The marriage has not gone well,and the wman stands by her only from compassion Dull and superficial, nervous and unbalanced, B 1is also rather egotistical. She has often made dates with other men, al though she has not always kept them. As the psychological report explained the sexual side of her marriage leaves much to be desired. B.is at once passionate and cool. She - 192 - never experlences orgasm during sexual intercourse and remalns unsatisfied.She feels no deeper affection for her husband. B enjoys taking risks, gambling with life. She has been unable to ascertain her role in life, so gladly seizes any alternative to her present existence. Her character is of a genuinely hysterical type with all sorts of 1inner conflicts; she 1s 1impulsive and thoughtless,still expresses many infantile reactions and possesses insufficient mental stamina to suppress impul ses of a somewhat compelling nature. Such a character leads her to shoplifting;herdesire for adventure through running risks certainly plays a role. She exhibits a disharmonic personality structure 1n which both hereditary factors and poor education have played a part; she 1s a person with a strong neurotic and, 1n this case. hysterical nature in whom morbid disorders are of such a character that the psychiatrist considered her only partially responsible for her actions. Prognosis would depend on the success af psychotherapeutic treatment. Illowever, one should not hold too high hopes for success.We have been wunable to get her to submit to psychotherapeutic treatment; besides, she says that she has been declared irres- ponsible for her actions! Since that time she has shoplifted twice more from department stores. Next to theft as "sport" stands theft as "showing off", which we often encounter in young people, and childcen.. Here the competitive element of the game 1s clearly demonstrated. Case 6. Two young girls were in a department store. One dared the other to steal alittle jumper. Accepting the dare, the second girl took it without a moment's hesitation. This girl certainly knows right from wrong, but she is very fickle and unbalanced; she has overstepped the mark in other respects at least once, also. - 13 - Case 7. A social worker, who has been spoiled as a child,once toldme that,as a 14-15 year old, she often went out with a friend to steal 1ipsticks and other such articles. When it went successfully they fancied themselves quite heroic and never felt remorse.Al though their pilfering was never detected, they stopped stealing in the course of time. There probably was no more fun 1in it, and they thought themselves too old for that sort of thing. Children steal for want of pocket money and because they have not yet learned to master their desires also.Some infantile adults can also be inclu- ded in this category. Case 8. A 39 year old woman took repeatedly candy from a chocolate shop. She had been born in Indonesia, the only child of a Dutch father and an Indonesian mother The mother died shortly after the girl's birth., After spending a large portion of her youth in a convent school, the girl returned to her father,who was able to give her little guidance.After a short time he also died. She married at 17, after having worked for a time inalocal shop., Her husband, a Dutchman, is ten years her senior. She is a child- wife to him; she has not developed an independent personality. The family 1is wealthy and can easily afford luxuries. The woman is very fond of children and often distributes the candy bars which she has stolen to children in the street, Generally speaking, shoplifters are primitive persons, who transpose impulse into action without first considering the importance and possible conse- quences of that action. Male shoplifters. On page 185 0f his dissertation Dr.Peyster writes: "little can be said with reference to the cases against N ! SN nnale shoplifters; the classi{icationof men causes few dif{icul ties. Generally they already had come into contact with the police tn connection witia property or otaer offences....It appeared that none of these men could be considered shoplifters in the narrow sense. Srecial factors, which could suggest this, were not found". 8) My experience with male shoplifters leads me to a different conclusion from that of Dr. Peyster. The following are a few exanples of male shop- lifters. They are all first offenders. Case 9. M., 70 years old, comes from a reasonably goodJewish family.llis father owned a textile ousiness 1n which M.worked for many years before be- comllny a commercial traveller. lle 1s now retired and lives ona small inheritance.He 1s married to a woman who 1s 15 years younger than he 1is, Al though the marriage has been a happy one, M.'s wife was unfaithful to him three years ago.lle forgave lher completely,but the woman was so remorseful about 1t that she attempted suicide. She is now undergoing treatment 1n a wsychiiatric institution. M.has led a very lonely existence for the past years; this depresses hin a great deal, the more so wien he worries, becanse everytiing could have been so different. Ille misses her love &and care. M.stole an 1nexpensive fountain pen This theft most probably canbe explained as amental short circuit (an impulse arising dlirectly from the subconscious, completely bypassing the conscious self) caused by the sad disturbances 1n the 1life of the delinquent. His doctor concurs with this opinion. M.considers this a debt which he wants to redeem by doing something for probationary work. He was 8) Dr. Peyster has examined 59 cases against male siioplifters, - 15 - strongly impressed by the fact that he committed a criminal oifence. Case 10. 7i-year-old K., the only son of a decent working family, was a hair-dresser for 42 years. He sold his business upon retirement, but the money has been spent and he and his wife now live on an old-age pension. Their two married daughters give them some financial help. K. and his wife are nice,simple pecple who have reared their <children well and now lead a peaceful life together. | One day K. went into the Galeries Modernes (a department store)and took several small items: a pair of pliers, sunglasses and two cigarette holders. He never goes 1into department stores otherwise, as he prefers to let his wife do the shopping.However,that day it seemed that he was <compelled to enter the Galeries Modernes and to take these articles. He had no idea waat use he would make of these things; he already has two pairs of pliers, and he uses neither sungrlasses nor a cigarette holder. Nor had he any intention of selling these things.He did say that he was not helped quickly by the sales girl and he 1s rather impatient. He is also quite nervous and has been bothered by sleepwalking. Some time before this he had experienced shortness of breath as a result of his high blood pressure,and shortly before the offence, he had had the rlu ;heis also becoming hard of hearing. It is difficult to say exactly what brought this old man to theft. One might suspect that perhaps he was losing control of himself as aresult of advancing senlle decay. Case 11. S.,59 years old, comes from a German Jewish family of business men and intellectuals; a large percentage of the family fell victim to the Nazi terror. S. held various positions in German business life before 1938,whenhe fled to the Netherlands after — 16 - having escaped from a concentration camp 1n which he had been interned for anti-governmental activities. After the German 1invasion of Holland in 1940, he attempted suicide by slashing his wrists; after his recovery he renewed his resistance activities, He married a Dutch Jewess. After the war, S. began a business i1in wholesale footware. His wife also runs a business, and they lead a comfortable existance. Al though the marriage has been childless, they have an adopted daughter. S.has been described as somewhat childish and impul- sive, a man who wants to be obeyed 1n his home, and who can be quite short-tempered at times; sometimes he is exaggerativdy submissive with strangers. His wife 1s more evenly balanced and knows how to handle him lovingly; the marriage appears to be happy. A short time ago S.'relatives in Israel asked him to send them some German newspapers.lle purchased the papers and periodicals regularly each week 1nalarge magazine store.However.there was a resistance against paying for the German papers which he was obliged to procure for his relatives. Onceluestole German papers without realizing it. According to the psychiatrist,iti1s obvious that a neurotic reaction took place here: by taking the newspapers, he complied with his relatives request without buying anything German. When 1t had happened. he thought: "What have 1 done?".He felt freed only whenhe wrote his relatives that he could send them no more German newspapers. The incident is an obvious neurotic symptom action, more transparent than one usually sees in educated people. It is certain that such reactions occur in other areas of his life; he obviously 1s a neurotic, exact man who makes decisions with great difficulty. Case 12. A 51-year-old gymnasticinstructor,wiio comes froma good family and who has a good family himself,is unable to express himself well,and is very - 17 - worried about whether he must have a gall bladder operation. He has received conflicting advice from doctors and is very frightened at the prospect of an operation. Within the course of six months he has stolen from a department store,a large shop dealing in household coods and a large watch store. He cannot understand why he did these things and is afraid of losing his job., Although I do not have the statistics at my disposal,I believe it must be accepted that theft 1in department stores 1n the mnarrow sense occurs more frequently with women than with men Male shoplifters 1in the narrow sense show the same characteristics as the females.In many cases we also encountermuch repentance and 1oss of selfrespect. Generally speaking,shoplifting is an occasional offence. Dr. Peyster can prove this by statistics; however,there are professional and habitual offenders, who engage in this nature of theft also. Recidivism seldom occurs,especially to shop- lifters in the narrow sense. We have considered some factors which can have influence on shoplifting.This is not to say that the causes of all cases can be explained in a conclusive manner; the offence frequently has amysterious aspect and, for some part, delinquents must be understood intuitively in such cases. I gladly leave to Dr. Peyster the question con- cerning the degree to which shoplifting comes to the attention of the police. Preventive Measures. In the first place one should consider measures which could be taken by the stores themselves to reduce temptation and to diminish the possibility of theft, It is very difficult to persuade the stores to take measures which lessen temptation for at the same time they wouid reduce the 1nclination of the customer to buy. They will not readily place merchandise 1n showwindows or beiitind glass: cuslomers must be able to handle textile goods and to leaf through books. In any case 1t has been recommended that they place the showwindows and merchandise countersin such away that the store canbe watched and browsers cannot steal unnoticed. One also wants to avoid introducing a police-like atmosphere by posting signs warning against the consequences of theft, Shoppers 1n one large clothing store 1f they wish to try on articles of <clothing. are obliged to take no more and no less than two garments with them to the fitting room. In some stores merchandise 1s guarded by the regul ar personnel ;others have appointed special guards who stroll through the stores in plain clothes,as if they were customers Thiekotter pleads for uniformed ruards; this would be an excellent check on shoplifters in the narrow sense, but professional and habi tual thieves make 1t desirable to have guards who are not as readily recognizable. 9) Secondly one must mention the reportswhich the police of the four largest cities in the Netherlands, following the example of Rotterdam have published 1in the last few years.This has occurred twice annually, 1n January and July. at sales time. In these articles the public has been warned against the possibility of committing impulsive theft and against the consequences of 1t Since the publication of this series, thefts in departnent stores at sales times have droppedstrikingly. Thirdly I want to consider the prevention of recidivism.llere we enter the province of adjudication and probationary work. When shoplifting increases.it is sometimes thought 9) Thiekotter p. 1 27. - 19 - that the principle of general preventionmust be enforced and that rather heavy punishments must be imposed and carried out as quickly as possible after the commission of an offence.Sometimes it is claimed that good results are obtained with the heavy punishment system.However, the question remains,whether the results are lasting; cenerally,the deterring actionof very heavy penal ties weakens after some time, Serious objections must also be raised against this system,becauseit would treat all offenders alike when, in reality, there 1is such a variety of types and there are such tragic "cases". Who would want to imprison a sickly woman,who had committed an inciden- tal theft, principally to set an example? There need be no objection to assigning rather heavy punishment to professional and habitual thieves and to other serious recidivists,which would give some consideration to the idea of general prevention,unless they are considered (partially) irresponsible for their actions. It must be considered in all cases that the stores themselves contribute to the origin of this criminality by tempting displays and insufficient guards. On the whole,a conditional punishment or a fine can be given to shoplifters in the narrow sense; 1if the legal system of a country makes it possible, it 1s unnecessary that some be punished at all.Apprehen- sion,the investigation of the police and,eventually, that of the probation officer,creates so much emotion, bringgthe offender to reflection and createsso much counter-motives that recidivism need not to be feared 1n many cases., Some thieves, who are not shoplifters 1in this narrow sense,may also receive conditional punishment or a f{ine, Should a conditional punishment be assigned or should the delinquent be held conditionally without prosecution, it can be stipulated that he keeps contact with a probation officer. In some cases this - 90 - will be necessary, in others absolutely undesirable, If the offender has a weak feeling for norms, they can be emphasized by this contact. An offender who manages his money poorly, will need a leng thy contact with someone, who can teach him to keep his financial matters in order, Such contact sometimes will prove unnecessary if the delinquent 1is a respectable housewife who has sacrificed herself forher family's sake; this should depend on the particulars of the case. When dealing with shoplifters in the narrow sense, psychotherapy is sometimes necessary. Then 1t may be unnecessary and even undesirable that the delinquent be assigned to a probation officer, The requirement that he must malintain contact with the probation authorities can cause feelings of insufficiency in the delinquent. I should think that with people 1like M. and K. this must be considered. Such people already have been shocked because they have been capable of committing acts which their conscious selves reject. Here a contact of short duration may be useful; one can help them to see their offences in the correct light and to regain their self-respect. Itisnot absolutely necessary that this contact be imposed by the judicial authorities, It also can be kept on avoluntary basisif the information report 1l eads one to suspect that the delinquent will cooperate. The great advantage of this approach is that the con- tact can be ended informally whenever the probation officer feels that it is no longer necessary. - 91 - RESUME Depuis la fin du siecle dernier, il existe des "grands magasins" et leur nombre ne fait qu'augmenter, Au moyen de 1leurs étalages ces établissements suggerent et stimulent des besoins de toutes sortes: ils ne cessent d'exciter 1'amour de la dépense et le désir de 1'achat créant ainsi enméme temps la tenta- tion de commettre des vols. D'ordinaire les directions des grands magasins prennent des mesures absolument 1insuffisantes pour rendre moins grande cette déplorable séduction. C'est surtout dans l1esmagasins populaires que la surveillance fait défaut. Le caractere impersonnel des grands magasins joue werdleparrapport aux vols qul y sont commis, 11 est plus facile de perpétuer des vols au préjudice d'un grand magasin dont on ne connait pas la direction que d'en commettre au détriment d'un commerg¢ant que 1'on connalit personnellement, Encore s'imagine-t-on aisément que d'une quantité s1 abondante demarchandises,la perte de quel que petite chose ne puisse avoir qu'une bien mince importance. Je voudraisme borner a l1'examen des vols commis, dans les grands magasins, par les visiteurs adul tes. En limitant donc nos recherches aux adultes, nous devons constater que c'est principalement par les femmes que sont commis les vols dans les grands maga- sins, Le Docteur Peyster envisage aussi les vols commis dans les grands magasins par 1es mineurs et i1 découvre que les gargons y volent plus que les filles. Mais, en total,le nombre des délinquants féminins dépasse, sous ce rapport,celui des délinquants del1l'autre sexe. Le vol commis dans les grands magasins est donc un délit typiquement féminin. Il existe des gens qui, du point de vue moral, ne valent pas grand'chose, mais qui ailleurs ne _ 99 _ sauraient produirele cran qui est nécessaire au vol, tandis qu'au grand magasin ils ont 1le courage d'y passer parce qu'il leur semble gu'a un pareil endroit cela peut facilement se passer sans etre vu. De ces gensle Dr.Peyster sépare les "voleurs de grand magasin dans un sens limité",c'est a dire ceux qui sont affectés d'insuffisances ou de tares psy- chiques qui, dans les grands magasins, les poussent a commettre des vols,quoiqu'ils soient autrement des bourgeois honnetes et parfois méme des personnes ausées. 1) Comme ci-apres je vais 1'exposer, je connais aussi bien des voleurs que des voleuses de grand magasin "dans le sens limité". En visitant un grand magasin, les hommes se comportent en général autrement que 1les femmes. Les hommes vont droit au but, tandis qui les femmes sont 13 pour flaner, pour fureter un peu partout, en finissant souvent par acheter plus qu'elles n'en avaient 1'intention par faire parfois aussi des achats parfaitement inutiles. Etat psychique et situation personelle des délinquants. Quels sont les mobiles qui se trouvent a la base des vols commis dans les grands magasins? En premier lieu on doit nommer le désir de posséder certaines choses.Ce désir joue toujours un grand rdle. Ensuite viennent d'autres facteurs susceptibles de contribuer a4 la perpétration du délit. Le désir d'avoir des objets de luxe n'est pas uniquement déterminé par le plaisir que la femme éprouve en regardant de belles choses et enles possé- dant, mais trés souvent aussi par le souhait de se faire attrayante pour les hommes au moyen du port de beaux vetements. 1) voir: Dr. C.N.Peyster, Le crime inconnu, p. 183. _ 93 - I1 yades femmes avec des revenus passables,mals qui ignorent completement 1'art demanier 1'argent,ce qui fait que souvent elles sont a court. Beaucoup de gens sont bien contents de recevolr des choses sans avoir a faire des dépenses,meéme quand il leur serait parfaitement possible de les acheter. La plupart des ménageres ne regoivent aucune rémunération pour leur travail:elles n'ont pas d'argent de poche qui leur appartient en propre.ll est touchant de constater combiende fois les ménageres s'oublient elles—-mémes au profit des membres de la famille. En général on admet que des états d'ordre génératif sont susceptibles de jouer un role chez les vols commis par les femmes.Selon la plupart des auteurs, de tels états ne prédisposent au vol que les femmes chez qui il existe déjaun fond psychique plutdt faible.Ce sont surtout la ménopause et le climactérium qui souvent semblent avoir une certaine influence; ensuite 11 parait qu'a cet égard 1'état de grossesse est le principal des facteurs d'ordre génératif. D'ordinaire,la femme qui -~ par desmobi1les inconscients - en est venue au vol dans les grands magasins,fait-elle preuve de regretter beaucoup ses méfaits.Lorsqu'elle dispose d'un bon sens des normes, sa consclence ne manquera pas de condamner tres séverement Ses actes. En cas oule vol 1ui a procuré une certaine satisfaction, le danger existe que c'est encore par le vol qu'elle cherchera a 1'éprouver de nouveau. Mais alors des mobiles contraires sont créésparl'angoisse pour les poursuites criminelles; et ¢c'est aussi la bonne répu- tation dont souvent la femme se réjou qui est menacée; enfin, le caractere illicite de 1'acte délictueux se trouve eétre souligné. Ce qui fait que, pratiquement, nous ne rencontrons que de rares cas de récidive, On connait aussi les vols commis par coercition, ou 1'on peut définir le mobile inconscient comme étant le sentiment inconscient d'étre frustré,sentiment qui souvent date des années d'enfance,parfois aussi d'une période postérieure. - 924 - Le "vol symbolique" vise a conquerir quel que chose sur la vie que celle-c1 a refuse au délinquant Un certain trait voloncaire peut aussi jouer un role ainsi1 que 1'esvrit dit de sensation et le besoin de courir des risques. Lorsque ces dernieestrols tendances entrent au premier plan on parle parfois de "vol sportif" ou de vol "pour 1 amour du sport" Ic1 11 existeen effet une certaine analogie entre le vol et le jeu A coté du "vol sportif" 1] existe J encore celuir "par bravoure" -'estadire pour wmontrer que | "one ne manque Pras de "cran" un genre de délit qul est parfois commis par les jeunes personnes ct par les enfants. Les enfants eux.n'ont souvent pas encore appris a maitriserleurs appétits Il existe aussi des adultes infantiles dont on peut dire la méme chose D'ordinaire les voleurs de grands magasins sont des femmes primitives. ¢'est a dire des personnes qul transforment en actes les 1mpuaisions qul surviennent sans d'abord en peser la porteéee et les eventuelles conséquences Quoique ne disnosant pas de chiffres, je crois pouvolr admettre que le vol aux grands magasins conpriz dans le sens limite se produit plus souvent chez des fermes- vol euses de grand magasin que chez des hommes-voleurs de la meme catégorie. Les "voleurs de grand magasin dans le sens limité" montrent les mémes caractéristiques que les voleuses; chez eux aussi nous rencontrons tres souvent un grand regret de 1 'acte commis.,ainsi qu'une perte du respect de soi-mémne, En général, les vols de g¢rand magasin sont des délits de circonstance. A 1'aide de ses chiffres, le Docteur Peysterle démontre.Cependant,dans de domaine aussi, 11 existe des criminels professionnels. Comme déja nous 1'avons dit,les cas de récidive sont plutdot rares chez les vols de grand magasin dans le sens limite. - 95 - I1 arrive souvent quele vol dans les grands magasins garde un élément de mystere. J 'abandonne volontiers au Docteur Peyster 1la réponse a la question de savoir dans quelle mesure les vols commis dans les grands magasins sont connus dela police. Mesures préventives. Tout d'abord on pense ici aux mesures qui sont a prendre par les directions desmagasins afin de réduire la séduction et de diminuer les possibilités d'effec- tuer des vols. On arrive difficilement & faire prendre par les magasins des mesures susceptibles de réduire la séduc- tionlors qu'enméme temps ces mesures feraient diminuer le désir d'acheter. En suite nous devons citer 1les publications qu'en suivant 1'exemple de Rotterdam, la police des quatre plus grandes villes des Pays-Bas a fait paraitre - au cours des dernieres années — dans les Journaux locaux. Ceci se fait deux {fois par an, en Janvier et en juillet, donc dans les périodes dites des "soldes". Dans ces communications, le public est averti contrele danger d'accomplir - dans un regret- table moment d'acces ou d'impulsion- un vol de grand magasin et contre les conséquences qui en seraient la suite. Et c¢'est dans une remarquable mesure qu'apres ces publications,durant les périodes des "soldes"., le nombre des vols de grand magasin a diminué. Enfin voudrais-je encore mentionner les mesures Préventives qui sont & prendre pour empécher les cas de récidive. Ici nous entrons dans le domaine des sanctions pénales et de reclassement social. Aux époques ou le nombre des vols commis dans les grands magasins augmente, on est parfois d'avis que le principe de 1la prévention générale s'impose et qu'il sied d'appliquer et d'exécuter - aussi vite - 96 - que possible apres la perpétrationdes délits - d'assez séveres peines privatives de 1liberté. Parfois on prétend avoir obtenu de bons résultats en appliquant un tel systeme de lourdes punitions., Or, la question se pose de connaitre la durabilité de ces résultats: c'est que d'ordinaire apresun certain temps,l'action effrayante des peines tres séveres diminue de beaucoup. Comme un grave inconvénient de ce systeme doit-on signaler qu'alors tous les voleurs de grand magasin sont mesurés 4 1a méme aune,tandis qu'il existe entre eux tant de types foncierement différents dont cer- tains "cas" si particulierement tragiques., Qui serait désireux de faire enfermer - pour cause d'un vol dit d'occasion - une vieille femme maladive et cecl surtout pour "faire un exemple"? Il n'y a aucune objection contre 1'application d'une peine plutdt sévere 1lorsqu'il s'agit de voleurs professionnels, de ceux dits voleurs d'habitude, ou d'autres récidivistes de format, ou l'on tiendra compte aussi - tant soit peu - du principe de 1la prévention générale; ceci toutefois a 1'exception des cas ou le délinquant doit ®tre considéré comme peu ou pas responsable de ses actes. Mais, quoiqu'il en soit, on ne devra jamais oublier que les grands magasins eux-mémes contribuent de beaucoup a la naissance de cette forme spécifique de criminalité tant par 1a nature expressément sé- ductrice de leurs étalages que par 1'insuffisance de la surveillance. | Aux "voleurs de grand magasin dans un sens 1imité" on pourra, en général, appliquer des peines d'emprisonnement avec sursis ou bien des amendes; lorsque le systeme pénal de leur pays ne s'y oppose pas, il y en a parmi eux qui n'auront pas besoin d'etre poursuivis, ceci avec ou sans sursis., Le seul fait d'avoir été attrapé,l'enquete policiere et celle faite par le fonctionnaire du Bureau pour le Reclas- sement social,amenent tant d'émotions et font telle- ment réfléchir un grand nombre des "voleurs de grand - 97 - magasin dans un sens l1imité" et créent tant de mobiles contraires qu'en beaucoup de cas la récidive n'est plus & craindre. Certains des voleurs de grand magasin - ceux-ci dans un sens non-limité - sont également susceptibles d'e@tre punis d'une peine d'emprisonnement avec sursis ou bien d'une pénalité financiere. Lorsqu'une peine avec sursis a été prononcée ou lorsque le délinquant est provisoirement exempté de poursuites, 11 est possible d'ajouter 1la condition qu'1l doit rester en contact avec quelque service de reclassement.En certains cas, une pareille condition est indispensable,en d'autres cas elle serait certaine- ment a déconseiller, Quand la personne en question dispose d'un sens peu développé des normes, un pareil contact peut servir a accentuer la norme. Lorsqu'il s'agit d'un individu qui ne sait pas trop bien manier 1'argent, il aura grand besoin d'entretenir durant plusieurs années le contact avec quelqu'un qui lui apprendra de mettre de 1'ordre a ses affaires, Lorsqu'on a affaire & des "voleurs de grand magasin dans un sens 1imité", les cas ne seront pas rares ou la psychothérapie s'impose. L'obligation d'entretenir un contact peut faire naitre chez ledélinquant des sentiments d'insuffisance voire d'infériorité, I1 y a des gens qui sont déja tres affectés par le seul fait qu'il a paru qu'ils sont capables d'ac- complir des actes que leur conscience condamne. En Pareils cas le contact peut eétre peu désirable; mais en d'autres cas le contact peut étre wutile, pourvu qu'il ne soit pas entretenu pendant une période trop prolongée: celui qui assure le contact peut alors assisterle délinquant en lui montrant le délit Sous la justelumiere, ceci dans le but de le faire reprendre confiance en lui-méme. Il n'est pas strictement nécessaire que le dit contact soit ordonné par les autorités judiciaires; - 98 - il peut aussi @tre entretenu sur une base de libre consentement, lorsque 1le rapport informatif donne lieu a la supposition que, de plein gré, le délin- quant preétera son concours. L'avantage en est que le contact pourra 2tre terminé dés 1e moment ou le fonctionnaire de Bureau de Reclas- sement jugera qu'il n'est plus nécessaire de le continuer, FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAIL CONGRESS - THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS 1 JUVENILE DELINQUENCY AND EDUCATIONAL SUBNORMALITY Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). JUVENILE DELINQUENCY AND EDUCATIONAL SUBNOBRMALITY by Margaret Auriol Watkin, Juvenile Court Chairman 1) and Lecturer on Juvenile Delinquency, Maladjustment and Educational Sub- normality in the Department of Education, University College of Wales, Aberystwyth. Inmy experience as amagistrate there appears to be an increasingly marked correlation between juvenile delinquency and educational subnormality.The trend 1is also borne out by studies,undertaken during the past eight years,by some of my students,in juvenile courts throughout England and Wales. So frequently is the young offender educationally subnormal that one wonders how far educational subnormality is a predisposing factor in juvenile delinquency. While the subject of mental deficiency and delinquency has received much .attention, educational subnormality appears to have escaped the attention 1t merits. The Ministry of Education regards a child as being educationally subnormal 1f his standard of work 1s below that achieved by average children 20% younger than he is.This virtually means that an educationally subnormal child is at 1east two years behind the average 1n one of the three basic subjects.The condition may not only arise from an inherent lack of intelligence, (not amounting tomental deficiency), prolonged absences from school or unrecognised physical defects such as im- paired hearing but also from a cause of special interest to educational psychologists and child psychiatrists,na- mely a child's apparent inability to make full use of 1ts — 1) Juvenile Courts deal with young persons under the age of 17. 1ntelligence, Ithas been estimated that today about1 in 10 of the school population is educationally subnormal and 1t may not be generally realised that,according to the Ministry,this is as high a proportion as that suitable for a grammar 2) school education. The vast majority of the educationally subnormal children are found in the lower streams of the secondary modern schools and a small proportion in special schools, Juvenile Court appearances,admittedly, indicate the success rate of the police force andit is reasona- ble to assume that some of the more intelligent delin- quents may be escaping detection!' In the Approved Schools of Great Britain today, 1t appears that most of the rurils are in the educa- tionally subnormal category. This is borne out by statistics of two classifying Approved Schools. The classifying school is the establishment where offenders, committed by the Juvenile Courts.are sent for obscr- vation and assessment prior to being placed in the Approved School most suited to their special needs. In an analysis of 912 approved school boysin the Aycliffe classifying school, near Durham, Gittins 3) found that only 146 over the age of 13 were "intelli- gent" ,with I1.Q.'s above 100. (Intelligence Quotients were based on Terman-Merrill Test results).A careful scrutiny,however,revealed that even out of 146 there were 77, that 1s, over one half, so subnormmal educa- tionally as to require special teaching for backward boys. The Magdalen Hospital, London, is a classifying school for girls, over 14 years old, committed from courts throughout the southern half of England and Wales.The report for 1957-58 reveals that the average 2) The secondary school for pupils regarded as being more 1ntelligent. 3) "Approved School Boys" - John Gittins. H.M.S.O. - 3 - intelligence test score for 330 girls tested in 1957 was 95, compared with 91 for the previous five years. But the average attainment measured by simple tests in English and Arithmetic was "well below the national average". In other words, many approved school girls fail to work up to their mental capabilities and there- fore seem duller than they really are. These educationally subnormal children are be- coming a dangerously large minority of the population. After leaving school they form the nucleus of teen- age "gangs" and ul timately swell the ranks of Borstal institutions and prisons. The social health of a community may be judged, to some extent, by the precautions taken to prevent crime as well as by the treatment of the offender. While psychiatrists in our child guidance clinics have been able to assist 1n re—education and re-adjustment, far too little attention has been paid to prevention. A number of local authorities 1in Britain have still not provided Child Guidance Clinics but the Ministry of Education, I am glad to state,is now pressing all local education authorities to make this provision. In the past, there may have been a failure 1in school to recognise and to treat sufficiently early children who are educationally subnormal .Dr.Whiteley's description 4) of Britain's secondary modern children 1s worth quoting: "It seems tome that they are always in the last coach of the opportunity train and often that coach gets slipped. I feel that we must always bear the needs of these children very much in mind, especially when they come from homes which cannot give them a lead". Subjects taught must appeal to this type of scholar if his activities are to be directed into socially useful channels,and it may be necessary to go beyond the conventional school curriculum to achieve this ——— e — - - - - - et s emmeme e ——— e - R T — - ——— = - — 4) "British Medical Journal", January 22nd 1960. - 4 goal .School smust give training in useful leirsure-time activities - activities which the pupil can pursue after he has left school , Educationally subnormal pupils in particular require much guidance and awakening of 1nterest The curriculum should be designed to promote interests which will persist after leaving school As these youngsters like to work 1n "gangs" the teaching should i1nclude group activities. club activities and outdoor work as well as more technical training. Op portuni ty should also be given for an emotional outlet not only 1n physical education but in creative work of all kinds It 1s perhaps worth noting that advocatesof the comprehensive school claim that pupils of secondary modern standard do far better academically 1n this mixed typeof school and display greater stability 1in empl oyment.Does this therefore 1mply that thase who undergo segregation 1n secondary modern schools avold emotional upset and consequently become more responsive to the stimulus of the sharper grammar school brain? In some special residential schools for educa tionally subnormal pupils there are known potential delinquents whose conduct1s satisfactory during term time but who, on returning to unsatisfactory homes during vacations. resort to delinquent behaviour. Provision for special hostels must be made for this type of youth during holiday time and more especially. when he attains schoolleaving age.These hostels must be entirely separate from probation hostels which accommodate persons who have appeared in Court., The Mental Heal th Act. 1959 envisages . the provision of hostel accommodation for numerous categories of persons suffering from mental disorder and the educationally subnormal potential delinquent appears to be within 1ts scope. There is need for closer co-operation between the schools and youth organisations. Over a wide area I only know of one school - a girls' secondary modern, -5 - containing a large percentage of educationally sub- normal pupils - where there 1s a direct link with a youth club to which thegirls are introduced on reaching school -leaving age. As a consequence, these puplls have a pre-arranged meeting place where they are wel- come. along with their contemporaries and where the club leaders are people already known to them. The police authorities could also provide more constructive assistance on the lines adopted by the juvenile policeliaison officers' scheme in the City of Liverpool .Here where specially-selected police offi- cers voluntarily ran a youth club, juvenile delinquency figures dropped markedly The Youth Servicein Britain has tended to be the Cinderella of the education services but with more liberal grants more trained leaders and more active participation by selected police officers. 1t could play avital partin the prevention of juvenile delin- quency Youth club programmes must be adventurous, original attractive and especially suited to the educationally subnormal mind 1f juvenile delinquents are to substitute club functions for gang warfare and other criminal practices. It would be useful to discover, in this Fourth International Congress,whether the correl ation between educational subnormality and juvenile delinquency 1s common to most countries and what measures are being taken within the educational system of each country to deal with it - I1 parait qu'il existe wune corrélation en voie d'augmentation marquée entre la délinquance juvénile d'une part et la déficience éducative d'autre part, ceci conformément a mes expériences chez les tribunaux pour les jeunes délinquants. Une pareille tendance a été remarquée chez 1les écoles agréées, chez les instituts-Borstal et dans les prisons. Le Ministere de 1'Education estime que, de la popul ation scolaire, un enfant sur dix souffre d'insuffisance éducative. La plupart de ces enfants visitent les écoles ordinaires et on estime que les autorités éducatives doivent veiller al'établissement d'un traitement pédagogique précoce et parfaitement adapté.Les modifications du programme scolaire devront @tre de nature radicale si 1'on désire conduire les activités extrémes de ce genre d'enfants dans 1les bonnes voies sociales, Des accommodements spéciaux d'hébergement seront nécessaires au profit des "enfants a problemes" qui s'approchent de 1'Age ou ils vont quitter 1'école. Des clubs de jeunes, encadrés par des gens aux qualités requises, doivent offrir des programmes at- trayants pour les jeunes qui sont déficients du point de vue de leur éducation.Les clubs doivent 2tre plus - 7 - étroitement 1iés aux écoles, notamment aux écoles secondaires dites "modern schools".Le concours prété par des officiers de police sélectionnés. comme il est prété a Liverpool. est susceptible de jouer un role important en matiere des mesures préventives prises pour combattre la délinquance juvénile. On serait bien content de savoir si les autres pays se trouvent etre places devant la méme tendance de la délinquance juvénile et dans 1'affirmative, quelles y sont les mesures nouvellement introduiltes par les autorités éducatives et par les autres in- stitutions publiques dans le but de faire face a ce probl eme. FOURTH INTERNATiONAI, CRIMINOLOGICAIL CONGRESS - THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS II OLD AGE, MENTAL ABNORMALITY, AND CRIME Sccretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). OLD AGE, MENTAL ABNOBRMALITY, AND CRIME by Dr. Stephen Schafer Reader 1n Criminology 1in the United Kingdom Branch of the American University of Maryl and London Engl and The criminal law, in almost every legislation throughout the world, attaches importance to the age of the offender in deciding his degree of responsibi- lity. If. however, the criminal laws make rules for adjusting the relation between the norms of behaviour and age, they consider the lower regions of age only. Both in 1legislation and scientific 1literature the problems of juveniles appear constantly; but al though so many significant philisophers, biologists, and physicians have tried to deal with the problem of old age from Cicero,Seneca and Aristotle up to the present time,thisis arather neglected subject in Criminology, and the responsibility of the old offenderis discussed in criminological literature only very sporadically. Neverthel ess,a large number of people are 1in ques- tion: the duration of human lifeis steadily extending, and soclety will continue to havemore andmore old aged human beings. Goethe's o0ld Faust is transformed to a young man by the creative effect of Mephistopheles' magic brew only 1n the drama; but we cannot yet say how the old human organism could be regenerated. The present task of the science of biology is not so much to rejuvenate people, as to help them to get as far as old age. The alchemists" mystical elixirs of life were replaced, however,not only by the endeavours of biology, but also by social programmes, and that 1is what calls for the work of Criminology to study this special aspect of human behaviour as well, with the object of stating a criminological gerontology. Criminal statistics,unfortunately, offer little - 9 _ information on the criminality of the old.Most of the statistical tables stop at the age of 50, and only a few give any data concerning the offenders who commit- ted crimes at a later age.Rare sources in criminolo- gical literature, probably based on this scanty infor- mation, show that the proportion of old offenders is similar to the proportion of juvenile offenders (Roesner)finfl;ishigheramong1filst(fifenders(Bresler)o It has been pointed out that crimes against property are the most frequent, and the reason may be the old people's 1ncapacity to work or their lack of opportu- nity to find work (Hentig, Irk). The comparatively high proportion of old offenders in offences of arson and slander was mentioned with the explanation that their tendency to commit such crimes instead of others arises because others require more physical strength (Exner, Hentig, Olbermann). It was also pointed out that sexual offences are typical of criminality in old age (Bxner, Hacker, Hentig, Mayr, Olbermann; reversed Moran). It should be noted that some statistical data refer to the fact of the comparatively higher propor- tion of women among old offenders.Thereis a hypothesis (Schafer) that this is because the difference of sex in later years decreases and women often display certain masculine symptoms. According to. this assumption., at a certaln age the sex-hormone producing function of the women ceases;however, the residua of the originally existing masculine sexual glands probably continue hormone production,and this predominates.The natural hormonal balance comes to an end,and the woman enters an intersexual state.Because of this the woman declines from her female character and approaches that of the man; and her approach towards the character of man may also become manifested in her criminality. In any case,even the known material cannot really give a full picture of old offenders' crime,not only because a frequent reluctance to take proceedings against an old person means that recorded cases under- - 3 - state the true amount,but also because the limits of old age are considerably faded,and are both medically and legally 1ndistinct. It may be, however, assumed that generally in this later period of immobility and passivity, that 1s to say after the climax of muscular strength and mental ability, crime differs in every respect from that committed at a younger age. Several explanations can be found. It is said, for example, that the experience of a 1life time and the pacification of passionsmake the old person capable of conforming (Carrara); he is already far from the daily struggle and dulled in pleasures and anxieties (Exner); his activity is decreased (Reckless). It is also stated that the old person is supposed to have complete possession of his mental faculties (Vidal); moreover 1t 1s stressed that while certain behaviour may be pardonable i1n the case of a juvenile,the same behaviour should be considered as most 1immoral and vicious if shown by an old aged person (Quetelet).It appears as a general attitude towards the crime of the old that this age group i1s presumed to have either complete responsibility,or senile mental 1llness due to a certain pathological change. Certainly the occurrence,and even the not too rare occurrence, of mental illnesses in old age can hardly be disputed, referring here not to those which may occur in any period of 1ife but those met with mostly in old age. As 1s well known, the most frequent diagnosis 1s "dementia senilis",whichmay develop almost undetected and steps forward with its real symptoms only after years. First may appear a change in the patient's habits and personal characteristics; after that some ethical 1ndifference and moral insensibility may be noticed.At a later stage appears a certain amount of amnesia, sometimes jointly with confusion and confabul a- tion, further disorientationof his way of thinking 1s typical .All these symptoms may be devel oped with several accessory signs,showing essentially the same clinical - 4 - picture as a schizophrenic,similar to a late schizo- Phronia. In "Alzheimer dementia" and in "presbyophrenia" symptoms going beyond the limits of dementia seniles, and exceeding general mental disturbance,can lead to the conclusion of a seriously disordered brain. These mental patients, as is known, are restless and ever on the go, in constant opposition and resistance, frequently with trouble and derangement of vision. The 1list of mental illnesses of the old used also to 1nclude the so-called "Pick-illness", somewhat similar to paralysis progressiva or to arteriosclerosis cerebralis, showing among other symptoms considerable disturbance of the attention,defectiveness in morals, and a tendency to lie and steal. All these and other mental illnesses mostly appearing in old age,studied by medical science with much more authority, obviously may 1lead to criminal behaviour. A proposal has been made to send all old offenders, because of their mental abnormality, to a "hospice ou maison de refuge" (Prins); in any case their offences were seen as a consequence of a patholo- gical process (Criminalanthropological Congress, Am- sterdam 1901);among offenders over the age of seventy, committing certain offences, hardly any can be found with mind normal (Aschaffenburg); among old offenders encephal omalacia can be found (Tarde); and their crimes are not moral consequences but technical results of dementia senilis (East).It was thought that old aged persons should in a wider sense be considered as mental patients (Hibner), and there is only a vague border- line between senile irresponsibility and the level of a mentally defective (Werner). Changes in old age, however, as a result of in- vestigations of the nervous system,came to be viewed from a new angle. The old presumption that everyone 1smentally i1l or weak in old age - he has to live only as long as to reach this stage — can no longer be sustained.There are indications that old age and mental - 5 — 1llness do not necessarily mean the same,and patholo- gical old age should be distinguished from chronological old age. The criminal behaviour of old persons may be understood and evaluated on this basis only,in viewing the problem from the point of view of the nervous system and its leading functionin the human organism. As is known, the nervous system 1s the organiser of the organism, and the 1iaison between the function of the brain and the outside world. Even the changes in old age appear first in the nervous system; and because of the fact that the nervous system is the integrating factor of all the organs of the human organism, the aging nervous system has a far-reaching effect on the function of the whole organism in old age. One of themost important signs among the manifold symptoms 1s the change of process and integrating function of the nervous system.In youth or middle-age activities are integrated into a harmonious unit, able to adapt the organism to the changing circumstances of 1ife and its requirements. In old age,however, the agility of the nervous system rel axes,the integrative work lessens, and the harmony in the elements of the organism becomes feebler: the old person can make use of impressions gained from the outside world only slowly,or even notin their real dimensions and values (Horédnyi).It is characteristic of the old person that not only do his physical activity and energy decrease |, but also his response to the outer world's events and ideas 1s slower and weaker. Certainly 1t seems to be very difficult to make sure when old age starts,and different symptomatical pictures are found in persons of the same age. There are old people with active mental ability, performing constructive work,but whose physical appearance shows poor energy. However there are other old people who cul tivate some sport or physical exertion to a late age,but at the same time their mental ability declines, - 6 - giving evidence that the aging process started in the cortex (Horanyi). 01d age may start only in one or another element of the organism but will gradually command 1ts entirety: early old age differs from late old age 1n time only, and the characteristics of anatomical age are essentially the same in both. And this departure from characteristics typical of the human being during the greatest part of his life 1is not a pathological or morbid symptom, but the normal and biologically justified profile of old age. 0ld age in itself is not a result of any nervous or mental 1llness whatsoever.Dementia senilis and the other mental 1llnesses appearing in old age are not the quantitative advances of normal old age, but are qualitatively different processes.Adistinction should bemade between intact and abnormal old age: the normal old and the senile old are disjunctive concepts., 01ld age 1s a function of time,senility is that of patho- logically changed tissues (Rauzier)oOld age in 1tself 1s not an 1llness, but the natural closing phase of the development of 1ife,with its particular characte- ristics.Mainly for this reason,it seems to be a fatal mistake to consider 1irresponsibility as a synonym of mental illness. The decline of the organism's function entailed by old age controls the responsibility of the old person to a considerable extent,but this seems to be 1n every way a different control than that exercised by mental illness;consequently different penal consi- derations are tobe expected.Problems of responsibility as aresultof mental i1llness are widely discussed and the way to their solutionis by and large already paved. However, this 1s not the case 1f the problem of responsibility appears independently of any pathological factors. This consideration of the influence of agemay 1ead to a comparison of concepts of responsibility applicable to juveniles and old people respectively. In many respects old age shows some general functional charac- -7 - teristics of the nervous system which are very similar to those of early childhood. Thus, i1t i1s inviting to draw a parallel between childhood and old age, though they are not the same:1n one case unawakened responsi- bility,and in the other responsibility falling asleep, 1s what calls for valuation.At about the turn of the century objections were ralsed against even making such a comparison, because while the provisions con- cerning juveniles were intended to serve the future, similar ones cannot be required for old persons with regard to the nearness of the end (Feisenberger). Nevertheless, the functions of the nervous system and the working capacity of the cortical tissue change intheold age as in the state of exhaustion or illness, and for this reason old people's way of 1ife has spe- cial requirements.There are two periods in the human being's 1ife in which,because of the deficiencies of the regulative functions, circumstances and conditions need to be adapted to his capacity: one i1s childhood, and the other is old age (Horanyi). The question which immediately presents itself 1s whether 1t would not be reasonable +to provide specific penal provisions for the defense of old people as for juveniles: a defense against their own weakness. Criminal 1law might take into account the specific biological process inevitably appearing 1in old age which makes the old offender's psychical relation to the crime different from that of the avarage adult offender.The specific quality of old persons' physio- logical processes originates crime in a specific way; their guilt 1s also specific, and consequently their penal ty should be specific as well, - that is to say, different from that applicable to those who have not yet reached this age.0ld offenders are not ill, they are not pathological criminals; still their trend of life, their nervous system, the function of their entire organism appears as comparatively abnormal: it is "normally abnormal",and an ordinary evaluation of their guilt would necessarily be inappropriate. - 8 - Their defense seems to be necessary both in an active and 1in a passive sense., They are in need of active defense as victims of crime,which would involve stricter punishment for those offenders who commit crimes agailnst old persons. However, they are also in need of passive defense with respect to their responsibility as offenders: they require not alenient punishment but a different one. In sentencing, 1in deciding punishment, and in punishing, the ordinary mentally 111 old offender should be distinguished from the normally mentally abnormal one. -9 - RESUME Lorsquela législation criminelle crée des regles visant 1'ajustement dela relation existant entre les normes de conduite d'une part et 1'age d'autre part, elle ne s'intéresse qu'aux individus de bas age; en criminologie,l'age avancé est un sujet plutdt négligé et la responsabilité du délinquant agé n'est que tres rarement mise a 1'ordre de la discussion. Les statistiques criminelles ne présentent que peu de renseignements sur la criminalité chez les vieilles personnes.Et lematériel disponible ne saurait méme pas donner 1'image réelle et complete des crimes comnls par les vieux,non seulement parcequ'une aversion assez répandue contre la poursuite des personnes agées fait que le vrai nombre de leurs crimes dépasse celuil des cas enregistrés, mais aussi parceque les limites de la vieillesse sont tres vagues et peu distinctes, tant du point de vue médical que de celui des lois., Cependant on peut admettre qu'en général, dans cette période postérieure d'immobilité et de passivité - c'est & dire: dans la période qui suit a celle d'une gradation constante tant en force musculaire qu'en pulssance mentale — le caractere du crime differe completement de celui du crime commis a un Age moins avancé., Par rapport aux crimes commis par les vieilles personnes,il parait exister une opinion générale qui considere le groupe des vieux comme n'étant composé que de deux catégories de personnes,savoir: les gens qui sont parfaitement responsables de leurs actes et ceux qui sont affectés d'une espece maladive de sénélitémental e causée par une quel conque modification pathologique. Or,la conduite criminelle des vieilles personnes mérite d'etre comprise et jugée en considé- rant le probleme du point de vue du systeme nerveux et de sa fonction dirigeante a 1'égard de toutes les manl festations de 1'organisme humain., - 10 - A l1'age avancé c'est d'abord dans 1le systeme nerveux que s'accomplissent 1 es changements; et parceque ce systeme représente le facteur intégrant de tous les organes de 1'homme,il arrive qu'une fois vieill1l le systeme nerveux commence a produire un effet & longue portée sur le fonctionnement de 1'ensemble de l'organisme d'une personne agée. A un age avancé la vivacité du systeme nerveux diminue ainsi que son travail intégrateur, tandis que l'harmonie des éléments organiques affaiblit. La perte de certains des traits ayant - durant la plus grande partie de son existence - typiquement caractérisé une personne humaine, n'est nullement a considérer comme étant un symptome d'ordre pathologique ou morbide: c'est un aspect normal et biologiquement justifié de 1'age avancé; en soi la vieillesse n'est pas le résultat d'une maladie nerveuse ou mentale de quelque nature que ce soit. Les maladies mentales sont caractérisées par des processus essentiellement différents. I1 siedde faire une distinction nette entre les vielilles personnes intactes et celles qui sont anor- males: le vieux normal etle vieux sénile représentent deux notions dissemblables.L'age avancé est déterminé par le temps,la sénilité est déterminée par des tissus ayant subil une modification pathologique. La décadence du fonctionnement de 1'organisme produite par 1'age avancé influence considérablement la responsabilité de 1a personne agée,mais il parait qu'il s'agitici d'une influence qui differe complete- ment de celle exercée par la maladie mentale et qui, par conséquent, donne 1lieu a des considérations différentes en matiere pénitentiaire. La question doit étre poséede savoir s'il n'est pas raisonnable d'envisager desmesures pénitentiaires spéciales pour 1a défense aussi bien des vieillards que des jeunes: une défense contre les dangers de leur propre faiblesse. C'est d'une fagon spécifique que — chez les vieilles personnes - les caractéristiques - 11 - des processus physiologiques produisent des crimes; leur cul pabilité est aussi spécifique et, par consé- quent, leur punition aussi doit étre spécifique. I1 semble que 1a défense de lavieilll esse s'impose, aussi bien dans un sens actif que dans un sens passif. Les personnes 3agées ont besoin d'une défense active en tant que victimes de délits, ce qui entrainerait une peine plus sévere pour les délinquants qul commet- tent des crimes dirigés contredes individus d'un age avancé. Or,en vue de leur responsabilité en tant que délin- quants,les personnes agées ont également besoin d'une défense passive: ceh'est pas une peine plus ou . moins anodine qui leur convient,mais une peine différente, En le jugeant, en fixant sa peine et en le punissant, le délinquant agé qui est affecté d'une maladiementale doit 2tre nettement distingué du délin- quant &gé qui est - du point de vue mental - "normale- ment anormal". LITERATURE: Gustav Aschaffenburg: Das Verbrechen und seine Bekamp- fung (Heidelberg, 1923) J. Bresler : Greisenalter und Kriminalitat (Halle, 1907) F. Carrara : The Programme of Criminal Science (Budapest, 1878) William Norwood East: Medical Aspects of Crime (Lon- don, 1936) Franz Exner : Kriminalbiologie(Hamburg, 1939) N. Feisenberger : Einfluss des Greisenal ters auf die Kriminalitat (Berlin, 1899) Ervin Hacker : Psychiatry and Criminal Law (Miskolc, 1943) Béla Horany Béla Horéany Arthur Hiibner Albert Irk Georg Mayr F.A. Moran Albert Olbermann Adol phe Prins Adol phe Quetelet G. Rauzier Walter C. Reckless Ernst Roesner Stephen Schafer Gabriel Tarde J. Werner - 12 - The revision of some basic ques-— tions of neurology (Budapest, 1952) The neurological relations to 0ld age (Budapest, 1953) : Minderwertigkeit (Berlin, 1933) Criminology (Budapest, 1912) : Moralstatistik (Tubingen,1917) The Sex Criminal on Parole (Albany, 1940) Kriminalitdat des al ternden Men- schen (Bonn, 1936) Science pénale et droit positif (Bruxelles, 1899) Sur 1'homme etle développement de ses facultés ou essai de physique sociale (Paris, 1835) Traité des maladies vieillards (Paris, 1909) Sociological Aspects of Crime (New York, 1949) Al ter und Straffalligkeit (Ber- lin, 1933) On the Proportion of the Crimina- lity of Women (Budapest, 1947) La Criminalité Comparée(Paris, 1924) Geistig minderwertige oder Geisteskranke (Berlin, 1906) QUATRIEME CONGRES INTERNATIONAIL DE CRIMINOLOGIE - LA HAYE 1960 - TRAVAUX PREPARATOIRES I11 EGOCENTRISME ET PERSONNALITE CRIMINELLE Scerétariat du Congres, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, I.a Hayc (Pays - Bas) FGOCENTRISME ET PERSONNALITE CRIMINELLE par Jean Pinatel Inspecteur Général de 1'Administration Paris, France Parmi lamul titude des composantes psychologiques de la personnalité,il en est qui, plus que d'autres, paraissent avoir des rapports avec la délinquance. Mais, au~dela de cette constatation général ement admise, 11 faut surtout se demander si, dans tous ces traits psychologiques, 11 n'en . est pas qui constituent le noyau central de la personnalité criminelle, tandis que d'autres en constitueraient seulement les varia- bles (1). Cette question mérite d'étre posée car c'est un fait d'expérience que les délinquants apparaissent a la fois tres divers et trés ressemblants. L'existence d'un noyau central et de variables de la personnalité criminelle serait susceptible de rendre compte de cette variété et de cette unité. On:peut ranger parmi les vartables dela personnali- té criminelle les traits se rapportant a 1'activité (certains délinquants sont des actifs, d'autres des Passifs); les aptitudes physiques, intellectuelles, socliales etles traits dynamiques relatifs aux besoins instinctuels (nutritifs,sexuels,etc....). Ces traits et aptitudes sont susceptibles demettre enlumiere la motivation, le degré de réussite et la direction —EE——— (1) Dans ce sens,mais dans le cadre de 1'approche bio- constitutiomelle,voir 0lof Kinberg, Lta connaissance de 1'infra-structure biologique de 1'acte délic- tueux comme base d'une criminogénése objective,in Autour de 1'oeuvre du Dr.E.de Greeff. Nauwelaerts Paris, Louvain, 1956, Tome I, p. 35 et s. - 9 _ générale d'une conduite criminelle. Mais ils ne suf- fisent pas pour expliquer 1le passage a 1'acte lui- meme.0n peut méme avancer que par rapport a 1'explica- tion du passage a 1'acte,ces traits et aptitudes sont tout a fait neutres. C'est ainsi qu'une motivation nutritive ou sexuelle est également & la base de 1la. conduite adaptée d'un chef de famille qui travaille honneétement; que les aptitudes physiques, intellec- tuelles ou sociales peuvent rendre compte du degré de réussite d'une conduite non-délictueuse, quel'activité et la passivité font saisirladirection suivie par une personnalité conformiste. La nécessité d'aller au-dela des variables, pour essayer d'atteindre le noyau central de 1a personnalité criminelle n'a donc pas besoin d'@tre davantage dé- montrée. Toute la difficulté réside dans le fait que s1 1'on pressent bien1'existence de ce noyau central, on n'en pergoit exactement ni les contours, ni les éléments. La moins mauvaise méthode pour tenter de découvrircertains aspects de cette terre inconnue est peut-etre,de se pencher tout d'abord,sur le sentiment de la personnalité qui est ala base du développement et del'extension de 1'individu et qul s'exprime dans un égocentrisme plus ou moins intense.On s'efforcera donc dans les développements qui vont suivre de préciser les conceptions qui président a la définition de 1'égocentrisme, d'en relever les manifestations en clinique criminelle et d'en situer la portée dans le cadre de 1'appréciation de 1'état dangereux. I - Les conceptions qui président a4 la définition de 1'égocentrisme La définition +traditionnelle de 1'égocentrisme 1'assimile 3 1a tendance de tout rapporter & soi-meme. Par exemple, dans les expériences sur 1'association des idées, on appelle "association égocentrique" le fait quele sujet réagit aumot inducteur par une idée relative & sa propre personne. C'est ainsi, précise _ 3 - A. Lalande, que si "on lui donne le mot "chien", il répondra "je les aime""(1). Mais 1'égocentrisme n'a pas seulement que des expressions intellectuelles. I1 a également des ex- pressions affectives et sociales. Du point de vue affectif, le sujet qui se considere comme le centre- de 1'univers réagira ala frustration parla jalousie, l'envie, le dépit. Dans son moi blessé les rages et coleres ainsi que les désespoirs violents se donneront libre cours.Du point de vue social,enfin, la suscep- tibilité, la suffisance, 1'autoritarisme donneront naissance a la dissimulation, a la fourberie, au despotisme et & la domination (2). Les conceptions qui président & cette définition concrete et suffisamment large de 1'égocentrisme dérivent de trois grandes théories: théorie de 1'in- néité, théorie génétique, théorie sociologique. A - Théorie de 1'Innéité La théoriedel'innéité voit dans 1'égocentrisme un instinct.Dupré a soutenu que 1'instinct de conser- vation englobe le sentiment de la personnalité.C'est en vertude ce sentiment de la personnalité que 1'in- dividu cherche a s'affirmer et & rayonner parmi ses sembl ables. Les anomalies par exces de ce sentiment se révelent par 1'hypertrophie énorme du moi, par une autophilie, par toutes les manifestations del'orgueil et de la vanité. L'orgueil en vertu duquel le sujet S'estime lui-m@me au-dela de toute mesure,se rattache a4 la constitution paranoiaque et s'allie souvent a la méfiance et aux idées de persécution. La vanité, en (1) A.Lalande.Egocentrisme. Vocabul aire technique et critiquedela philosophie.Paris.P.U.F.1951,p.271 (2) Comp.E.de Greeff.L'homme chez le criminel. Revue de droit pénal et de criminologie. 1932, p.465 et S. et notamment p. 485. - 4 - vertude laquelle le sujet veut @tre estimé des autres au-dela de ses mérites,est tres fréquemment associée a la mythomanie et peut aboutir au délire imaginatif de grandeur, Mais et c'est 1la une constatation tres lmportante les manifestations et les conséquences de 1 "hypertrophie du sentiment de la personnalite se confondent avec cellesdel'insuffisance ou 1'absence de 1'instinct de sympathie c'est-a-dire 1 'égoisme ou défaut de générosité, 1'indifférence affective et morale. la tendance a la vie solitaire (1), Ains1, la théorie de 1'innéite finit-elle par Joindre pratiquement ] 'egocentrisme 41 'insensibilite morale déja mise en évidence comme un des tralts fondamentaux de la personnalité c¢riminelle par les pionniers de la criminologie. La connexi1te des notions d égocentrisme et d'i1nsen- sib1l1té moralene veut pas dire qu'1l y ait i1denti te entre elles, mais simplement qu'elles ont des effets communs. Ceux-c¢1 reésident dans une 1nadaptation a la personnali1té des autres, mais cette 1nadaptation est provoquée dans le cas de 1'égocentrisme par la ten- dance a s'imposer autour de sol et dans celui de l'insensibilitemoral e par une impossibilité d'engage- ment affectif. B - Théorie Génétique La distinction de principe entre 1'égocentrisme et 1'1nsensibilité morale s'estompe considérablement dans la théorie génétique. Dans la théorie freudienne une place 1mportante a été accordée au développement affectif de 1'enfant, Avant de différencier le monde extérieur de sa per- sonne, 11 croit a la toute puissance de ses pensées et a son action magique surlemonde réel. Mais cette (1) Dr.Dupré. Les perversions instinctives. Archives d'Anthropologie Criminelle. 1912, p. 502 et s. - 5 - "phase narcissique" ne constitue qu'une étape des processus de sa socialisation.Ce n'est que lorsqu'il y-a échec de cette socialisation que subsiste une mentalité infantile s'exprimant dans un égocentrisme exigeant (1). Cette théorie freudienne a été confirmée dans ses gcrandes lignes par 1'étude des fonctions du langage enfantin effectuée par M. Jean Piaget. Ce qui 1l'a intéressé dans le langage de 1'enfant, c'est qu'il y a découvert un moyen de révéler sa pensée.ll a reconnu deux types de langage chez 1'enfant: le langage égo- centrique et le 1langage socialisé. "Dans le langage égocentrique 1'enfant ne s'inquiete pas de savoir a qui il parle ni qui 1'écoute.Il parle soit pour lui- meme, soit pour associer quelqu'un qui se trouve la a l'activité dumoment... Il n'essaye pas de se placer lui-meéme au point de vue de 1'auditeur". A 1'inverse le langage socialisé est celui "dans lequel 1'enfant s'adresse & son auditeur,considere son point de vue, essayede l'influencer ou échange réellement des idées avec lui". « Le pourcentage 1e plus élevé des réactions égocen- triques coinciderait avec les ages de 3 et 5 ans, et une nette socialisationdulangage se produlirait vers 1'age de 7 & 8 ans. L'égocentrisme serait, des lors, 1'expression d'un manque de maturité psychologique qui disparaitrait avec 1'age.La conversation de 1'adul te serait hautement socialisée (2). De méme qu'il existe une pensée égocentrique et une pensée socialisée chez 1'enfant, on trouve deux morales enfantines.La premie¢re est une morale de con- trainte et d'hétéronomie se traduisant par la respon- sabilité objective; la seconde,est,au contraire, une (1) A.Hesnard. Narcissisme in Manuel alphabétique de psychiatrie. Paris, P.U.F. 1952, p. 284. (2) J.Piaget. Le langage et la pensée chez 1'enfant. Del achaux & Niestlé. pp. 840-41. - 6 - morale de coopération et d'autonomie se traduisant par la responsabilité subjective. L'origine égocentrique de la premiere ne fait pas de doute, car le respect unilatéral de1l'enfant pour les consignes de 1'adulte est une conséquence du fait qu'il ne peut dissocier son moi de celui de son afné. Mais avec 1'age, et ce devrait eétre chose faite a 8 ans,l1'enfant sortira de son égocentrisme pour tendre versla coopération (1). Ce sont ces données de psychologie morale qui, rapprochées de la théorie freudienne, sous-tendent vralsemblablement l1a position prise par M.D. Lagache relativement & 1'assimilation des notions d'égocen- trisme et d'insensibilité morale en rattachant a la premiere la série des traits suivants: incapacité de juger un probleme moral en se plagant a un point de vue autre que personnel, le défaut de considération pour les autres, le caractere partiel et narcissique des buts et objets sexuels, les attitudes critiques et accusatrices envers autrui, le défaut de sens de la responsabilité et dela culpabilité et la propension aux réactions d'innocence, le sentiment d'injustice subie (2). C - Théorie Sociologique Le schéma de 1la théorie génétique opposant 1'égocentrisme psychologique et moral de 1'enfant a la maturité psychologique et morale de 1'adulte et expliquant par une défaillance du processus d'adapta- tion la persistance de 1'égocentrisme a 1'3dge adul te n'a pas été adopté, tel quel, par M.J. Piaget. De la (1) J.Piaget.Le jugement moral chez 1'enfant.Presses Universitaires de France. Paris, 1957, p.251 et s. (2) D.Lagache.Introduction psychologique et psychana- lytique alacriminologie.Conférences duIer Cours International de Criminologie. p. 155 et s.et notamment p. 159. -7 - psychologie morale, il s'est élevé, en effet, a la sociologie morale. 11 a de 1la sorte constaté que, lorsque 1'enfant sort spontanément de son égocentrisme pour tendre vers la coopération, 1'adulte opere la plupart du temps "de maniere & renforcer 1'égocentris- me enfantin sous son double jour intellectuel et mo- ral" (1). Ce renforcement a pour cause 1'extériorité des consignes de 1'adulte et le manque de psychologie de 1'adulte moyen, dont porte témoignage en particulier "1"analyse individuelle des jeunes délinquants ou des enfants difficiles".Ainsi les parentsmoyens évoquent— 11s "les gouvernements inintelligents qui se bornent a accumuler les lois, au mépris meme des contradic- tions et de la confusion d'esprit croissante qui résul te de cette accumulation". Et voici 1les consé- quences "Une telle pédagogie aboutit a ce perpétuel état de tension,qui est 1'apanage de tant de familles et que les parents responsables mettent, cela va de soi, au compte de la méchanceté innée de 1'enfant et du péché originel. Mais, si courante et si légitime a bien des égards que soit la défense et 1la révolte de 1'enfant contre de tels procédés,il est pourtant, dans la majorité des cas, vaincu intérieurement. Ne pouvant faire exactement le départ entre ce qui est bien et ce qui est critiquable dans 1'attitude de ses parents, ne pouvant juger objectivement ses pa- rents étant donné "1'ambivalence" de ses sentiments a leur égard, 1'enfant, dans ses moments d'attache- ment, finit par donner raison intérieurement a leur autorité. Devenu adulte, il n'arrivera meéme que tres exceptionnel lement & se défaire des schemes affectifs alnsi acquis et sera aussi stupide avec ses propres enfants qu'on 1'aura été avec lui". Tous ceux qui sont familiarisés avec les pro- (1) J. Piaget. Le jugement moral chez 1'enfant. op. cit. p. 150. - 8 - blemes de 1a délinquance et del'inadaptation juvéni- les ne peuvent manquer de partager pleinement ces conclusions. Mais sans aucun doute convient-il de ne point leur accorder de portée trop générale. C'est, qu'en effet, les conclusions de M.J. Piaget ont fait 1'ob- jet de vérifications multiples qui ont été résumées par M.L. Carmichael avec une grande objectivité., I1 en résulte que "méme les évaluations les plus élevées d'égocentrisme dépassent rarement 50% et que, par conséquent, les appréciations enthousiastes que 1'on rencontre a 1l'occasion touchant 1la prédominance de 1'égocentrisme dans le langage du jeune enfant, sont dénuées de tout fondement".Fait plus important encore, un travail de Henle et Hubbell a, en 1938, mis en doute qu'un degré élevé d'égocentrisme est réellement caractéristique de 1'enfance et qu'il disparait avec l1'apparition de la maturité. Aussi bien, conclut M.L. Carmichael "le degré d'égocentrisme remarqué d'abord dans le langage del'enfant est peut-etre une caractéristique de la nature humaine qui se manifeste seulement de fagon plus subtile chez 1'adulte" (1). On se trouve ainsi ramené de maniere assez inat-— tendue a la théorie de 1'innéité que la théorie génétique et la théorie sociologique avaient voulu précisément écarter. Ce qui montre que dans la for- mation de 1'égocentrisme comme pour celle de tout autre trait de personnalité, interviennent toujours des influences biologiques et des influences dumilieu, dont 1'action et 1l'interaction favorisent le jeu de facteurs psychologiques plus nuancés. IT - Les manifestations del'égocentrisme en clinique criminelle Le fait que 1'égocentrisme est tres largement (1) L.Carmichael. Manuel de Psychologie de, 1'enfant. Tome 1I, P.U.F. 1952, p. 842 et s, -9 - répandu chez les enfants et chez les adultes, qu'il se développe non seulement en raison d'influences psychologiques et sociologiques, mais également & partir d'influences biologiques, autorise & penser qu'1l doit s'exprimer par des manifestations physio- logiques et par des manifestations pathologiques. Autrement dit, en clinique criminelle, on décelera des manifestations égocentriques aussi bien chez les criminels relevant de types définis que chez ceux se situant en dehors de ces types définis. A - Les manifestations de 1'égocentrisme chez les criminels relevant de types définis Les criminels relevant de types définis sont essentiellement 1les malades, les caractériels, les pervers et les débiles. a) Les malades peuvent @tre atteints soit de psycho- ses, soit de névroses. Parmi les malades atteints de psychoses on ren- contre,tout d'abord,les schizophrenes dont 1'autisme est caractéristique.Cet autisme consiste dans la po- larisation de toute la vie mentale du sujet sur son monde intérieur.Il y a perte de contact avec le monde extérieur,qui n'est plus qu'une apparence ou si 1'on préfere un monde sans échanges possibles aveclemonde familier des désirs,des angoisses, de la sensibilité et de 1'imagination du malade. Celui-ci est impéné- trable et son comportement incompréhensible (1). Une autre forme d'égocentrisme pathologique se rencontre chez les paranoiaques chez lesquels 1la conduite de —— (1) Th.Kammerer.Autisme. Manuel alphabétique de psy- chiatrie.op.cit. p.40. L.E.Hinsie.Schizophrenia. Encyclopedia of criminology.p.436 et s.H. Warren Dunham.The Schizophrene and Criminal Behavior.in Criminology (Readings) p. 201 et s. - 10 - fuite et de retrait se teinte de suspicion et s'ex- prime dans des délires structurés et systématiques (1). Chez eux 1'intellect n'est pas touché sauf en ce qui concerne 1le theme délirant centré sur 1la persécution et la grandeur.A 1'opposé les mélancoli- ques souffrent d'un défaut ou d'une déviation du sentiment de la personnalité qui les rend soucieux, anxieux, désespérés (2). Ce ne sont la que quel ques exemples de 1'égocen- trisme pathologique chez 1les psychotiques. I1 est évident qu'un spécialiste pourrait pousser bien plus loin la démonstration, mais il ne s'agit ici que de comprendre certaines réactions criminelles, C'est ainsi qu'un milieu du calme et de 1'indifférence, le schizophrene fait soudainement éclater le drame;c'est souvent un homicide sans raison effective, suivi d'acharnement sur le cadavre, C'est ainsi que le pa- ranolaque se manifeste par des conduites agressives allant de 1la simple processivité jusqu'au meurtre, tandis que lemélancolique en arrive au suicide indi- viduel ou collectif, Les épileptiques dont lep réactions agressives peuvent etre tres i1mportantes sont également des égocentriques.D'apres M.A.Lalande 1a forme d'associa- tion égocentrique dégagée dans le cadre des expériences .sur 1'association des idées serait particulierement (1) (2) A. Brousseau. L'état dangereux dans les passions morbides. Conférences du IIleme Cours Internatio- nal de Criminologie. p. 214 et s. Olof Kinberg.L'étudede la fonctionmorale dans ses rapports avec 1'Etat Dangereux.Conférences du ITeme Cours International de Criminologie.p.182 et s.et notamment p. 190. - 11 - fréquente chez les épileptiques (1). D'une maniere généraleles névrosés ne deviennent guere délinquants.Mais 1'égocentrisme doit etre sig- nalé en particulier chez les hypocondriaques si préoc- cupés de lamaladie qui pourrait atteindre une partie de leur corps, voire de tout leur corps (2) et les hystéri,ques qui se plaignent d'une paralysie, d'une courbature, d'une cécité, d'une aphonie sans que 1 'examen medical permette de révéler une cause organi- que.L'hystérique,et aun degré moindre 1'hypocondria- que, a "une personnalite superficielle "cabotine", vaine, avide de sympathie et d'attention, tres vul- nérable en ce qui touche son Moi, il peut jouer a faire le pitre et ne se sent aucunement responsable de ses troubles névrotiques" (8)¢De telles personna- lités apparaissent rarement a 1'état pur parmi les délinquants.Sur 100 cas, MM.Blanc, Bertrand et nous- méme, avons trouveé un seul cas d'enfant délinquant qui pouvait eétre qualifie d'hypocondriaque. Le délit n'etait chez lui qu'une comédie parmi d'autres (4). b) Les caractériels sont des sujets atteints de trou- bles constituant en quelque sorte le diminutif de (1) A.Lalande.Egocentrisme. op. cit. Comp. A, Brous- seau. L'état dangereux dans les épilepsies. Con- férences du IIeme Cours International de Crimino- logie.p.206 et s. C.Ferrio. Epilessia Dizionario di Criminologia. Tome 1, p. 285 et s. (2) F.E.Louwage. Psychologie et Criminalité. Ninove, 1945, p. 85, (3) R.B.Cattell. La Personnalité. Paris, P.U.F.1956, p. 25 et p. 52, (4) J.Pinatel. M.Blanc et P.Bertrand. L'inadaptation juvénile, (Etude de 100 rapports d'observation). Revue internationale de criminologie et-de police technique. 1955, p. et s. - 12 - la maladie avérée (psychose ou névrose) (1).Ce ne sont pas des malades, mais plutot des i1infirmes du psychisme, dont le comportement habituel rappelle un comportement pathologique correspondant, On trouvera donc parmi les caractériels des schizoides, des petits paranoiaques, des dépressifs, des é&pi- leptoides, des mythomanes. Ces caractériels a 1'état pur se rencontrent avec une certaine fréquence chez les délinquants,mais le diagnostic ne parait val able que dans des cas graves pouvant etre nette- ment individualisés par rapport a la typologie de reférence. Dupré (2) a souligné tout particulierement les rapports de 1'égocentrisme et de 1'orientation para- nojaque,faite d'orgueil et se traduisant "parl'esprit de domination et de tyrannie,par 1'exercice abusif de 1'autorité, par toutes les formes de despotisme, con- jugal ,domestique, professionnel et politique., L'into- lérance, 1'arrogance, la morgue peuvent en eétre,dans les rapports sociaux,l'expression fréquente" Il faut ajouter avec lui que le mélange, dans 1l'orientation paranoiaque. "de 1 orgueil etdela méfiance crée les manlifestations de la jalousie,de la rancune ala sulite des blessures d amour-propre. de mépris et de la méconnaissance hostile de 1'entourage". Des lors "]1'association de cette vanité pathologique a la de- b1lité du sens moral a pour consequence | 'absence de scrupules,et cette subordination systématique de tous les 1ntérets d'autrui au succes personnel designe sous le nom d'arrivisme",. I1 a également mis en lumiere les rapports de 1'égocentrisme et de 1'orientation mythomaniaque. (1) Comp.G.Heuyer. Délinquance et troubles du carac- tere chez les adolescents. Revue de 1'Education Surveillée. 1946, No. 2 p. 38 et s. (2) Dr.Dupré. Les perversions instinctives. op. cit. - 13 - Celle-ci peut @tre associée a la débilité mentale et se manifeste alors par 1ahablerie fantastique,l'auto- accusation criminelle,la fabulation-simulation d'at- tentats oudemaladies,un certain nombre de ces sujets fabul ateurs et simul ateurs pouvant présenter — associa- tion toute naturelle — des accidents hystériques. Les conséquences criminologiques de 1'orientation mythomaniaque ont été exposées par Dupré avec une telle maitrise, qu'aujourd'hui encore, le plus simple est d'en reproduireles termes."La vanité - écrivait-il, peut entrainer les sujets a des manifestations immo- rales, délictueuses ou criminelles, étrangeres a la mythomanie, telles que 1'escroquerie et le vol, pour procurer au sujet les moyens de satisfaire ses appétits de coquetterie et ses gofits de gloriole et d'ostenta- tion.Dans des cas exceptionnels, la vanité peut con- duire certaing débiles a des actes beaucoup plus graves, tels que la détérioration ou la destruction de monu- ments publics et 1'incendie: actes. de vandalisme, érostratisme. "Tous les médecins d'asiles et de prisons ont insisté surlavanité absurde et colossale des grands criminels, qui s'étale chez eux dans leurs mémoires, leurs dessins, leurs autobiographies, leurs déclara-— tions emphatiques et prétentieuses, etc., jusqu'au seuil de 1'échafaud,dans leurs lettres aleurs parents et leurs-discours au public. "L'asgociation des tendances vaniteuses et'cupides a la mythomanie crée des types d'activité perverse et fraudul euse d'un grand intéret judiciaire. Tels sont les .grands escrocs, les agioteurs de haute marque, les chefs des grandes entreprises fraudul euses, les emprunteurs sur faux héritages,en un mot les escomp- teurs de fortunes fictives, & chiffre fabuleux, a échéance prochaine, dontlemirage est présenté avec un talent si persuasif et des ressources imaginatives et dialectiquessi convaincantes, que tout 1'entourage est entrainé dans un vertige de suggestion collective, qui finit par gagner 1'auteur méme du roman et le - 14 - persuader de la réalité de son oeuvre", Il résulte de tout <cela que 1'association de 1'égocentrisme liée a des troubles caractériels avec la perversion et la débilité mentale est hautement criminogene ., c) Les pervers se subdivisent en deux grandes varié- tés; celle des pervers sexuels et moraux, que le concept américain de personnalité psychopathique réunit: Parmi les pervers sexuels une attention toute particuliere doit @tre portée aux narcissiques. On salt que le mythe antique de Narcisse amoureux de lui-meéme a conduit Naecke et Halevock Ellis a appliquer le terme de narcissisme a la perversion sexuelle, qui consiste a se choisir soi-meéme comme objet érotique. C'est ainsi qu’un narcissisme érotique peut eétre ob- servé chez 1'adolescent timide qui cultivele plaisir solitaire et finit par etre amoureux sensuellement de son propre corps. Il existe également une homose- xualité de type narcissique dominée par la recherche de la propre personne du sujet chez un partenaire du méme sexe, rajeuni ou embelli. Partant de la, Freud a parle de névroses et psychoses narcissiques dans lesquelles le sujet est incapable d'élection amoureuse, tellement est grand 1'intéret affectif porté a sa propre personne. En cas de cure psychanalytique le transfert se révele impossible (1). Pratiquement, on ne rencontre guere de pervers sexuels de cette sorte parmi nos délinquants, mais 1'on trouve chez certains d'entre eux des équivalents ou symptdmes narcissiques. Il nous parait difficile, en tout cas,sur la basede nos observations d'affirmer avec M.D. Lagache que le "type idéal" du criminel se caractérise par le caractere partiel et narcissique (1) A. Hesnard. Narcissisme. op. cit. - 15 - des buts et objets sexuels. L'homosexualité péniten- tiaire semble,en regle générale, acquise, utilitaire et transitoilre. | En ce qul concerne les pervers moraux, on sait que les véritables pervers présentent une inversion totale du sentiment de sympathie. Ce quli les carac- térise essentiellement, c'est la malignité, c'est-a- dire, le besoin de faire le mal par plaisir. Mais, a coté de ces sujets au demeurant assez rares,viennent les inaffectifs fonciers,incapables de réagir affecti- vement et qui, par conséquent, peuvent @tre brutaux jusqu'a la cruauté. A un stade encore moins accusé, on trouve les opposants dont les manifestations vont de la rébellion a la simple rétivité du caractere et les nonchalants moraux de Gilbert Robin qui sont des petits débiles de 1'affectivité, des inaffectifs légers (1), Ce qui caractérise tous ces sujets c'est,au fond, 1'egoisme dont 1'intensité peut varier mais qui,dans tous les cas,se définira par opposition a la généro- sitée, a l'altruisme et résidera essentiellement dans 1'amour de soi (2), Les expressions intellectuelles de 1'egoisme sont 1'assurance en soi, la recherche unique de so1, ses expressions affectives sont la (1) Comp.P.R.Bize. La notion de perversité. Rééduca- tion.Numéro spécial sur"Les Pervers".Juin=Juillet 1950, p. 3 et s. Voir ¢également les réponses a 1'enquete surles pervers contenues dans ce numéro et spécialement celles de Melles Badonnel et Boutonier et de MM. Dublineau, Fabre de Morlhon, de Greelf, Houyer et Le Guillant. (2) Sur 1'égoisme voir A.Lalande.Vocabulaire techni- que et critique de la philosophie. op. cit.p. 271. A.Poggi.Dizionario di Criminologia. Tome I, p.-21 et s. Voir également P.R. Bize. L'évolution psycho-physiologique de 1'enfant. Paris, P.U.F. 1950, p. 210. - 16 - tendance & 1'exclusivité et .a 1a permanence, d'ou la haine, la vehgeance; ses expressions soclales, la violence et les brutalités, le mépris d'autrui, ce qui implique le fanatisme,l'érotisme, la destruction des obstacles au moi, le mépris de la vie et du bien d'autrui. I1 suit de lh que lorsqu'il y a égoisme,il y a également égocentrisme. Mais 1'inverse n'est pas automatiquement vrai: la vie quotidienne donne 1'ex- emple d'égocentriques qui sont en m@me temps pourvus d'une affective chaleureuse.C'est & dire que 1'assimi- lation du caractere"affectionless"et de1'égocentrisme ne saurait étre admise, du moins théoriquement, car évidemment leur distinction-. pratique est toujours mal aisée. On trouve une preuve de la difficulté de cette distinction dans le concept américain de personnalité psychopathique qui désigne "les sujets qui présentent, soit une sexualité pathologique,soit une affectivité pathologique,soit des tendances amorales ou asociales, solt des formes associées de ces manifestations qui, toutes, présentent ce caractere commun de ne pas @tre accompagnées de troubles mentaux proprement dits"(1): La plupart des auteurs qui se sont occupés de ces sujets soulignent 1leur égocentrisme et certains in- sistenlt également & cdté de ce trait sur le défaut de capacité de culpabilité et de responsabilité et leur affectivité pauvre (2). (1) Définition extraitede la classification des trou- bles mentaux approuvée par 1le "Council of the American Psychiatric Association" (R.B. Cattell. La Personnalité. op. cit. p. 724). (2) N.H.Cleckley. Psychopathic personality- Encyclo— pediaof Criminology.p.413 et s.Benjamin Karpman. The nature of Psychopathy in Criminology(Readings) p.166 et s. Nathaniel Thorsten. The psychopathic personality and Crime. Ibid. p. 177 et s. - 17 - d) Les débiles sont égal ement de grands égocentriques, on pourralt presque dire des égocentriques al'etat pur, puisqu'aussi bien 1'inaptitude a tenir compte de la personnalité d'autrui constitue une de leurs caractéristiques essentielles.La débilité,lorsqu’ elle s'associea l'orientation mythomaniaque, abou- tit a un super-égocentrisme générateur d'antisocia- 1ité (1). Telles sont 1les principales manifestations de l1'egocentrisme dans le cadre de types criminels définis. B - Les manifestationsdel'égocentrisme en dehors de types criminels définis En dehors des types criminels psychiatriquement définis, on doit rechercher les manifestations de l1'egocentrisme chez les professionnels, les crimina- loides et les occasionnels. a) Les professionnels sont des délinquants actifs, et partant autoritaires obstinés tres susceptibles, decides et hardis.Ils sont combattifs,aventureux, enclins au défi. C'est parce qu'ils allient a ces trarts d'egocentrisme une insensibi1li1té morale, c'est-a-dire, une débilité de 1'affectivité qu'ils s'organisent dans leur carriere criminelle (2). b) Les criminaloides présentent, d'apres M., Benigno di Tullio, un sentiment exagéré de leur propre personnalité avec tendance a 1'égocentrisme et a la vanité, Ces traits d'égocentrisme s'associent (1) Voir notre chronique sur "Les criminels débiles mentaux". Revue de Science Criminelle 1958, p. 434 et s, (2) Voir notre chronique sur "Les criminels profession- nels". Revue de Science Criminelle 1957, p. 909 et s, - 18 - bien entendu, a d'autres traits psychologiques et en particulier avec la faiblesse de la sensibilite morale (1). c) Les occasionnels recouvrent une variété extréme de personnalités (2). Parmi les pseudo-delinquants auteurs d'infractions involontaires,1'égocentrisme de 1'automobiliste imprudent est susceptible d'@tre particul ierement signalé.Ill faut mentionner égale- lement 1°égocentrisme du délinquant passionnel aux attitudes pseudo-justicieres. On s apercoit, au terme de cette breve revue des principales manifestations de 1'égocentrisme dans 1'ordre pathologique et physiologique, que ce trait psychologique se trouve implacablement présent chez 1les délinquants quels que solent les types dont 11s reldvent, Il s‘ensuit que 1'égocentrisme peut @tre retenu comme un des éléments du noyau cen- tral de la personnalité criminelle. III - Egocentrisme et Etat Dangereux La portée de 1'egocentrisme en tant qu'elément du noyau central de la personnalité criminelle doit @tre appréciée par rapport au concept d’'etat dangereux. On sait que ce concept recouvre, en réalite, deux él1éments indépendants, c'est-a-dire qui peuvent varier séparément:la capacite criminelle ou témibili té et 1'adaptabilité. C'est essentiellement en relation avec la capacité criminelle ou témibilité que la (1) Benigno di Tullio.Les problemes de la constitution délinquantielle par rapport a 1'état dangereux. Conférences du IIeme Cours International de Crimi- nologie. p. 73 et s. et spécialement p. 77. (2) Voir notre chronique"Classification des criminels". Revue de Science Criminelle. 1956, p. 862 et s. - 19 - portée de 1'égocentrisme peut @tre appréciée (1), Tres schématiquement,on peutdire que la capacité criminelle ou témibilité se mesure par le degré de nocivité et d'inintimidabilité du délinquant, C'est ainsi que pour déterminer sa nocivité,il convient de se pencher sur le fait qu'il n'a pas ¢été retenu par 1'odieux de 1'exécution manuelle du crime et par les obstacles matériels rencontrés;tandis que pour préci- ser son inintimidabilité, il importe d'examiner le fait qu'il n'a pas été retenu par les chatiments en- courus et par 1'opprobe qui s'attache au nom des mal faiteurs.l,'égocentrisme conditionne les attitudes du délinquant envers lui-méme et envers autrui qui rendent compte du défaut d inhibition qu'il manifeste vis-a-vis de 1'opprobe sociale. A- Attitudes du délinquant envers lui-méme Vis-a-vis de lui-méme le délinquant est, de par son égocentrisme,incapable de juger un probl eme moral a un point de vue autre que personnel et enclin aux réactions d'innocence. Tout délinquant tend & rendre sa faute 1légitime etil n'y arrive généralement,nous dit M.E. de Greeff "qu'en dévalorisant les 1lois et 1les hommes, en se demontrant que 1'hypocrisie est universelle et qu'd est encore plus honn@ete, lui, que ceux qul auralient a le juger" (2). L'égocentrisme du délinquant est donc ala source de "cette autolégitimation" - qui selon M. Lafon - poursuivra son oeuvre au dela de la condamnation et (1) Comp. J. Pinatel. Introduction au probleme de : 1'état dangereux du point de vue dela criminologie appliquée.Conférences du IIeme Cours International de Criminologie. p. 327 et s. (2) E.de Greeff.Introductionila Criminologie.p.126. - 90 - fera le lit de la récidive" (1). Cette autolegitimation fait saisir pourquoi le crime qui,vu de 1'extérieur apparait comme une adap- tation manquée,est vécu par le sujet comme une adap- tation réussie. "Observé dans son histoire personnelle - a écrit M.A.Hesnard - le criminel apparait constamment comme un individu puissamment égocentrique. Mais d'un égo- centrisme particulier qui n'est ni 1'égocentrisme du monde irréel de la psychose ni 1'égocentrisme symbo- liquement assouvissablede la névrose.C'est d'un égo- centrisme éthique et concretement viable, qui trouve spécifiquement sa satisfaction dans la transgression de 1'Interdit, et dontla tension née des circonstances, ne peut se soulager que par1'acte gravement sanctionné par le milieu social.Sorte d'immaturation de la per- sonne révéléée par une inaptitude humaine a vivre en se soumettant aux interdits de la société, c'est—a- dire - dans le monde propre au sujet - aux valeurs de la morale sociale. Le criminel passe a 1'acte non lorsqu'il a éte vaincu par un désir coupable mais lorsqu'il a accom- pli - rapidement ou 1insidieusement - un travail de légitimation de son désir de supprimer un geéneur, de s'approprier le bien d'autrui, parfois meme de se survaloriser lui-meme en défiant 1'humanité et 1'uni- vers" (2). (1) Dr. Lafen, Le 1ibéré avec ses caractéristiques psychologiques et médicales.Congres des Prisons. Lourdes.Avril 1953, Actes p.9 et s. et notamment | p. 16. (2) A. Hesnard. Le processus de la légitimation sub- jective en criminogénese. Actes du. Ileme Congres International de Criminologie.Paris 1950.Tome 3, p. 360. et s. - 21 - B - Attitudes du délinquant envers autrui. Vis-a-vis d'autrui,l'égocentrisme du délinquant s'extériorise par les attitudes critiques et accusa- trices et le sentiment d'injustice subie. a) Les attitudes critiques et accusatrices envers autrui sont favorisées parle fait que le sujet se laisse toujours aller a exagérer le sens et la significationde certaines manifestations dela vie sociale et imaginera 1llusoirement que le milieu se modifie dans le sens que son inconscient désire. Dans ce cas, le sujet se met a penser et a réagir par rapport au milieu non tel qu'il est, ou tel qu'il est resté,mais tel qu'il est arrivé a se le représenter ou a le comprendre. Cesmodifications fictivesdumilieu, pour repren-— dre 1'expression de M.E. de Greeff, vont 1'amener & critiquer et a accuser le milieu réel dont il ne com- prendra plus les réactions. Son mode de rattachement 4 son milieu réel s'altérera et 1'évolution vers le crime s'accompagnerade la recherche d'un milieu sus- ceptible de correspondre a chacune des étapes qu'il parcourt (1). H. Joly avait déja fait l1a meme observation. "Le vrai malfaiteur - a-t-il écrit - ou celui qui se dispose a 1'2tre ne s'en va donc pas & 1'écart, ne s'enfonce dans aucune reéverie solitaire. I1 cherche une certaine société, et la est la caractéristique essentielle qui distinguele délinquant du malade"(2). (1) E. de Greeff. Criminogénese. Rapport général au Ileme Congres International de Criminologie.Paris 1950, Actes Tome 6, p. 267 et s. et spécialement p. 290 et s. (2) H. Joly. Jeunes criminels parisiens. Archives d'anthropologie criminelle.1890, p. 147 et s. et 393 et s. - 99 _ b) Le sentiment d'injustice subie a été rencontré par M.E. de Greeff chez la plupart des récidivistes, instables et inadaptés sociaux, secondairement voleurs. Ces sujets sont déconcertants au premier contact parlaviolence de leur besoin de justice. "Il s'agit ~ dit-il - d'une attitude sans nuance, purement revendicative et agressive, justifiant leur comportement. Il ne s'agit pas d'excuses, de mauvais prétextes, mais d'un état réellement vécu avec lequel ils sont identifiés".Or "cette notion de justice,l1ls ne la suspendent jamais" et on ob- serve que "tous ces @tres expliquent leur vie et leurs attitudes par les injustices et 1es mal chances dont ils ont été 1'objet, comment leur sens profond de l1a justice les a toujours empechés de se soumet- tre & 1'iniquité (1). Mais en présence de ce sentiment d'injustice subie, évocateur de 1'esprit faux, jaloux, vindicatif des paranoiaques, on se trouve une fois encore & la limite des conséquences del'égocentrisme et de 1'in- sensibilité morale. "I1 importe - ajoute M.E. de Greeff - pour apprécier de tels hommes quand et com- ment i1ls ont pu se subordonner & une valeur et nous apprécions dela sorte s'ils ont perdu cette aptitude a un moment donné deleurvie ou s'ils ont été toujours privés de communion sympathique et d'engagement dans la durée". Ainsi,au terme de cette étude,faut-il constater que les difficul tés pratiques de distinction entre les effets de 1'égocentrisme etdel'insensibilité morale -demeurent toujours. Mais en .s'efforgant de préciser les contours du concept d'égocentrisme en criminologie, du moins a-t-il été possible de préciser plus nette- ment la direction des recherches futures.En montrant (1) E.de Greeff.Criminogéntse. op. cit. spécialement p. 278 et s. - 93 - que 1'égocentrisme fait partie du noyau de la person- nalité criminelle, il a été par cela méme prouvé que la voie ainsi suivie était celle que précisément il faut suivre, si 1'on ne veut pas que la criminologile s'enferme dans des 1impasses. C'est, qu'en effet, si 1'on ne recherche pas ce qui est spécifique dans la personnalité criminelle,autant dire qu'on ne recherche rien et que, par avance, on se résigne a ne rien découvrir.Au contraire,si 1'on parvient a forger les concepts opérationnels de la recherche criminologique, il sera possible, dans un deuxieme stade, de définir les méthodes et 1es processus d'investigational'aide desquels ils pourront @tre appliqués a 1'étude de la réalité criminelle. - 94 - SUMMARY The feeling of personality lies at the basis of a person's development and unfolding; 1t expresses itself 1n a more or less pronounced egocentricity which constitutes one of the central elements of the criminal personality. Egocentricity is defined as the tendency to relate everything to oneself, in the 1intellectual field as well as 1n the affective and social fields. This definition is concrete and broad enough to cover the various existing conceptions of egocentricity, According to the theory which regards egocentricity as an innate characteristic itis an instinct derived from the instinct of sel fpreservation, the hypertrophied form (pride, vanity) of which goes hand in hand with affective indifference. Egocentricity and affective indifference lead in effect to a state of maladjustment with respect to the personality of others. But this mal adjustment 1s brought about in the case of ego- centricity by the tendency to impose oneself on one's environment,and in that of affective indifference by the impossibility of affective engagement. | This fundamental distinction is obscured in the genetic theory. According to the Freudian concepts there occurs a narcissic phase in the affective de- - 95 — velopment of the child, M.J. Piaget has likewise stressed the egocentric language of the child and 1ts unilateral compliance with the orders of the adult, an attitude of which the egocentric origin is borne out by the fact that the child cannot dissociate his own ego from that of the older person.If one approaches these moral -psychological findings from the Freudian theory, the concepts of egocentricity and affective indifference tend to become i1dentical., The sociological theory shows that infantile ego- centricity 1s intensi1fied by the external nature of the orders of the adult and by the lack of psychology 1n the average adult. Hence one cannot make too sharp a distinction between the psychological and moral ego- centricity of the child and the psychological maturity of the adult and merely explain the persistence of egocentricity 1nto adult 1life by a failure of the adjustment process, If one considers, moreover, that serious 1in- vestigationshave led to the opinion that egocentricity manifests itself in amore subtle manner in the adult than in the child one will find oneself brought back to the aforementioned theory of innateness. Which shows that biological and environmental 1influences keep affecting the formation of egocentricity. In clinics for criminals, egocentric manifesta- - 920 - tions are found to exist not only among criminals that can be assigned to a definite type(pathological types, persons with character déficiencies,perverts,feeble— minded persons) but also among those who cannot be assigned to a definite type (professional criminals, criminaloids, and occasional transgressors). As far as the dangerous state is concerned, ego- centricity is a conditioning factor of the attitudes of the delinquent toward himself and others which explain the uninhibitedness whichhe manifests toward social misdeeds. Toward himself +the delinquent is, by virtue of his egocentricity, incapable of considering a moral problem from any but a personal point of view,and he tends toward reactions of innocence(Hesnard's ethical egocentricity). Toward others the delinquent's egocentricity ex- presses itself in critical and accusatory attitudes (E. de Greeff's fictitious modifications of the en- vironment) and in the feeling of having suffered in- justice,a feeling which evokes the confused, jealous and vindictive spirit of the paranoiacs and with which one finds oneself once more at the end of the conse- quences of egocentricity and affective indifference. This study makes one presume that there existsa core of the criminal personality of which egoécentricity would be one of the consti tuting el ements.Apart from this - 927 - central core one encounters variable properties of the criminal personality (traits related to activ- ity; physical, intellectual and social aptitudes; dynamic traits related to instinctual needs).In this way the empirical fact mightbe explained that delin- quents are at the same time very different and very much alike.If one does not wish criminology to reach one dead end after another an investigation into what is specific in the criminal personality is the indicated procedure. Refusal to investigate at all means to be content from the start with not discovering anything either. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS - THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS 1 I11 FRUSTRATION AS THE BASIC CONDITION OF MENTALLY DISORDERED DELINQUENT BEHAVIOUR Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). FRUSTRATION AS THE BASIC CONDITION OF MENTALLY DISORDERI'D DELINGUENT BEHAVIOUR by Dr. Milos Kobal, M.D. Collaborator, Institute for Criminology Faculty of Law at the University of L jubl jana In our research work we are continuously pursuing the goal of defining better and more specifically those delinquent 1ndividuals whose personality is disturbed. We feel that the existing static and phe- nomenological definitions of such personalities do not satisfy and i1t seems that other speciallsts are dissatisfied with them too,Therefore they are looking for new,better definitions and classifications.Since KRAEPELIN, a considerable number of classifications were developed 1n psychiatry; especially the notion of psychopathic personality is getting a new meaning and a new form. Some authorities accept general psy- chiatric classifications as valid and useful for the field of forensic psychiatry, while other forensic Psychiltatrists develop their own narrower,6 and specia- lized classifications. All kinds of classifications, however are based on certain phenomena only and take Into consideration single aspects of personality e1ther biologic or sociologic ones. or combinations of both of them In case of specific symptoms and Phenomena we are compelled to 1label individuals elther according to the existing classifications, or to interpolate their diagnoses between the existing categories.In clinical practice,we avoid theoretical @Odels. we encounter e.g.much too often psychopathic 1ndividuals whose present state symptoms can be Seemingly easily classified, but whose 1ife history differs considerably from what is to be expected theoreticallyo For this reason,we renounce to gather only individuals' phenomenologic symptoms and we try -9 _ to interpret their behaviour, their past, and their future actions dynamically. During 1956, we started a study of juvenile delinquents., Up to now,we studied in detail the behaviour of individuals and of groups of delinquents phenomenologically classed either as "marginally normal", or psychiatrically diagnosed as psychopaths, or "even psychotic" personalities. Developing basic concepts of some American authors (MAYER. DOLLARD, and, in our {field, especially JENKINS), we established that most of mentally dis- ordered delinquent behaviour evolve in a frustration process. The most of c¢criminal behaviour 1s as purposive as conventional human behaviour.As a matter of fact is criminal behaviour from a phenomenological point of view mostly normal. Only from the moral and from, soclologic points of view. such behaviour can be placed among phenomena of social 1nadaptation, When impl ementing realistic needs,delinquents are just as active and display the same tensions as other people when realizing their needs.In order to achieve their goals, delinquents associate in groups with high 1n- ternal discipline, cohesion,and own norms; confidence is acquired only by a zeal similar to that shown 1n non delinquent associations. Of course, there are certain differences between the behaviour of a moti- vated delinquent and an individual who chooses a per- mitted path to attain his goal. Therefore, the notion of adaptive delinguency,as formulated by JENKINS, 1s optional, although it hits the core of the problem. This congress does not deal directly with the kind of criminality mentioned above: we are interested in those people who either do not pursue realistic aims, or those whose criminal actions are so alien to the majority of people, that they are considered as mor- bidness or even disease. As pointed already, such criminal activity develops in a frustration process. There is experimental evidence that frustrations(i.e. consequences of barriers preventing one's personality 3 - forces to achieve goals) occur very often in human life. A great majority of people react with an inte- grative behaviour upon such internal or external bar- riers. This means that they mobilize the positive psychophysic forces i1n order either to resist against such pressures, or to find another path in substitu- tive or in constructive behaviour.These delinquents, generally called psychopaths, react, however, with a desintegrated behaviour on frustration pressures: among other things,their punishable act may be regarded as such a kind of behaviour. As a matter of fact, we tried to discover conditions, under which a frustra- ted personality will release itself in desintegrative behaviour by means of a punishable act.Our inquiries showed that these conditions are related to 1. personality and its bio-psychological structure, 2. environment which creates barriers and eventually distorts the personality (external, internal, or total frustration), 3. a corresponding reaction model. We ranked these conditions according to theilr Importance IHowever.desintegrative reactions of cri- minal type occur only when all three conditions men- tioned operate either in succession or even simul ta- neously. The punishable act which originates in a frustra- tion process is usual ly but the last link of deviant behaviour of a person. Usually such behaviour manifests l1tself at first in simple patterns, and becomes in later life history of a future delinquent more and more complex. Juvenile delinquents below the age of Seven (when they are still physically and socially lmmature), react on environmental pressures e.g. by Neurotic symptoms, like eneuresis, nail gnawing, Copropresis, or nocturnal anxiety. Later, after the age of seven, such frustrated delinquents already manifest outward agressiveness.Vagabondising, lylng, - 4 - minor thefts, etc. enter their ways of living. Such behaviour persists withoutmajor oscillations through successive age periods and 1s considered 1in this country delinquent, after the age of fourteen. We found, .as a peculiarity in the bio-psycholo- gical structure of frustrated delinquents, outward aggressiveness (directed against the enviromnment), nonplasticity, reduction of emotional intensity to a level of emotional apathy, and narrowing of social contact., These are, however, already dispositional characteristics for abreacting future tensions in de- linquent form. But delinquent behaviour pattern of tension reductionis initiated always by an appropriate reaction model. We conceive though such a reaction model in amuch broader sense than "provoking moments" (Auslosungsmomente) quoted especially in German li- terature. In a juvenile delinquent, such a reaction model originates in early punishments, in humiliation, and in various vrestrictions, (entertainment, freedom, consideration 1n family circle, etc.). In an early stage of development the organism +tries to get all this - secretly or 1n a substitute form - and much of such behaviourisobjectively similar to criminal be- haviour. In adult li1fe, the individual may similarly canalize his tensions,arisen from frustrations, into behavioural paths formed in very early stages, Such a reaction model can be either phylogenetic (e.g. certain forms of aggressiveness in primitive civilizations), or current (e.g. the example of cri- minal parents, relevant literature, motion pictures, etc. ). The adherents to classic pointsof view would deny to a certain part of frustrated delinquents abnor- mality ‘'of any form or degree. According to such opi- nions,additional personality symptoms,entirely alien to a normal individual, must appear before an offen- der would be considered as abnormal. According to our opinion such concepts ‘are too narrow.Frustrative pressions operate always beyond the delinquent's consciousness and Wwillpower and they express them- selves 1n behavioural patterns deviating from actions of an average i1ndividual too. During the course of our research,we discovered further that part of frustrated offenders tend toward new equilibria 1n the triangle mentioned: personality - environment - pattern of reaction.In one direction such a frustrated individual adjusts himself to his own personality. but at the same time he manifests - froma frustration point of view - phylogenetically or ontogenetically more primitive personality dyna- misms. On one hand there 1s an approach to adaptive delinquent bebaviour. while on the other hand. there 1s an increase in abnormity of such behaviour. Some frustrated individuals of sthenic physical constitu- tion and strong emotiveness choose these kinds of tension release,which basically satisfy individual's needs. No wonder that such personalities seek for an outlet of the tension in criminal acts. Let us take a theft as an example: through it the frustrated or- ganism gets ridof its tensions and.at the same time, satisfies other needs by the use of objective values of things stolen Such a person has again found a contact with reality,since he satisfied certain real needs with real action. The motives guiding such a Personality differ by their structure and by their personality basis,from common motives guiding crimi- nal behaviour Therefore we called them secondary mo- tives But such frustrated offenders, who became mo- tivated secondarily, are not of direct concern for this congress. We are discussing here those offenders in whom frustrations manifest deep personality pressures. With a certain type of personality structure,frustra- -tion can reveal "motives" and pressures of usually regressive,but - at least from a phenomenologic point of view - morbid, or even a manifestly pathologic character.0Only some of these objective,mostly uncon- - 6 - sclous pressures lead to criminal behaviour,of cour- se. One should 1include among them especially those arising from self-punishment tendencies, those satis- fying their needs for assertion in abnormal forms (herostratic principle), further pathologic curiosity (voyarism) and the whole spectrum of sexual devia- tions. A mental disease develops when a personality 1s not able to deal adequately with barriers in envi- ronment or in i1tself with its own habitual intrapsy- chic defences., To a majority of people, such defengse systems are alien and therefore morbid or 111. In a personality changed in such a way regressive pres- sures manifest themselves as its immanent parts, or entirely new pathologic constructions sometimes leading to an offence, develop. It is not. too difficult to recognize punishable acts, committed by mentally i1l offenders. Frustrated offenders releasing their tensions through punishable acts have typical ways of acting too.In most cases 1t 1s possible to recognize from the punishable act it- self, from the way 1t has been committed, and from some essential circumstances, that a frustrated per- son was dealing. A considerable part of our research has been devoted to this problem. We discovered that typical acts of frustrated individuals quite obviously do not have any proper meaning.Thus frustrated offen- ders often usurpate objects without a real objective value, further they oftendo not make any advantageous use of them, or even destroy them. From the phenome- nologic point of view,such offences have been inter- preted in various ways. The label of kleptomania has been used often in connexion with them.More detailed analyses of kleptomania reveal always deeper persona- lity dynamisms.Such dynamisms develop regularly in a frustration process. We further discovered that the way of committing offences is usually stereotype. Thus objects of the unl awful attack are the same, or modus operandi re- mains unchanged.The frustrated delinquent commits the - 7 - punishable act mostly alone, without companions, re- cardless of favourableness of circumstances and often even in such circumstances that the police officers detect them easily. This basic behaviour pattern modifies, however, depending on whether frustrated delinquent approaches adaptive forms of delinquency or whether he commits his punishable acts under neurotic pressures. The first group. as we said already, is not of 1mmediate interest to this congress. With persons with self- punishing tendencies however, the commitment of an offence with all 1ts consequences is usually an equi- valent of suicide. It is characteristic for such 1n- dividuals that they commit their punishable acts in the presence of authorities or 1leave obvious traces at the spot,or even denounce themselves to the organs of criminal department. Offenders with herostratic tendencies choose uncommon victims or objects for their attack.Besides, their approach to the punisha- ble act is often surprisingly dreadful and violent, Voyarists are often among those acting against honour and reputation as well as against official duties. The problem of sexual delinquents 1is too complex to be discussed here in the time allotted. Offenders of this kind as well as those who act because of neurotic Pressures require a detailed personality examination, otherwise their behaviour remains ununderstood, or Judged only superficially, or from a standpoint of moral ity, Our research brought 1nto light various aspects of problems related to frustrated delinquents. We verified many of our findings on nondelinquent per- sons also and we tried to.establish a demarcation or a differentiation of delinquent from nondelinquent Persons. In spite of all work done, we only started with our second task,that of studying more in detail single conditians which influence significantly for- mation of delinquent behaviour arisen from frustration mechanisms. Studying the bio-psychological structure of personality we came across the special cases of delinquents with structural or even organic injuries in the brain tissue Within the selected group of so-called delinquent psychopathc we found 1n 42,5% of the cases abnormal electroencephalographic reports. In some other individuals we either discovered symp- toms of some neurologic abnormities or ° found such deteriorations by contrast methods.At the moment we are not able to interpret these abnormities yet; how- ever 1t seems that such delinquents react to frustra- tion pressures with a most desintegrative behaviour But desintegrative ways of reacting on a frustration pressure1s by itself insufficient an explanation for development of delinquency.As a matter of fact indi- viduals with the encephalon injuries react just as desintegratively on frustration although a majority of them are not delinquent,at least not in the sense of penal law.It usually turns out that a considerable percentage of such "control" personalities (patients of the psychiatric and neurologic institutions) take advantage of socially acceptable behaviour for ab- reacting their tensions. Thus in most cases., such personalities are sublimated. Exactly this sublima- tion principle is probably mostly lacking 1n persons which became delinquent. Frustration thus proved to be the most 1mportant source of formation of nonadaptive type of delinquency From a phenomenological point of view we are able to judge in this framework some personalities.regarding their personality disturbances, as marginally normal or abnormal. Frustration itself, however, 1s only a crystallizing nucleus, to which certain properties and certain circumstances(often remote from the actual punishable act) are linked. But those circumstances must be present in the mosaic which builds a specific personality,if this behaviouris to become delinquent. Frustrated delinquents require a special proceeding in the investigating, judicial, and re-educative pro- cess.Thisis the practical significance of our results, -9 - And exactly from the practical point of view, pheno- menologic approaches to delinquency did not yield the expected results up to now. Contrairement aux classifications p@énoménologi— ques concernant les délits commis par des individus déja aux limites de la normalité ou de 1'anormalité Psychique,nous croyons plus convenable a définir ces cas d'apres 1les points de vue dinamiques. Méme nos recherches et nos travaux expérimentaux nous ont portés a la conviction qu'une telle délinquence nait Pendant le proces de frustration.La frustration elle- méme n'est qu'un facteur de cristallisation pour dé- gager la tension émotive sous 1la forme de délit. I1 Y @ le besoin d'une coincidence de la structure bio- Psychique correspondante, de la pression de milieux correspondants et un exemple & suivre pour réaliser la réaction. C'est que 1'organisme pendant le proces de frus- tration tend vers une réadaptation au cas qu'ils existent - 10 - des conditions,surtout dans la structure biopsychique. Mais la frustration peut découvrir,des points de vue phylogénétique et ontogénétique, chez la plupart des individus les pressions de personalité déja vaincues chez la plupart des hommes . I1 faut distinguer les délits "purs" effectues selon le mécanisme frustratif des délits motivés se- condairement etde ceux qui sont causés par certaines pressionide personalité/autopunition pression héros- tratique déviation sexuelle. Toutes les formes du comportement d'un délinquent surtout a celles-1a nous n'attribuons pas le caractere d: anormalité mentale Ce point de vue exprime proba- blement une éetroitesse de conception, car les pres- sions frustratives fonctionnent en dehors de la con- science et de la volonté du délinquent. Le comportement frustratif a ses propres carac- téristiques et differe des autres formes de la crimi- nalité d’ une maniere typique. Si 1'on reconnait cela a tennps,on peut entreprendre des mesures préventives, judiciaires et rééducatives et les diriger de 1la . . § melll eure maniere. - 11 - REFERIENTCES Dollard J.& coll.: Jenkins R.L, Jenkins R.L. Hewitt L Kobal M. Kobal M. & coll. Maier N. Saksida S. Frustration and Agression, Yale Univ, Press-New Haven 1957 The American Journal of Orthopsy- chiatry Vol.XIV. No. 1, 1944 pag. 83-94 The nervous child Vol .VI. No. 3, 1947, pag.329.339. The nervous child Vol. XI. No. 1, 1955 Delinquency as failure and delin- quency as attainment 26 th Annual Governor Conference on Youth and Community service 1957 The American Journal of Orthopsy- chiatry Vol . XXVII. No. 3, 1957, pag, 528- 537 Kriminalisti¥na slu%ba No. 4. 1956, pag. 306-321 Revija za kriminalistiko 1n krimi- nologijo No. 1, 1959. pag. 23-29 Kriminalisticna slu%ba No. 2. 1957, pag. 90-100 Frustration.The study of Behavior without a goal New York 1949 Kriminalisticna sluZba No. 2. 1957, pag. 103-114 Skalar V. Suchert H.R. Sebek L. Schneider K. - 12 - Kriminalisti1&a sluZba No.2. 1957, pag. 133-136 and 141- 159 Konflikt-Psychologie Mttnchen 1959 Kriminalisticéna sluzba No. 2 1957, pag. 114-120 Die psychopatischen Personlich- keirten Leipzig u. Wien 1934 Fortschritte der Neurologie Psy- chiatrie und 1.GrenzgebieteNo. 1, 1958. pag. 1-8 FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAIL CONGRESS ~ THE HAGUE 1g60 - PREPARATORY PAPERS 1 [11 PSYCHONEUROSIS, A NATURAL MOTIVATION IN THE HUMAN Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). PSYCHONEUROSIS, A NATURAL MOTIVATION IN THE HUMAN The Major Cause of Delinquency by Sam I. Stein, Ph.D., M.D. Executive Medical Director of the Neuropsychiatric Research Program, 1inc. Lincolnwood - Il1. U.S.A. A. Concepts 1. Concept pertaining to delinquency a. Itis the author's contention that psychoneurosis is a natural motivation. Among the signs and symptoms within the driving mechanism of this motivation is one of reactiveness or provocative- ness, namely,a type of behavior on the part of an emotional subject which is directed toward the object and intended to bring 'attention' from the object to the subject as a result of the subject's negativistic behavior.The reactive behavior takes on a delinquency turn, primarily, if the emotional object is sensitive or vulnerable in this regard, as by vocational position, by socio—economic status, or by placing a major emphasis to the subject regarding delinquency as an unwel come type of behavior. 2. Concept pertaining to psychoneurosis a . In my approach to psychoneurosis,I am not des- cribing a new natural principle, but rather I am formulating a very important one,old as man, on a physiological,scientific basis. The human psychoneural dependency appetite or motivant (the need for parental love) proceeds as a type of mutual tropism between child and parent. A so—called rapport, tie, relationship or bridge becomes established between them. Relative to this theme,over the bridge whichis of variable B. - 9 - strength the parent, object,or donor transfers to the child that amount of psychoneural maturing attribute(love)it has available.The biopsycho- neural maturing process has qualitative, quan- titative and temporal dimensions. The donor remains happy while supplying the maturing factor as long as the demand for it does not exceed the donor's available supply. The human infant, child, or subject, is unwittingly, intensely driven by naturally established psy- choneural mechanisms to seek the psychoneural maturing factor from its attending objects or parental sources. The subject shows external and internal evidence of happiness, pl easure or optimum biological functioning to the extent 1t actually obtains psychoneural maturing factor through existing rapports. To the extent that a psychoneural dependency need is not satisfied or to the extent that a psychoneural functional maturation is 1incomplete, to that extent from birth to death does a subject by various provo- cative or symptomatic ways continue to seek further maturing effects and/or to seek relief from the stress of biopsychoneural functional lmmaturity. Significant generalities of this psychoneurosis formulation preliminary to explaining the delin- quency theme. Three factors of qualitative control of behavior within the human nervous system. a. Somatoneurogenic, somato-physical status of neurocellular elements. b. Socioneurogenic (mind), post-natally acquired, random or systematic (educational) experiences coded 1into the brain which in turn are poten- - 3 - tially available as an individualizing way of life. c. Psychoneurogenic, functionality status of psy- choneural elements; i1ts correlation to symptom- signs of psychoneurosis and its role or special component of control of an individual's thought and action, 2. One factor of quantitative control of the human nervous system., a., The exact nature of 1ntellectual capacity has not been determined. Ostensibly. where higher potential of intellectual capacity exists. the properties of psychoneurosis are more intense, b. Higher i1ntellectual capacity offers more facade designed to obscure the existence of psychoneu- rotic or functional 1mmaturity symptom-signs. 3. Four motivations (natural or biological) in the human, The motivational categories expressed here are the natural, biological or instinctual ones. In the human, each has (a) a driving mechanism. (b) cul- turally accepted ways of proceeding to fulfillment, and (c) relatively specific goals. The four moti- vations may be charted here briefly in transcendent order of their stressor or drive intensity. The reverse order gives the degree of satisfaction that may be sensed with goal fulfillment The delinquency theme is most directly associated with the psy- choneurotic category. (The social term. love, 1is synonymous with sensing satisfaction and, therefore, may rightfully be applied in social expression to relative degrees according to the extent that Stressor-drive-effects are relieved or goal attained in any of the following categories)., a. Spiritual b. Psychoneurotic c. Self-Preservative d. Sexual-Reproductive Emotional or psychoneurotic motivation by nature has been linked to the fundamental function of the nervous system. a. The fundamental function of neuroid substance is to conduct impulses and to respond with irritability (proper excitation or inhibition) to stimuli.Here,excitation and inhibition have reference to intrinsic nerve physiology and not social phenomena. Nerve impulse activity originates in the psychoneu- ral cortex, namely, that part of the brain which was added last evolutionarily. a. The exact nature of the nerve impulse has not been determined,butit has chemical,electrical, thermal and other physical properties which determine ultimately the full intensity of this neural scanning and conveying mechanism. 6. Jackson's Law. a. This law states that the highest part of any nervous system exercises through the excitation- inhibition (impulse) mechanism a controlling influence on all centers below it. I postulate that there is adiffuse 'inhibition' throughout the human nervous system because of a central inhibition which exists at birth in the human in his psychoneural cortex. This 1inhibition creates a sub-potential functioning through-out -5 - the nervous system. The individual differences which are seen as a result of this sub-potential functioning are due: 1. to uneven genetic development in the human in his biochemical and/or physiological systems, 2. to the degree of +the above psychoneurotic inhibition remalning or obtaining at a par- ticular moment 1n an individual's history, and 3. to the magnitude of the full potential func- tionality inherently available or existent in an individual neural system, The major categories of symptom-signs which cha- racterize the biological drive associated with psychoneurosis.The 'philosophy' of all psychoneu- rotic symptom-signs 1is designed or intended to bring 'human attention'. a. Psychic: Symptom-signs mainly referrable to the improper functioning of the mind part of the brain. b. Psychosomatic: Symptom-signs of improper func- tioning in lower brain centers and in somatic structures. c. Psychosocial: Symptom-signs reflecting 'emotio- nal', relatively unreasonable, or un- predictable behavior in some area of an individual's behavior toward other individuals in the community at large. The attention-seeking here may yet be localized to a small group, but more often it is diffuse or directed to a large or public audience. No active (emotional) functional maturing or functional advance results from this -6 - type of attention but instead it merely affords a quietingof the drive mechanism which subserves the emotional dependency (neuro-functional immaturity) motiva- tion. d. Psychofamilial: Symptom-signs reflecting emo- tional, relatively unreasonable, un- predictable behavior within the family situation where subject is seeking attention within a rapport relationship quite directly from an object in the family constellation. The attention supplied within a rapport relationship 1s actively maturing to the extent that the responding object has capacity for maturing. Psychosocial and psychofamilial symptoms as the basis to the delinquency pattern. A symptom of attention-seeking may consist of conforming beha- vior where the unconscious intent is to gain this attention effect by an exaggerated tendency 1n a socially acceptable way or pattern. Probably, by chance or cause and effect experience, however, a subject unconsciously discovers that negativistic behavior brings more time-attention than conforming conduct. In the United States almost every large channel of communication whether newspaper,radio, television ormagazine,supplies supportive evidence to this latter formulation since they publicize almost every morbid, fraudulent, delinquent and criminal incident, but give attention only to the very few most unusual or most heroic of socially favorable performances. a. The biblical fable of Genesis pertaining to Adam and- Eve, Cain and Abel, and the features of reactiveness in 1it, - 7 - 1. Now we are certain that the Adam and Eve account in Genesis of the Bible cannot per- tain to the organic origin of the human for we know that man has appeared through the long process of biological evolution. This fable probably intends to relate how man's behavior rather than physical genesis essen- tially differs from that of the infra-human which preceded him. Essentially, in the ac- count we have, Eve negativistically ate an apple after being asked by Adam not to do so. The snake, the 1lowest of all creatures, probably is intended to represent the psycho- neurotic component(that component contributing unpredictableness in any or all phases of human functionality) of behavioral control in man.Eve would be an emotional subject of her husband, Adam, who therefore 1is being used unwittingly by her as a "father-substi- tute" or a donor of parental +type of love (that human attribute which causes the functional maturing of the psychoneurone). The offspring, both being male, would tend to seek the emotional-dependency maturing effect from the maternal parent.But Eve has been depicted as functionally immature herself,or lacking in the substance sought, Cain killed Abel because he was 'rivalrous’ for this meager amount of maternal 1love (emotion-maturing-effect)available from Eve. The boys could not have been fighting over a girl (sex) or over physical-material substance (money).In addition, this was the first family of humans so there could not have been a previous history of killing from which Cain might have learned in advance of such an action, b. Biological-mechanical, or biological-neural - 8 - (unconscious or unwitting) features.The extent or seriousness of symptoms and signs, whether aggressive or regressive, depends upon the ex- tent or level of emotional immaturity and the extent or amount of frustration. The following is an outline of the pattern of aggression, and the extent and path of regression which may occur in the individual: 1. He may externalize the aggression, where 1t is turned,if feasible, against the frustra- ting source; or 2., He may internalize the aggression,whereupon mind (intra-psychic)or body (psychosomatic) symptoms from tension arise; or 3. He may displace it, whereby it is turned against some available or potential victim; or 4, He may regress by successively more serious stages through "attention-seeking devices" where a. He behaves 1irrationally or reactively, that 1is,in a manner which is practically the direct opposite of his training or socioparental demands; or,in the further stage of regression, b. He becomes infantile showing, among others, such signs as hysteria, tantrums, weeping, soiling, wetting and the like; or,in the furthermost stage of regression, c. He turns to homicide and suicide. . Neurophysiological bases, or explanation, as supplied by Pavlov and Konorski.The extent and path of 'attention-seeking' regression proceeds by a pattern of ‘pathological’ functioning or behavior which is in reverse of its progression -9 - or evolvement in the organism as was outlined above in b. Perhaps this process is subserved by the phenomenom of paradoxical phase and ul traparadoxical phase in nervous system acti- vity as described by the neurophysiologist, Konorski, to obtain under certain conditions including that one in animals which "resembles" neurosis: "The concept of the capability of the cortical cells arose 1n connection with the following type of experiment.I{f conditioned reflexes are elaborated to various stimuli from the weakest to the strongest, 1t 1s found +that whereas strong stimull evoke the maximal conditioned response, very strong stimuli,socalled supra-maximal, evoke an effect more or less diminished. According to Pavlov the explanationof thisis that the cortical cells possess a "top capability', in other words, they are capable of reacting by excitation to the stimuli that reach them only up to definite limits, If the stimulus exceeds the top capability of the corresponding cortical cell, this cell reacts to such a stimulus with inhibition, the so-called top or protecting inhibition. According to Pavlov and his followers, the biolo- gical 7roleof this inhibition is by its interven- tion to prevent damage to the cortical cells which might result from too strong an excitation, i.e.,; to protect the cells from the strain of too great a 'loss of energy'. The capability of the cortical cells depends on many factors, and may change either acutely or chronically. First of all, it depends on the type of animal. The cortical elements in animals with & so-called weak nervous system are of poor capa- bility, i.e., in their case any strong excitation easily becomes supra-maximal and 1eads to top - 10 - inhibition. Further,such factors as neurosis, old age, and,among transient factors, drowsiness also weaken the cortical cells, i.e., they lower their top capability. It 1is easy enough to realize what consequences follow from a lowering of the top capability of cortical cells.A strong conditioned stimulus which has previously been evoking a maximal conditioned reaction,as the result of a reduction of the cor- tical cells' capability, becomes a supra-maximal stimulus, and as the result of the top inhibition its effect is diminished, becoming equal to the effect of weaker stimuli. This is what 1is called the phase of equalization, when both strong and weak conditioned stimuli evoke an identical con- ditioned reaction. With a still greater 1lowering of the top capability the effect of strong stimuli may become less than that of weak stimuli, which state is called the paradoxical phase.With a very considerable reduction of capability the so-called ul tra-paradoxical phase is sometimes observed, when positive conditioned stimuli are completely inhibited, whereas the inhibitory stimulus evokes the positive conditioned reaction.The explanation of this phase is that the inhibited excitatory point produces excitationin the inhibitory point, with which 1t i1s linked by mutual induction". Clinical obervations Cases from the community at large (of national and even i1nternational prominence where unconscious (emotional ) reactiveness is evident). Cases at random inmy experience (where the feature of emotional reactiveness 1s conspicuous). Systematic studies - 11 - a. My first report from the Juvenile Court entitled e. "Psychiatric Cross—-Section Perspectives Viewed through Juvenile Court Cases", published in the Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, November, 1945, P, 440. (Delinquency is linked with psychoneurosis where the formeris seen as one large symptom-complex among others within the psychoneurotic syndrome). . My publication entitled"Emotional Incompetency, the Emotional or Psychogenic Factor of Behavioral Control".(Prepared as a definition of BEmotional Incompetency by request of the presiding judge, R.J. Dunne, of the Cook County Family Court. Presented by me before the combined judiciary committees of the Illinois State Legislature 1in March, 1949, to delineate the delinquency complex within the process of emotional de- pendency. This definition was prepared to support a bill 1introduced by Judge Dunn which would have permitted the juvenile court judge to adjudicate a delinquent as one who 1s emo- tionally incompetent and needing specialized treatment rather thanmerely social rehabilita- tion as was the theme of the training school). . My publication entitled "Some Therapeutic Needs of Young People as Determined from . Diagnostic Neuro-Psychiatric Studies of 705 Cook County Juvenile Court Cases",published in the Quarter- ly Journal of Child Behavior, Vol. 2, April, 1950, P. 149. (Over 70% of these 705 cases offer support to the emotionally determined theme of reactiveness or provocativeness). . My paper, "A Biological Concept of Neurosis Origin and Process,"published in Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, July, 1954, P. 35. (The genesis of neurosis (or emotional imma- turity is linked to principles of biology). A study made at the Family Court under my - 12 - supervision by Mrs. HRuth E. Meyer in fulfill- ment of her Master's degree at the University of Wisconsin. Title of this study: "Bunning Away from Home". (This is as yet unpublished. Excerpts will be presented showing support to the theme of emotional reactiveness). A study made by Mrs. Alice Skinner in fulfill- ment of herMaster's degree at Loyola University. The title of this study: "Fire Setting". (This 1s as yet unpublished. Here, more. clearly, the delinquent action is shown to be one of (emo- tional ) reactiveness). Theoretical approaches to therapy. Physical and/or symptomatic therapy. Some sympto- matic adjustment can be secured through psycho- pharmacological products and/or they may make the succeeding approaches 2-a. and 2-b. more effective, Social indoctrination a. Discipline: employing a rational technique (calm, firm, consistent) as much devoid of emotionalism as is possible. The basis for the discipline 1nvolves the same variety of penal- ties used upon adul ts who violate statute,1.e., (a)taking away something considered materially valuable, or (b) limited amounts of isolation or "solitary confinement". Avoid physical dependency; or develop resour- cefulness pattern. Many parents presume that physical or material attentions are the main way of demonstrating parental "love". As a resul t, a physical dependency becomes established in addition to the emotional one. The subject becomes passive and fails to develop 1ts full capability or resourcefulness because 1t has - 13 - not developed 1ts potentials whereby attention might have been secured through its accomplish- ments. The child or subject proceeds with reactiveness to retain the physical dependency attentions according to the originally esta- blished patterns. Emotional dependency atten- ‘tion derived through accomplishments would favor an individual over the longer period since it probably would also provide alarger audience eventually. The factor of parental attention as is required biologically in the human for establishing 'func- tional maturity' in the nervous system. (See A-2-a). Research Research as it pertains to the items listed above as D-1. and D-2. The testing of validity in these spheres would require far less +time than if an answer 18 to be awaited from a process which promises a true advance in emotional maturi ty. The theoretical formulation of an attribute of energy as the physiological basis to the so-called "parental-type-of-love-effect" which brings about the functional maturing in the subject. If this hypothesis is valid, then perhaps this attribute of energy can be quantified through research to determine how this can be increased quantitatively in the psychoneural cortex of any potential emotional object, parent, parental substitute, parental surrogate, or, professional emotion- maturing therapist. (See A-2a. and D-3.). A, 1, Les concepts Le concept ayant trait a la conduite délictueuse Ce que 1'auteur prétend c'est quela psychonévrose est un motif naturel. Parmi les signes et 1les symptomes que révele la méchanique agissante de ce motif, il y a 1la tendance & 1la réaction ou a la provocation. c'est-a-dire, la facon de se conduire d'un sujet affectif, laquelle se dirige vers 1'object et laquelle doit détourner "1'at- tention" de 1'objet et 1'appeler au sujet, par sulite de la conduite essentiellement neégatrice. La conduite réactive se teint de délit, en premier lieu, si 1'objet affectif est sensible ou vulne- rable & ce point de vue soit par rapport a la s1tuation professionelle, ou au rang socio-—écono- mique soit en appuyant surtout,chez le sujet, sur ce quele delit ou la conduite délictueuse est une fagon de se comporter facheuse. Le concept ayant trait a la psychonévrose Dans ma maniere d'envisager la psychonévrose, je ne deécris aucun principe naturel nouveau, mais c'est plutot que je formuleun vieux principe tres important, aussi vieux que ]l 'homme meéme, sur une base physiologique et scientifique. L'appetit humain psychoneural de dépendance--1'appetit mo- tivant—-(le besoin de 1'amour paternel) procede comme un type de tropisme entre 1'enfant et le parent, Le soi--disant rapport, lien, parenté ou enchainement s'établit entre eux. Par rapport & ce theme. a travers le lien dont la force varie, le parent, 1‘objet, ou le donateur transfere &4 1'enfant autant de 1'attribut miiris- - 15 - sant psychoneural (1'amour) qu'il possede. Le procédé mirissant biopsychoneural a des dimen- sions qualitatives, quantitatives et temporelles. Le donateur continue &a @tre heureux en fournis- sant le facteur mfirissant, tant que la demande n'en excéde pas la provision que possede le dona- teur. Les mécaniques psychoneurales naturellement etablies poussent fortement le bébé humain, 1'en- fant, ou le sujet, & son insu, a chercher 1'agent miirissant psychoneural dans les objets qui l1'environnent ou chez ses parents. Le sujet montre des preuves 1nternes et externes du bonheur, du plaisir ou du fonctionnement biologique optimum, tant qu'il obtient en effet 1'agent mirissant psychoneural au moyen des rapports et liens exist- ants.En tant que le besoin psychoneural de dépen- dance n'est pas satisfait, ou en tant qu'une ma- turation psychoneurale functionelle est incomplete, autant le sujet continue a chercher, depuis la naissance jusqu' a la mort, par divers moyens provocants ou symptomatiques, toujours plus d'effets mQirissants, et & chercher (ou & chercher) a s'alléger dela tension due a 1'immaturité biopsy- choneurale fonctionnelle. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS ~ THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS 1 I11 THE ACTUAL STATUS OF RESEARCH WITH REGARD TO THE PERSONALITY OF THE MENTALLY ABNORMAL DELINQUENT Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). THE ACTUAL STATUS OF RESEARCH WITH REGARD TO THE PERSONALITY OF THE MENTALLY ABNORMAL DELINQUENT by Dr. J. Kloek Professor in Forensic Psychiatry Director of the Psychiatric Observation Clinic of the Dutch Prison System, Utrecht, Holland In the Netherl ands examinationof the personality of the mentally abnormal delinquent occurs ina great many 1nstances during the preliminary investigation, that 1s before trial and adjudication. The Judge requests psychiatric examination when the data furnish- ed by the police,the social wel fare reportor his own 1mpressions ralse the presumption that the delinquent 1s mentally abnormal. Sometimes this even happens 1in the course of the very first judicial examination to which delinquent is submitted. There are Courts of Justice who, as a matter of principle, never fail to ask the opinion of a psychiatrist when the case is a serious offence against public morals (sex offence), a serious crime such as murder and also in the not clear-cut cases of arson and cases of shoplifting by women who have never before committed a criminal of- fence,etc.In other cases Courts ask for a psychiatric examination because, for 1incomprehensible reasons, delinquent proves himself an incorrigible recidivist, There is generally a quite close relation between social reporting and psychiatric reporting. Often 1t 1s the social reporter who concludes his report by strongly recommending psychiatric examination of the delinquent. To begin with we will give a few figures taken from the judicial statistics over 1957 which,to some extent, illustrate the above statements. With a population of approximately 11.000.000 inhabitants the Netherlands has 19 Courts of Justice - 9 - and 5 Courts of Appeal, In 1957 the several Courts of Justice tried 36.409 persons for criminal offences. A social welfare report was delivered in 7.560 cases and 1in 2.075 cases alsoa psychiatric. report. The nuymber of cases that come before the Courts of Appeal which of couarse, have at their disposal the data assembled by the Courts of Justice to begin with, naturally 1is much smaller. They tried 2100 persons, In 185 cases social welfare reports were submitted, while 1n 33 1nstances a psychiatric expert report was obtained 1n addition Therefore in total for the year 1957: 2108 psychiatric reports, all of which were prepared and submitted before trial and adjudication It rarely happens that & psychiatric examination 1s requested without a social welfare report having been made first. In the vastmajority of cases the Courtsof Justice request psychiatrists resident within the jurisdiction of the Court to prepare such a psychiatric expert opinion. The Netherlands with its 11.000 000 inhabi- tants has over 500 psychiatrists. One would assume th1s number to be adequate for the needs of the Courts- taking the aforementioned figures over 1957 as a basis. one might conclude that there are,approximately, 500 psychiatrists avarlable for 2108 psychiatriec reports, but 1n pornt of fact this number1s considerably lower. Since many psychiatrists have too busy a practice to make themselves availlable for examinations of prisoners while others are perhaps less 1nteresied 1n work of this nature, a Court has often great difficulty 1n obtaining a psychiatric opinion within a reasonable space of time. 1) If this were not so the number of cases where psychia- 1) Itishard to give the exact number.Author estimates the number of psychiatrists who are able to prepare “expert opilnions 1n aresponsible manner and willing to do so regularly at not much higher than 50. - 3 - tric expert opinions are furnished would probably be considerably higher still, It may be said that on the whole Courtsof Justice and Courts of Ajppeal i1n the Netherlands attach great value where adults are concerned, to the psychiatric opinion submitted before adjudication, There 1s a close connection between this standpoint and the formal criteria which Judges must observe.Sectiond7 of the Dutch Penal Code specifies that "no one who commits an act for which he cannot be held responsible because of a deficient development or morbid disturbance of his mental faculties shall be li1able to punishment, In such case the Judge may order that he be committed to amental institution for a probational period, the duration of such period not to exceed one year".Then acalin — and where actual practiceis concerned thisis of far greater importance - this same Section of the Code specifies that in the caseof crimes and various explicitlylisted offences, the Judge may rule. that defendant "be placed at the disposal of the Government to be given governmental care". The actual position 1n the Netherlands i1s, 1n fact,that aJuage may need a psychiatric report before he 1s able to decide whether he is to 1mpose a penalty or should rather avail himself of the possibility to take a different measure. The latter course rarely amounts to defendant's commi tment to amental 1nstitu- tion There are i1n fact in the Netherlands a number of special institutions for the confinement of mentally abnormal delinquents who,because they cannot be held fully responsible for their actions(reduced responsi - bility)"are placed at the disposal of the Government. to be given governmental care"(=care and/or treatment under government supervision),These institutions are of widely varying types: some aremore or less in the nature of amental institution,others are rural colo- nies or perhaps homes of the smaller type where treat- ment 1is mainly pedagogical and where inmates enjoy a certain measure of freedom.In yet other institutions - 4 - the 1dea 1s to give inmates modern psycho-therapeutic treatment but so far only a small number of institu- tions have been able to materialize this aim.,In fact there 1s only one institution - the "Dr.van der Hoe- ven—-Kli1niek" 1n Utrecht - which pursues what one may call the true psycho-therapeutic approach. The Dutch Penal Code only distinguishes between responsibility and non-responsibility. The Law does not know of "reduced responsibility", If the relevant Section of the Penal Code were 1nterpreted literally only those who are mentally deranged in the absolute sense of the word, i.e.:the highly mentally defective and the evidently insane. In actual ©practice. however, the possibility of partial responsibility is certainly recognized.In such cases the Court 1mposes a combinat- ion of punishment and governmental care on the under- standing, thatthe term of imprisonment 1s served first (conditio sine qua non) Confinement 1n an institution (always for an indefinite period of time) does not follow till later. As to the concrete questions the Court requests the psychiatrist to answer: Courtsmay formulate their questions as they think fit, with the result that these questions may vary widely. Some Courts merely request that a psychiatric report be submitted,while other Courts specify indetail exactly what 1s required. As a rule these specific questions amount to the fol- lowing: a Court wishes to know whether at the time of the perpetrationof the offence with which defendant 1s charged, there existed a defective devel opment or morbid disturbance of the latter's mental facual ties, whether he was then able to reali1ze exactly what he was doing and i1f so,whether he was able to direct his will (volition) in accordance with this realization. Some Courts ask even more detailed questions or quest- ions of a wider scope. For instance. they may wish to know whether recurrence of the offenceis to be expected and whether the prognosis might be 1nfluenced when defendant 1s subjected to <c¢linical or policlinical - 5 — therapy. Perhaps they will also request the psychia- trist to give them practical advice as to what might, in his opinion,contribute to a cure or an improvement in subject's condition. Courts generally appreciate when a psychiatrist, to assist them, does his utmost to give the right answer to the questionof what might contribute to a just adjudication and what courses might be pursued to reintegrate delinguent into society by the time he has served his term of imprisonment or institutionalization. Significant in this connection is the fact that already since 1907 there 1s 1n the Netherlands a union composed of jurists and psychia- trists. This Union stages conferences thrice a year. At these meetings jurists and psychiatrists take turns in reading papers. These papers appear 1n print, All things considered i t may be said that compared to a great many other countries forensic psychiatry in the Netherlands is a thriving branch of science. We have got beyond the stage that psychiatrists believed that a brief talk with the delinquent would be sufficient toget a good impressionof a subject'smental faculties. Likewise Judges come to realize more and more that a brief, superficial report 18 not going to help them much, even though it may be easy to read and seems to offer them guidance without their having to study the report at great length, I already observed that requests for the prepara- tion of psychiatric reports are usually addressed to local psychiatrists, i.e. to psychiatrists resident within the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice and the Court of Appeal. The psychiatrist has access to the police file and social wel fare report which he may study before commencing his examination. The latter document will give him many details about a subject's childhood, the family he comes from, his relatives, school days, the work he has done, previous offences, if any, and so forth. Having obtained all these data the psychiatristmay now establish contact with delin- quent. Most psychiatrists take the view that sound - 6 - examination requires at least two i1nterviews. each of one to one-and-a-half hour. Al ready a good many years ago the thought suggested itself in the Netherlands that it might be useful to have an observation centre where especially difficult cases might be subjected to a more thorough observa- tion and examination. To be sure, even then 1t was possible to have <certain delinquents admitted to an ordinary psychiatric clinicormental home for obser- vation purposes.But even before the war i1t had become evident that the trend in the care of the mentally i1l was such, that in future mental institutions would hardly lend themselves for observation of mentally abnormal delinquents as,more and more, these institu- tions tended to grant the mentally 111 a measure of freedom which would never be justified for mentally abnormal delinquents, The Psychiatric Observation Clinic for Prisons was founded in Utrecht - the most centrally situated town in the Netherlands - in 1949. Considering that this Clinic plays avery prominent partin psychiatric observation of mentally abnormal delinquents in the Netherlands 1ti1s only natural to subject the methods applied by this clinic to a closer scrutiny. The clinic as such is only small.lIt has no more than 36 beds,distributed over single,double and triple rooms. It was not originally built for 1ts present destination.It is part of a complex which used to be an ordinary Detention House-a status whichit continues to hold officially. It consists of only the strictly essential quarters for 1inmates, staff members and Administration.It has no conversation rooms, nor lo- calities where prisoners can work or find recreation. Inmates spend alarge part of the day in their locked rooms. Despite the inadequate housing the clinic has been the scene of' al readymore than ten years of devoted work by all concerned,whereas,likewise, many inmates show themselves appreciative of something in this environment which strikes them in particular: all- - 7 - round preparedness,under strict avoidance of anything resembling softness,to meet delinquents in all their troubles as ordinary human beings, as fellow-beings, Adult delinquents from all over the country,both men and women,are commltted to this Clinic to undergo a more thorough observation. The vast majority are recidivists.Many come here after repeated reports from local psychiatrists, Most delinquents arrive here in connection with the adjudication of a new offence, Apart from these delinquents,various other categories of prisoners are sent to our Clinic,for observation: delinquents who have already served a long term of imprisonment and in regard to whom the question arises whether a reduction of their term would be justified, be it in the form of a conditional release when 2/3 of their term has expired, be it in the form of a possible reprieve or conversion of the sentence, for example in the case of prisoners withalife sentence, As arule the observation period lasts from 6 to 8 weeks,very seldom less,once inawhile considerably longer.,The average flow rateis three cases per week, meaning that each week three new cases are admitted, while on the other hand three patients are brought back to the detention houses and prisons where they came from once the observation period is up. The present strength of the staff is as follows: supervisor of the Clinic is the First Physician, who is a psychiatrist and at the same time professor in forensic psychiatry at the Utrecht University where he lectures,mainly for medical and law students. He has the overall charge andis assisted by three half-time specials for nervous diseases, each of whom submits one report weekly.In addition there is one part-time specialist for internal diseases.Qur Observation Clinic forms a part of the Netherlands Prison System and 1is therefore, as such,not directly associ ated with the Utrecht University cinics.On the other hand there isavery in- tensive interplay of activities and experience,due to which patients,whenever necessary,are examined by spe- - 8 - cialists 1n various fields.For instance, an electro- encephalogram 1s made of every patient, while all patients are submitted to a very thorough physical examination to ascertain whether there are any disorders of the internal organs,sense organs, etc. etc.and as far as the 1imited time permits they are also treated for such disorders.There areinour Clinic,apart from the medical staff, one full-time and three half-time psychologists.Every patient is submitted to a psycho- logical test which 1s done as thoroughly as possible and generally this examination takes place during the final week of the observation period to prevent, at least to a large extent,that new arrivals are informed about the psychological testing methodology, by their fel low—inmates. Of great 1mportance i1s the work of the reporting officers (voorlichtingsambtenaren).As has already been explained above there exists in the Netherlands a very close relation between social reporting - which is done by officers who have been specially trained for this work — and psychiatric reporting. The case file sent to us upon commitment of a new patient generally in- cludes one or two informatory reports prepared in con- nection with former criminal offences. Some of these reports are excellent and exhaustive, whereas others are poorerin quality and inmost cases social welfare reports over the period between the latest offence and the one 1mmediately preceding are lacking.The Obser- vation Clinic employs two highly experienced reporting officers who,1in consul tation with the delinquents them- selves and with thelr permission,assemble the data we need for our own reporting.To this end they do a great deal of travelling,which means that their duties lie malnly outside the <clinic. These officers have been recruited from D.P.A.S.work(Discharged Prisoners' Aid Societies) and constitute the link with this work, a connection we deem significant and essential .Our Clinic also employs male and female social (welfare) workers (two half-time employees),who work only in the Clinic - g — 1tself.Their taskis to establish contact with inmates where thisis possible,to steer the conversation when inmates are visited by relatives, and so forth. In this respect thereis close co-operation between them and the nursing staff, all of whom are certified for nursing the mentally ill, in other words: they all have a diploma qualifying them to do this type of nur- sing. These latter employees do, of course, compara- tively little nursing in the strictest sense of the word; theytoo have to establish as much contact as possible with the inmates and are required to record their impressions every day. It goes without saying that all inmates are of- fered spiritual care and can come 1in for further schooling,if required.Finally there is the custodial staff. Their duties are not actually concerned with the observation programme, but it is our continuous endeavour to give them sufficient insight into our essential work so as to give them an opportunity to integrate with the staff as a whole.During the first years the gul f between wardens and especially the nur- sing staff was rather wide, but gradually both sides came to respect one another and their respective duties. At the weekly staff meetings(attended by the Clinic's psychiatrists, psychologists, reporting of- ficers and wel fare workers)all data assembled in the course of the observation period are brought up for discussion.When the discussions, approximately lasting two hours per case, have come to an end, the Iirst Physician has another talk with the patient in the presence of all staff-members,after which the definite advice 18 prepared. The report is drafted by the psychiatrist who examined the delinquent.Our reports are rather exhaustive.In most cases they comprise some 10 consecutive typewritten pages.We endeavour to make our diagnosis as accurate as possible and try to answer the question of adelinquent's responsibility for his actions to the best of our ability and indicate 1n what manner we feel subject's mental state of mind - 10 - would find optimum consideration where the Judges's sentence is concerned. It is most gratifying that by and large the Netherlands Judge 1leaves us a large measure of freedom in the formulation of our thoughts ana ideas and takes our advice into serious account, As to the diagnosis: in this respect we have freed ourselves to a considerable extent from the classic psychiatric diagnostics.In fact most of our patients do not come under this category.In our clinicwe often encounter hyperthymic personalities, but very rarely persons suffering from manio-depressive psychoses; often autistic or bizarre personalities, but very rarely schizophrenics; often persons with disorders of the electro-encephalogram, but relatively {few decidedly epileptical patients.Until a few years ago the great majority of patients admitted to our Clinic would have been regarded as suffering from constitut- ional psychopathy.In the case of most of them 1t would have been considered possible to identify a few here- ditary components. We certainly do not wish to deny the existence of hereditary and constitutional com- ponents,yet in the 1ife historiesof the vast majority of our patients there are so many factors which have seriously hampered a normal development of life, that we would consider it an 1inadmissible simplification to attribute a dominating importance to the constitut- ional aspect.We have learnt from I.Q.tests that many delinquents who have grown up under adverse circum- stances and who during their entire childhood and adol escence were regarded as mentally deficient or highly unintelligent will,once an attituae of friendly acceptance is shown them, attain a far higher score than had ever been considered possible. Itis therefore our first and foremost endeavour- be it under <close observance of everything modern psycho-pathology has to tell us and without losing sight of the significance of somatic anomalies - to give a personality description that 1s as accurate as possible. In addition we are faced with the task of - 11 - answering the difficult question whether or not a delinquent 1s responsible for his actions. Many are doubtful whether a medical doctor will ever be able to supply the correct answer to this question. The several Courts of Justice put the question of a per- son's responsibility beforeus in the following terms: "Was defendant, when he committed the act, in such a deficient state of development or morbid disturbance of his mental faculties, that he must be regarded as having been not at all or only partially capable of realizing the significance of the act and determining hiswill (volition) accordingly?" In the case of many persons submitted to an examination, who are neither mentally 111 i1n the strictest sense, nor mentally defective,we feel justified in answering these quest- ions as follows: "Though subject was capable of reali- zing the significance of his act,he was incapable of regulating his will 1n accordance with that realization", Finally itis our responsibility to advise to the best of our ability on measures that might induce a patient to assume a more positive attitude towards life. For the vast majority of the mentally abnormal delinquents examined by us, we consider i1mprisonment harmful rather than effective. Their defect is that they have never succeeded in organizing their social contacts in the manner such asis required from adults in a well-ordered society. The prison climate 1s not apt to bring them greater mental maturity, rather the reverse.For the contemporary psychiatrist and psycho- logist who, together with their co-workers,have tried to the best of their ability to assess the complex of individual problems of thementally abnormal delin- quent it is just as impossible to feel satisfied with a treatment which would segregate subject almost com- pletely from social life, as it was 1impossible a century and a half ago for psychiatrists like Pinel, Conolly and others, to put up any longer with the cageing and shackling of the mentally ill, a procedure which fixed them 1n a state of human existence pre- - 12 - cluding every development of the positivemental facul t- 1es, Although it is true that in the Netherlands one can likewlise observe a strong effort to make confine- ment in prison subservient to delinquent's re-inte- gration into society, the mentally abnormal delinquents whom we examine lack the ability tomake adequate use of the improved possibili ties offered inmodern prisons. What we need 1s a combination of psychologic and psychotherapeutic influences which induce delinquents to abandon immature, i1mpulsive reaction patterns., We need not profess that we are able to cure many patients through this method, but 1t is certainly possible to try to take corrective measures, to make them under- stand themselves better and 1n a well-considered way create a basis of confidence, which may later aid them to try and break with the tendency they had in the past to choose courses of action which lead to destructionof their own happiness and that of others., Itis notmy task to write about the possibilities in the way of treatment, yet on the other hand an article on the psychiatric¢c examinationof the mentally abnormal delinquentis not complete unless a few words are devoted to therapy,; firstly.because we are deeply convinced that every good observation programme does contain a therapeutic element.Under proper observation delinquents are taken seriously to a degree they may never have experienced before and as such this method of observationis to them an experience which may have far-reaching consequences.It 1s for this reason that we attach much value to highly accurate observation, even in those cases where 1t would be possible to make a diagnosis and submit an expert opinion after only a superficial examination.We are convinced that a super- ficial examination, even though it might satisfy our own requirements and give aJudge sufficient informat- 1on, may mean a negative experience for delinquent, which would only intensify his distrust and his anger. There is yet another reason why in this report, though it i1s devoted to observation,we have to dwell - 13 - briefly on therapy: the i1ndication of therapeutic(al) possibilities forms an essential part of our reporting. In the beginning of this article we already pointed out that in our country there are special institutions for the care of mentally abnorzal delinquents. They are confined here for an indeiinite period of time and are discharged on recommendation of the institution and with the approval of the Ministry of Justice. Unfortunately the possibilities in the way treatment in most of these institutions are not very extensive yet; there 1s a great shortage of qualified personnel. This means that al though 1n many cases we recommend that delinquent be placed at the disposal of the government 1n order to be committed to an 1nstitution or clinic, we are aware of the fact that very often this measure is not going to give the results that should 1n fact be gained in the relevant case. A few institutions in the Netherlands are able to provide treatment that comes up to high standards. I would particularly mention the "Dr. van der Hoeven Clinic" in Utrecht, founded in 1955, which accommodates more than 100 mentally abnomal delinquents and where several specialists and alarge number of other quali- fied staff put forth their best efforts to give thorough psycho-therapeutic(al} treatment. Apart from recommending that a subject be placed at the disposal of the Government unconditionally, there 18 also the possibility of recommending a con- ditional measure of this nature.lIn recommending this course we indicate that in our opinion under certain specific conditions subject's return to free society ~would be justified, including an exact specification of the <conditions we have in mind. The Netherlands has a Discharged Prisoners' Aid Society which devotes itself entirely to the rehabilitation of mentally abnormal delinquents, while in the recent past few years other societies have set up special sections for a similar purpose. Since we malntain very close contacts with these societies, we often are able to 14 - consult them on the rehabilitation procedure to be adopted in a particular case before drafting our re- commendation.This collaboration has the great advan- tage that it enables us to give the Court concrete advice, Reverting to the institutions for the care of mentally abnormal delinquents., I should mention a Dutch institution whose aims and purposes arerelated to those of the Psychiatric Observation Clinic: the "Selectie Instituut" (Selection Centre) in Utrecht. I already pointed out to you that the localities 1n which the Central Observation Clinic 1s housed form part of a complex which originally was a Detention House. Now the other part of this former House of Detention i1s the socalled Selection Centre.This name indicates that delinquents who according to the ruling of the Judge should be placed at the disposal of the Governmment may be admitted here for a brief period of observation in order to be selected for one of the several institutions,There isno direct link with the Observation Clinic.0Only those mentally abnormal delin- quents are admitted to the Observation Clinic whose psychiatric evaluation presents special difficulties. The Selection Centre solely admits those persons who, on the basis of psychiatric reports prepared anywhere in the country(Netherlands),are placed at the disposal of the Government. The Selection Centre has room for 60 persons, 1nmates stay approximately three weeks. During this period an examination and analysis of thelr personality is carried out 1naway that 1s 1dentical to that of the Observation Clinic¢, only not as ex- haustive. Comparatively speaking the staff of the Selection Centre 1s much smaller (one half-time psychiatrist, one full-time legal adviser (female) specialized in welfare work, three half-time psycho- logists,welfare workers,nursing staff, administrative personnel, custodial personnel ). The function of the Selection Centre is: to ensure a correct distribution of patients over the several and various 1nstitutions - 15 - and clinics.To this end the supervisory staff of the Centre maintain close contact with the directors (superintendents)cfl?the various 1nstitutions; perso- nal consultations take place regularly, in fact very frequently,Directors and welfare workersof institut- 1ons are able to talk with patients here, before de- ciding whetheror not they are to be admitted to their institution- The significance of the "Central Observation Clinic for Prisons" to the development of forensic psychiatry 1n the Netherlands has a scope which 1is wider than I have been able to outline 1n my compa- ratively brief survey In this connection I am now particularly thinking of the foundation of the Clinic 1in 1949, a project that was greatly stimulated by the Criminological Institute of the State University in Utrecht There 1s a close bond between this Institute and the Clinic, with the result that 1t 1s possible to render its findings subservient not only to the educational programme of law students but also to the advanced training of various kinds of functionaries who will 1n one way or another come 1nto contact wi th delinquents Within this scope the Criminologi cal Institute has for example, 6 rendered quite a considerable contribution towards a better training of officers appointed to do social reporting in the Netherlands, with the outcome that social reporting gained much 1in quality, As a result of their Iimproved training reporting officers were far better qualified to discuss various aspects with psychiatrists which 1n 1ts turn wrll prompt the psychiatrist to considermore accurately than before the psychopathogenic importance of all kinds of social neglect.In recent years the Crimino- logicnl Institute has played a prominent part in the advanced training programme for senior prison offici- als, which also applies to the leading psychiatrists attached to the Observation Clinic. A post-graduate training course {or members of the judiciary will start in the course of 1960.In this course (im which - 16 - all Dutch Universities participate and for which apparently there is keen interest among the judiciary) an important place 1s reserved for criminology and forensic psychiatry. This course gives an opening for discussions,with the possibility of an exchange in a most direct manner of experiences and problems of forensic psychiatry with those 1inherent in the ad- ministration of justice. I believe that we are justified in concluding that in our country the scope of possibilities for psychiatric examination of the ‘mentally abnormal delinquent as a contribution to a just and proper approach 1s still widening., This does not imply 1in any way that the mode of thinking and views of men in the legal profession and of psychiatrists have become 1identical to the extent that all mutual distrust has been eliminated and an optimum development of colla- boration attained. Some Courts attach great value to the psychiatric view, while other Courts are still highly sceptical.lItis quite possible that the rather too buoyant optimism concerning therapy which,in the years of the Second World War (World War II), took possession of a great many psychiatrists all over the world, 1s one of the causes that disappointments which were, of course,inevitable, have in a way made outsiders rather sceptical about the possibilities of psychiatry. On the other hand it looks as if we are gradually coming to an equilibrium. RESUME Aux Pays-Bas, il arrive trés souvent que déja avant le jugement un rapport psychiatrique soit établi. Dans 1a plupart des cas,” ceci est fait par les soins des psychiatres 1locaux, dans les arrondissements of se trouvent les sieges des Tribunaux.En des cas spé- - 17 - ciaux, ordre est donné d'établir un rapport beaucoup plus étendu; ceci se fait surtout dans 1la Clinique d'Observation psychiatrique des Services Pénitentiaires a Utrecht. Les travaux de cette clinique sont décrit en détails,ainsi ceux d'un autre établissement chargé de 1'examen des délinquants affectés de troubles mentaux, 1'Institut de Sélection a Utrecht. Ensuite une courte considération est consacrée ala coopérat- ion avec 1'appareil judiciaire et avecles psychiatres, comme aux Pays-Bas cette coopération se développe peu 4 peu au profit de 1'information des Tribunaux et du Ministere de la Justice. FOURTH INTERNATIONAIL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS - THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS I11 THE LATE COMER TO CRIME Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). THE LATE COMER TO CRIME x) by Dr. Bruno M.Cormier, Psychiatrist St. Vincent de Paul Penitentiary, Assistant Professor Department of Psychiatry, Mc. Gill University, Montreal P.Q. Canada. This paper will report on a research carried on at St.Vincent de Paul Penitentiary,a maximum security prison, for offenders with sentences of two years and over.We have studied 176 offenders whom we call Late Comers to Crime. The term Late Comer to Crime is part of a clas- sification created by the research team, as a frame of reference for research and clinical work. In a previous communication we presented a classification based according to the age where true delinquency or criminality manifested itself,and continued to domi- nate the personality and activity of the individual offender. This classification is based fundamentally on the time in the life history when a fixated pattern of delinquency first manifested itself (1). This classificationis based on analytic princi- Ples and can be summarized briefly as follows: in Psychoanalytic theory the early formative years cor- respond to the period from birth to about age 5, du- ring which the child goes through the oral, anal and Pre-genital stages to attain an emancipated ego when the oedipal stage is resolved. The 1late formative S —— *)This paper is part of a research in Forensic Psychia- try at Mc Gill University. The research group is composed of Dr. Bruno M. Cormier, Mrs. M. Kennedy, Dr. J. Sangowicz and Mr. Michel Trottier. The research program is supported by a Dominion- Provincial Grant. -9 _ years refer to latency and puberty. Latency begins with the resolutionof the oedipal stage and continues up to the establishment of psysiological puberty, roughly ages 5 - 12.Puberty goes on from physiologi- cal puberty to the onset of manhood. The post forma- tive years 1nclude the total 1life span from age 20. In the early formative years we cannot describe a behaviour disorder as true delinquency, which 1is essentially a social activity and pre-supposes the active recognition of an external code 1involving social, familial and individual relationships. It assumes also that this external code corresponds to an organized i1nternal one. In the early formative years any serious opposition to the external code must be seen as a behaviour problem.and can be considered as part of the learning process with the vicissitudes that accompany growth. Behaviour disorders in the early formative years may be the forerunner of true del inquency later. However, in latency, puberty and 1in maturity, delinquency can be recognized and identified as a symptom of disorder in individual and social relation- ships. In taking the case history of our offenders we came to realize how important it was both for cli- nical evaluation, treatment and research to identify at what period in the 1life history the ego became criminally involved. The young child in his own home with his parents and siblings learns the basic rulesof living together, the family being a training ground for him.These are the rules which will later on help him live in amore impersonal structure, society. The first important experience outside the family takes place around the age of 6 when the child 1eaves home to go to school. By this time parents and society expect a child to have learned enough about the social code for him to regulate his conduct to a considerable extent. Most children do, but there are some who even before reaching puberty become seriously delinquent, and by _ 3 _ that we do not mean the mischief and over activity of childhood, but a well developed delinquent pattern of behaviour, such as compulsive stealing. When we see an adult offender who became truly delinquent in latency and continued this pattern in puberty and maturity, we are dealing with a deep-seated personal and social disturbance where criminality is unlikely to diminish without treatment or the passing of con- siderable time. We <call this kind of offender a Primary Delinquent. There are children who conform to a normal fami- lial and social code up to adolescence and from then on resort to genuline delinquency.When we meet offen- ders who become habitually delinquent for the first time in their adolescence and have carried on from then we call them Secondary Delinquents. This group, like the primary delinquents, is unlikely to conform to social codes without treatment. The Late Comer to Crime, on the other hand, 1is an offender who neither in childhood nor adolescence had serious delinquent acting out, and was not in trouble with the law. He may have had many emotional difficulties, but he did not react in a delinquent way 1in response to these problems. He managed to go through his school years, to find work, to earn a living, to make friends safely and within the law. When we examined and studied this group of offenders who became criminal only after reaching maturity we discovered important differences between them and those whom we called Primary and Secondary Delinquents. Whether we were dealing with Primary and Second dary Delinquents or with Late Comers to Crime we ob- served that criminality follows a different course, depending on the age when it first manifested itself and the extent to which the personality becomes cri- minally involved.We described what we call the natu- ral history of criminality, that is, its origin, du- ration and abatement, These differ greatly between Primary and Secondary Delinquents and Late Comers to 4 - Crime.This has beendescribed in a previous article(2). This paper deals exclusively with the Late Comers to Crime who represent the largest group of offenders 1n our courts and penal 1institutions, Late Comer to Crime In looking over the groupof Late Comers we can- not help asking ourselves why aman who has succeeded 1n making a law-abiding adjustment wup to adul thood suddenly begins to commit offences and to disobey laws which he had previously accepted. Criminality,like other human behaviour, must be seen inalife context.It does not exist in a vacuum, but is a highly complex relationship between an in- dividual and society, though we may call i1t an anti- social relationship. We divided the Late Comers to Crime into two types:the Late Delinquent, aman who becomes habitual- ly delinquent after reaching maturity and the Late Offender who becomes incidentally involved in crime., When recidivism occurs in the Late Offender it i1s se- parated by periods of lawabiding adjustment. In our study we divided the years of maturity 1nto the various decades: 20's,30's,40's and 50 plus. We investigated our Late Comers to Crime who commi t- ted their first crimes in these decades and we tried to 1solate some factors that may have contributed to criminality at these periods. The 176 subjects re- present a cross section of the populationof late co- mers in the 1nstitution where this study was made, Age at Start |[First Offenders|Recidivists |Percentage of Non-Recidivists of Del inquency Recidivism 20 - 29 35 44 53.81 30 - 39 28 21 42,395 40 - 50 plus 42 6 10.63 TOTAL 105 71 40 .44 -5 - First offenders in the 20's In studying those who have committed their first offence in the 20's, we note how stressful a period this may be for a young man faced with a greatly ac- celerated rate of responsibility. He is expected to be economically self sufficient,to choosehis friends and social milieu,to find work, to select a suitable mate and found a family. Though most young people succeed, a number involved in this process find them- selves in serious conflicts. They discover that they are unable to grow up and accept adult social values. They may attempt to follow the normal processes, but they are 1ill-equipped. Young men never previously criminal, may commit a first offence 1in this first crisis of maturity. Some of them come from a family where a dictatorial authority prevented them from learning from experience, or they may have been over protected with the same result.Others come from bro- ken homes, are illegitimate or have lacked a stable family setting. In our study. those who commit an offence in the 20's make up the 1largest group and represent on the whole the most severe problem of the Late Comer to Crime. We find that offences against person and the use of weapons and other aggressive means are more frequently encountered than in the offender who starts crime later. One of the criteria by which we judge the extent of criminal involvement is the amount of criminal association.In the groupof the 20's at least a third of our offenders began to associate mainly with cri- minals in their early 20's. Another third have mixed contacts, frequenting both criminal and non-criminal society. The rest do not as a whole become deeply involved with criminals except at the time of commit- ting an offence. Individuals in the first two groups have a greater tendency to recidivate than those who seldom mix in criminal society. They associate with other criminals in and out of crime, but no longer - 6 - as a member of an adolescent "gang". Rather they will have a few criminal partners.In the group who comm1t a first serious criminal act in the 20's the rate of recidivism is high; in our study 50% are already recidivists,and it is likely that 50% of the remain- der will recidivate. Our study, however. deals only with those who i1n their 20's were first committed to a penitentiary 1involving a sentence of two years or more. It is among this group that we find many who become Late Delinquents, that is habitual criminals. It 1s likely that for young offenders in their 20's who are involved with less serious offences recidivism may be less (3), First Offenders in the 30's Let us examine the man who commits his first of- fence after reaching the age of 30. In considering this decade as a whole we note that a man faces for the first time the fact that his early youth is be- hind him. For a normal man this 1is a very positive phase. He has gained experience and has begun to achieve status.If he 1s married and has children his personal relationships are wusually 1in a state of equlilibrium.But corresponding to these positive fac- tors are the difficulties and the problems.There may be the growing disappointment in the realization that things arenot turning out as planned.Disappointments 1n personal life begin to show up. In describing individual s who commit their first offence in the 30's an important point of difference from offenders in the 20's should be emphasized.Those in the 20's tend to see society as hostile,and there 18 some Teeling of retaliation.In this sense the re- bellion of adolescence is carried on into the 20's. A very different phenomenon occurs 1n the group of 30's,whose lives are not as a whole organized around criminal association. They are men who have not com- mitted an offence for nearlyhalf a 1life span, and have in the main normal values and normal non-criminal ways of living. Examined more closely, we note that the criminal activities that brought them to the peni- tentiary are usually accompanied by a complicated stressful 1life situation. There 1s often very real financial or occupational hardship; there may be 1ill health or personal misfortune.By the 30's a marriage has existed long enough so that it can usually be well judged as either a success or failure, and for the unmarried man the inability to find a suitable wife may well be a problem for him.Stresses in interperso- nal relationship are often a determining factor 1n criminal acting out, and these are frequently within the marriage (4). Resentment against society may be present, but it is not generally the antisocial at- titude seen in the 20's. What type of offence does the man in his 30's commit? We have mentioned that these subjects show less aggression against society than those who commit first offences in the 20's,and this 1s apparent when we study the offender. Offences may seem similar 1in character to those in the 20's, such as theft and bank robbery, but the offender in his 30's is seldom armed, or if he is he carries a toy pistol. More im- portant, his feeling towards the weapon differs from that of the younger offender who sees the gun as an offensive and defensive means. For the man 1in his 30's the weaponis used more as ameans of frightening than an intent to harm. Offences against person are rare, with the exception of murder and manslaughter. With regard to murder we do not find among the group studied that the murder is committed as part of another offence. Rather, they will, under stress kill a wife or mistress or a personal enemy. Regard- less of the extreme violence of murder it is seldom committed in an antisocial context,but in one invol- ving a very deep pathological relationship between two people (5),The act of murder accompanying another offence is generally found in habitual criminals who - 8 - have begun their career long before their 30's and have chosen a dangerously aggressive type of crimina- lity involving many risks, There is a fair amount of recidivism in the 30's al though not as great as in the 20's. But there are sharp differences. The man in the 30's tends to re- cidivate because his original problem remains unsol- ved. He may have been sent to penitentiary for non- support or criminality resulting from alcoholism, and he finds himself out of prison with the same pro- blem. He is therefore even more 1likely to get into the same kind of trouble. In the case of sexual offences, no matter what type of offence or perversion is involved, the man who commits a first sexual offence in his 30's seldom resorts to violence. He is wunlikely to be dangerous to society,contrary to the type of rape with violence that we find in the 20's. Criminal association in the 30's also presents a different picture. The man in the 30's has usually lived in a non-criminal environment, and meeting criminals is for him therefore anew experience.Where there is partnership it is often a group of non-cri- minals who associate to commit an offence. Or an of- fender in the 30's with no previous experience in crime meets someone with a record who has been invol- ved in criminal activity. For a new comer in crime confronted with a criminal for the first time, the encounter may be a deciding factor. It 1lessens his feeling of guilt and it gives him the courage of a group (6). We also see in the 30's what is less common in the 20's, the phenomenon of a man who commits an of- fence on his own, often impulsively. As a general rule 1t can be said that in the 30's criminal associa- tion when it exists, tends to be restricted to the offence and that most of the associations are non- criminal .The group who commit a first offence in the 30's seldom become habi tuals,that is Late Delinquents. -9 - They tend to remain Late Offenders, involved only in incidental delinquency- First Offenders in the 40's The decade from 40 to 50 is usually thought of as an important one, and admittedly it is a point of crisis. We see 1n psychiatric practice many people who become seriously depressed in this decade, men as well as women.It 1sacritical transitional period 1n particular with regard to changing family roles, for instance a father sees himself as no longer the gulde and protector of young children, but realizes that they are almost adul t.This is generally a source of satisfaction and pride, but in other cases of disappointment and temptation. Among the group who commit their first offence 1in the 40's personal problems abound, but no matter what the immediate or deep rooted cause may be, in none of the cases studied were we convinced that the man was a criminal. On the contrary, we find a man who has usually worked hard and honestly, but found in his 40's no corresponding rewards. The failure is often directly related to a severe personal problem present throughout 1life, which becomes greatly in- tensified in the 40's. He may resent his hard lot, even blame the environment, but he 1s never really antisocial.These men frequently blame themselves for their failures. They wonder why they have been un- successful in their sexual 1life, whether married or whether they have failed to find a wife.This rumina- tion about the past is so commonly found here that it may partly explain why it is in this group that we begin te see a certain kind of sexual offender. In his dissatisfaction at having never attained a deep and satisfying relationship,a man inmiddle age some- times turns to deviant practices like homosexuality with the young.We also find some fathers in the late 30's or 40's establishing incestuous relationships - 10 - with their daughters(7). We do not here talk about rape and assault, but seduction by men of young boys or girls who are sometimes atleast partially willing victims. The rapist and the sadistic murdererisnot found in this group of men who commit their first sexual offence in the 40's, One other striking featureis the high incidence of depressive states that are severe enough to be seen and treated by the psychiatrist in the peniten- tiary. Criminal behaviour accompanying melancholia or involutional depression is a well known phenome- non (8, 9). Reactive depressions (10) and states of pathological mourning (11) have been described as important factors in late criminality, In this group, putting aside cases of murder and mansl aughter which occur as in the 30's only in a personal relationship and not associated with other offences, we do not see violence against person in our series. There are a few cases of theft, some of mischief and fraud,one case of arson associated with a state of agitated depression, and various family and sexual offences. In this group there 1is very little criminal association, and the offences are usually individual attempis.In the few cases where there was association,the partners were either close friends or daily work contacts. First offenders in the 50's The problem in this group is generally similar to that of the 40's, with the added factors of ad- vancing age,with its physical deficits and frequent- ly its emotional deterioration. We see here men who have often been 1living in isolation for years. They may be widowed or have never married,and as a result they haveno close ties.They are insecure about their future and they feel themselves rejected. Depressive states are often a significant factor. As a result they can no longer manage their lives. Crime accom- - 11 - panied by violence seldom occurs., with the exception of murder.We have observed cases of fraud and simple theft. Frequently out of loneliness and the need for love and human contact,some men indulge i1in a diviant sexual practice for the first time in their lives, Such men are often stunned by their own behaviour and cannot understand how 1t came about.As may be expected there 1s no c¢riminal association in such cases.The offence 1s always an individual. localized act, Implications and Conclusions In our paper "Presentation of a Basic Classifi- cation for Clinical Work and Research in Criminali- ty" (1) we described our framework and terminology defining the terms Primary Delinquent, Secondary Delinquent and the Late Comer to Crime.Our classifi- cation 1is not intended to replace others, but rather locates, independently of the type and severity of the offence, at what period in the life span the ego became involved in criminality. whether incidentally or habitually.Our view is that the severity and out- come 18 closely related to the age when criminality started, and that an awareness of when criminality first occurred is an important factor in diagnosis, prognosis and treatment. As an example, 1if we study the ego formation and the mechanisms of defence in one who became habitually involved in criminality since latency, we note an arrest in ego development, and a resort to fewer and more primitive mechanisms of defence. We observe that the structurization of the ego has been interfered with. This individual faced with stress has few controls other than reta- liatory mechanisms. On the contrary in seeing a person w..o became involved much later, even a habitual criminal star- ting in his 20's, the fact that he has gone through latency and puberty without delinquency, shows that he has at his disposal many more defences, normal or - 12 - neurotic, that have prevented delinquency up to this point and could be mobilized again., with treatment. Within the group of Late Comer to Crime we found it useful to divide them according to the decade where they first became criminally involved. It was felt there were significant differences between a man who committed a first serious offence in his ear- ly 20's or one at the end of his 20's or in his 30's. The differences were even more marked in the later decades. In the 40's and 50's we faced only inciden- tal criminality and very rarely recidivism. One con- clusion is that the course and duration of criminali- ty, regardless of the severity of the offences, 1s determined by different psychological factors accor- ding to the life period when the ego first becomes seriously involved in criminality (3). Looking at the whole groupof late comers we see many types of offenders committing many kinds of of- fences. We note a variety of precipitating factors others than only antisocial attitudes. These 1nclude depressive 1llnesses, reactive depressions. patholo- gical mourning, marital crises, etc. The term "late comer" i1s not intended to replace others commonly used like "normal offender","white collar offender", "crime of passion",etc., but views these and others, who may become criminal after maturity in a new pers- pective. This dynamic perspective places 1ts emphasis on the ego and the mechanisms of defence, and sees the offence as a symptomatic act.Two factors are signifi- cant, the time the ego first becomes criminally in- volved and the quality of the involvement. This ap- proach also permits us to differentiate between the important group which comes into trouble with the law only after reaching maturity, and other types of of- fenders whose egos are more deeply rooted in crimina- lity.It also gives us a research,clinical and thera- peutic approach to the problem of the Late Comer to Crime. - 13 - LE DELINGUENT SUR LE TARD RESUME Cette communication decritun projet de recherche sur un groupe de criminels appelé delinquants sur le tard. Cette recherche est poursuivie au departement de psychiatrie de 1'universite Mc Gill, Montréal. Le terme "delinquant sur le tard" fait partie d'une classification deja proposée par 1'équipe de recherche de Mc Gill. Cette classification fournit un cadre utile pour fins de recherche et de travail clinique en psychiatrie médico-légale. Dans une communication antérieure 1'équipe de Mc Gill a decrit trois types de délinquants: 1. le delinquant primaire, i.e., un criminel qui s'engagea sérieusement dans la delinquance durant la periode de latence, continua durant la puberte, et devintun criminel d'habitude durant 1'age adul te; 2. le délinquant secondaire, i.e., un criminel qui s'engagea serieusement dans 1a délinquance durant la puberte et devint wun criminel d'habitude durant 1'age adul te; 3, le delinquant sur le tard comprend tous les délinquants qui se sont engages dans un ou plu- sieurs actes criminels durant 1'age adul te,sans passe délinquant sérieux durant la periode de latence et puberté. Cent soixante-seize délinquants sur le tard ont été étudiés. Ils ont été répartis selon leur age a la premitre offense, soit de 20 a 29 ans, de 30 a 39 ang ,de 40 a 49 ans et de 50 ans. et plus. Les patrons de comportement criminel, les causes psychologiques, le +traitement, le prognostic....sont habituellement - 14 - différents selon qu'une premiere offense aitéeté com- mise dans une décade ou 1'autre, Les délinquants qui débutent dans leur vingtaine ont un taux élevé de récidive. Les attitudes et les comportements antisociaux sont dominants, bien que moins marqués que chez le délinquant primaire ou se- condaire. C'est surtout dans ce groupe que se recru- tent les délinquants sur le tard habituels. Chez les délinquants qui débutent dans la tren- taine,les attitudes anti-sociales sont beaucoup moins prononcées, sinon absentes. La criminalité est sou- vent en relation directe avec des problemes névroti- ques. Les conflits familiaux, les depressions reac- tionnelles,les réactions de deuil pathologiques sont des facteurs étiologiques importants des actes délin- quents rencontrés damns cette décade.Le taux de réci- dive est plus bas que dans le groupe délinquant qui commet une premieére offense sérieuse dans la vingtaine. Chez les plus de 40 ans, les attitudes anti-so- ciales sont presque inexistantes et la criminalite apparait comme une résul tante de probleémes personnels, d'états dépressifs oumaniaco-dépressifs larvés.Apres la cinquantaine, les actes délinquants sérieux sont peu fréquents,et souvent découlent du vieillissement avec tout ce qu'il entraine de déficit émotionnel et organique. Le terme "délinquant sur le tard" ne remplace pas d'autres concepts déja utiles, tels que "délin- quant a collet blanc","délinquant normal", "criminel passionnel" ,mais ce terme générique englobe tous les délinquants adul tes sans passé sérieusement délinquant durant la période de 1latence et puberté. C'est un concept psychodynamique; le délit est envisagé comme une fagon d'étudier 1le délinquant, et 1'étude est centrée surla formationdel'égo et sur les mécanis- mes de défense des délinquants qui ont enfreint les loi1s apres avoir atteint 1'age adul te. (1) (2) (7) (8) - 15 - REFERENTCES CGRMIER, Bruno M., KENNEDY, Miriam, SANGOWICZ Jadwiga, and TROTTIER, Michel (1959) "Presenta- tion of a Basic Classification for Clinical Work and Research in Criminology". Can-J,Corrections. 1. no. 4, 21-34. e e ————— (1959 ) "The Natural His- torycfl?Crlmlnalltyzuuisome Tentative Hypotheses on Its Abatement". ibid., 1, no. 4. 35-49. TROTTIER, Michel (1960) "The Problem of Recidi- vism and Treatment of the Late Comer to Crime". Unpublished paper given at the Second Annual Research Conference on Criminology and Delin- quency, Montreal. KENNEDY, Miriam (1960) "Family Conflicts and Criminal Behaviour". Unpublished paper given at the Second Annual Research Conference on Crimino- logy and Delinquency, Montreal. CORMIER, Bruno M. (1960) "Pathological Mourning as a Component of Murder". Unpublished paper given at the Canadian Psychoanalytic Society, Montreal. TROTTIER Michel(1960)"1a Complicité Criminelle" (Rapport Préliminaire) Can. J. Corrections, 1, no. 4, 56-61. KENNEDY, Miriam (1960) "A Clinical Study of a Group of Incest Offenders". Unpublished paper given at the Second Annual Research Conference on Criminology and Delinquency, Montreal. BATT, J.C. (1948) "Homicidal Incidence 1in the Depressive Psychoses". J.Ment. Sc.,94, 782-792. (9) (10) (11) - 16 - FAURE,H. and RAPPARD, Ph. (1956) "Vol et mélan- colie.Dela perte a la récupération de 1'objet". Cahiers de Psychiatrie, Strasbourg, 96-107. SANGOWICZ, Jadwiga (1960) "Criminal Acting Out 1in (Cases of Reactive Depression". Unpublished paper given at the Second Annual Research Con- ference on Criminology and Delinquency,Montreal. ----- (1960 ) "Pathological Mourning and Criminal Acting Out". Unpublished paper given at the Se- cond Annual Research Conference on Criminology and Delinquency, Montreal. QUATRIEME CONGRES INTERNATIONAL DE CRIMINOILOGIE - LA HAYE 1960 - TRAVAUX PREPARATOIRES I LE TRAITEMENT AVANT LE JUGEMENT DES DELINQUANTS ANORMAUX Sccrétariat du Congres, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, I.a Haye (Pays - Bas) LE TRAITEMENT AVANTLEJUGEMENT DES DELINQUANTS ANORMAUX par Vladimir Hadzi, avocat, Novi Sad (Yougoslavie) Arriver a 1'amélioration de 1'état mental des délinquants anormaux, a leur rééducation morale et a leur réadaptation sociale, c'est sans aucun doute, contribuer a la solution de ce grand probleme qu'est le récidivisme. C'est la tache de la Psychiatrie que de rendre, si possible & un individu malade 1'usage de tout son appareil psychique, c¢'est-a-dire 1la 1liberté, 1la responsabilité et 1a capacité de discernement.Pour y parvenlir 11 seralt indispensable, en premier lieu,d’ établir un bon diagnostic et de déceler les véritables causes des troubles mentaux. Ceux-ci peuvent etre de nature tres diverse. Gu'ils soient constitutionels ou autres, il est certain que dans une grande majorité des cas on y rencontre le sentiment inconscient de cul pabilité, et que celui-ci occupe la place centrale. Pour arriver a "rétablir" 1la "santé clinique' les psychiatres,encouragés par le progres de la Méde- cine en général,étaient enclins a appliquer tous les moyens techniques et particulierement la thérapeutique des chocs.Il est vrai que de tels procédés ont donné en certains cas des résultats satisfaisants,mals cela n'est pas sans aucun danger, car tout en faisant enrayer aux mal ades de 1 eurs souvenirs les effroisdel'acuité dépressive,ces procédés leur enlevent aussi ce qu'il y a "le mieux" et ce sont les symptomes. Pourtant le sentiment inconscient de culpabilité (Schuldgefiihl) tout en étant un symptOme de la maladie, est en m@éme temps, chose curieuse, aussi une condition nécessaire ala guérison.Ainsi en perdant ce symptdme ils peuvent devenir encore plus malades de ce qu'ils étaient auparavant, et devenir meme irrécupérables. - 9 _ De ce fait il est préférable d'essayer de parvenir ala purgation de lamaladie par un changement radical et par un relevement dans le sens d'une véritable reconstruction, par 1'accroissement de ses pouvoirs inhibitifs et par une psychothérapie en profondeur d'inspiration plus ou moins psycho-analytique. C'est une méthode plus lente,plus difficile,mais certaine- ment aussi meilleure,et des que la Science avance et que les méthodes thérapeutiques s'améliorent, il est certain qu'il y aura de moins en moins de ceux a qui on ne pourrait pas 1'applilquer. On traite et i1 faut +traiter. Mais il se peut qu'on a tort que de laisser toujours ce traltement pour une période spéciale que nous appelons la "phase du traitement" ,Doit-on vraiment toujours trancher une limite tellement aigué entre 1les phases et que nous les juristes sommes habitués a distinguer. Ou alors, ayant en vue que le succes oul'insucces d'un traitement peut dépendre en grande mesure du faitsil'on a com- mencé le traitement & temps et au moment le plus indique.ne feraiil-on pasmicux que d'essayer de tirer profit de cela que chaque situation puisse offrir. De ce fait 1l paraft gqu'onne devrait pas tloujours attendre cette phase du traitement pour pouvolir entre- prendre certalnes choses quil sont indispensables et qui sont meéme dans 1'intéret du délinquant anormal. En effet.arrivé apres cette longue procédure et apres le jugement dans cette "phase du traitement", 11 est déja arrivé a surmonter,dans une certaine mesure,les psychoses réactionnelles ou secondaires au délit, a 1'arrestation,au jugementou a la détention.A présent il est déja un peu las et abruti, il commence a s'y "habituer" un peu a cette nouvelle situation, et il devient plus endurci, obstiné, récalcitrant. Mais avant, au moment ou il a été repéré, et au premier choc de 1'arrestation et au premier contact avec les agents de 1'Autorité,puis tout le longdela phase d'investigation et de 1'instruction il ressent un profond changement de sa personnalité occasionné - 3 - par le vécu, avec le sentiment de culpabilité de ce crime commis et qui souvent apres le premier soul agement de ce sentiment inconscient de culpabilité et qui existait encore avant le crime commis, vient de s'ajouter a celui-ci.Il est inquiet et lugubre. Pour lui a présent tout est changé, tout obtient une signifi- cation particuliere, il a 1'impression que tout a trait 3 lui,que tout est concentré sur lui.Il cherche une issue et a ce moment-la il est souvent bien plus flexible et perméable que d'habitude. Ce moment-la serait déja tres propice a ce qu'on cormence a appliquer certaines mesures du traitement et qui se seraient appuyées sur le sentiment de responsabilité, lequel existe aussi chez 1les délin- quants anormaux. Mais 11 n'en est rien de tout cela, car a présent onne se borne dans cette phase, que de recueillir des preuves, a établir la matérialité des faits, et dans des cas plus graves on procede aussi a un examen médico-psychologique et social dudélinquant, Pourtant, un tel traitement anticipé des délin- quants anormaux ne manqueralt certalnement pas de donner des résul tats plus satisfaisants.Poury parvenir on devrait s'assurer d'une collaboration étroite du psychiatre, des travallleurs sociaux et des autres spécialistes des sciences humaines. Mais a coté de cela une grande compréhension de la part des organes d'investigation, du juge d'instruction ainsi que du procureur et de la défense serait nécessaire. Pour qu'un tel traitement des délinquants anormaux puisse etre efficace,il faut se méfier des générali- sations trompeuses et tacher dans chaque cas partiaalier, a pénétrer dans la personnalité du sujet et a déceler les causes de leurs troubles mentaux. 11 faut donc tacher de trouver le véritable sentiment inconscient de culpabilité, et particulierement 1le phénomene primaire d'ou il dérive. Mais ce n'est pas si simple que cela, car tout ce qui a trait & la "culpabilité" ou plutdt au sentiment inconscient de culpabilité est voilé de mystere. C'est pourquoi, pour trouver ce - 4 - sentiment, pour établir le diagnostic, on ne devrait pas regarder tellement a travers les symptdmes appa- rents, ni etre trop sous 1'impressiondu délit commis. I1 faut seméfier aussi que d'admettre toujours ce que disent 1les délinquants anormaux, et derriere les mobiles apparents ou allégués,il faut pouvoir trouver lesmotivations profondes de l1eurs actes.Assez souvent ils commettent un vrai délit pour @tre coupables pour de bon et pur se libérer ainsi de ce sentiment in- conscient de cul pabilité et qui existait encore avant ce délit commis.C'est une décharge et a ce moment-la on aurait peut-etre plus de chance de détecter ce sentiment et sa cause. Mais méme ici il est rare qu'ils relevent ce sentiment inconscient de cul pabilité.Aussi s'1ls disent quel que chose,1ls 1ndiqucent presque toujours certailnes cul pabilités qui comme telles n'existent pas et ne peuvent pas exister. Alors on pense que c'est faux, irréel et inexistant On prend cette culpabilité comme sielleavait été cntiercment imaginéce et que lemal ade ne la porte pas de son propre gré mais plutot a cause d'un dérangement fonctionnel du cerveau.Dc toute fagon, puisqu'en réalité elle ne peut pas @tre attribuée & un événement déterminé, on la qualifie alors comme une cul pabilité existentielle (Existenzielle Schuld). Ce sentiment qui est encore pré-psychotique apparait sur- tout lorsque 1'homme se trouve menacé dans sa valeur personnel le. Malgré que tout c¢e qu'ils disent puisse pa- raitre tellement irréel et incohérent,car on n'arrive pas a saisir leur logique intérieure ni les causes profondes de leur comportement, on doit tout-de-meme se demander s1 tout cela est tellement absurde et 1nexistant, et si 1'on peut vraiment parler d'une cul pabilité et qui serait entiérement imaginée.ll est hors de doute qu'il puissey avoir une certaine dispro- portion, plus ou moins grande,entre 1'ampleur etl'in- tensité de ce sentiment inconscient de cul pabilité et la culpabilité méme,Pourtantil faut se demander s'il - 5 - peut y avoir une certaine culpabilité et qui serait compl etement imaginée,car le sentiment de culpabilité est tout-de-meéme un sentiment de quel que chose.C'est un sentiment concret; il n'a trait qu'ala culpabilité et pas a autre chose. Du reste ces deux culpabilités ne peuvent pas se séparer si nettement,car la culpabilité existentielle cormence a la culpabilité réelle, ou celle-ci se développe de celle-la. Ainsi1 11 parait que dans chaque sentiment de cul pabilité, qu'il soit meéme inconscient, 1l existe un certain élément, une certaine dose de culpabilité qu'elle soit mémeminime,Par exemple:si celan‘est pas l'lnceste-méme, on doit y trouver au moins une sur- vivance plus ou moins grande du complexe d‘0Oedipe. L'inconvénient c'est que cette culpabilité nfest pas tellement détectable car ils ne veulent pas la révéler.Tres souvent ils ne peuvent méme pas le faire car chez eux c'est tellement i1nconscient.c'est telle- ment refoulé,qu'ils n'osent méme pas s'avouer a aux- mémes.Pour se justifier a leurs propres yeux et pour "s'excul per" ils projettent cette cul pabilité sur une ou sur plusieurs autres personnes auxquelles 1ls attribuent certaines culpabilités qu’'ils refusent de se volr en eux-mémes.Ces culpabilités sont soit direc- tes soit au moins indirectes,c'est-a-dire elles sont soit-disant la cause de 1aleure.Cela provoque,alors |, chez eux wune tendance justiciere et qui est aussi autopunitive,et leur comportement anormal peut s'expli- quer par cette tendance. Cecl nous explique aussi pourquoi leur logilque intérieure est plus forte que la logique extérieure, qu'elle est tellement ferme et durable et que cette dualité est devenue pour ainsi dire une véritable nécessité. Elle est incorrigible malgré un traitement soma- tique prolongé et elle peut durer méme pendant toute la vie. Il n'en serait peut-etre pas ainsi si l'on arrivait a trouver avec plus de facilité sa véritable -6 - cause et les raisons de ce sentiment inconscient de cul pabilité,et de la résistance permanente au milieu Pour pouvoir faire ce dépistage il serait indis- pensable de connaitre tout surle comportement présent ainsi que sur les antécédents du sujet, d'établir un bilan de personnalité, de connailtre ses déficiences intellectuelles ainsi que ses traumatismes psychilques méme minimes et qui ont plt 1'atteindre encore dés son age le plus avancé. On devrait bien connaitre aussi son environnement et surtout les circonstances de son milieu familial,car les parents oule conjoint peuvent souvent exercer une influence néfaste sur 1'aggravation de son état. Tout cela et encore d'autres éléments essentiels devralient figurer surle dossier de person- nalité et qui ferait usage du "dossier mental", Ce n'est qu'en établissant de cette fagon un bon diagnostic qu'on arriverait a saisir et & comprendre tous les symptOmes et & 1eur donner une interprétation appropriée,a voir clair meéme a travers ce camouflage symbolique et a éliminer ses réactions de défense et particulierement cette projection.Ensuite, c'est par une psychothérapied'inspiration psychanalytique qu'il s'agitdel'orienter dansle sens a ce qu'il fasse une "ré-projection", c'est-a-dire qu'il fasse a nouveau le déplacement sur soi-méme de cette cul pabilité qu'il avait projetée sur autrui. Aces fins 1l faudrait faire accroitre son senti- ment propre de culpabilité et de ce faitla culpabilité imaginée ou projetée de 1'autre va nécessairement diminuer.Dumoment que 1a cul pabilité projetee diminue, en meéme tenps le sentiment propre de culpabilité va diminuer aussi,C'est compréhensible, car c'est précisé- ment pour se soustraire & sa culpabilité propre et parce qu'il ne veut pas la porterqu'il 1'avait projetée sur autrui. Ce sentiment de culpabilité diminuera surtout lorsque de 1'inconscient 11 va passer aucons— cient. Ici le sujet aura déja un véritable sentiment de responsabilité et cela sera déja un commencement de guérison. - 7 - Des procédéssemblables pourraient s'appliquer peut—-etre aussi dans d'autres cas, par exemple en cas ou le sujet a réagi a 1'injustice subie ou a 1la frustration par accusation d'autrui, dans les cas d'angolsse de naissance etc.Bien entendu dans 1les cas ou la psychothérapie ne pourrait pas @tre appliquée avec succes,on devra utiliser sur le plan individuel les traitements traditionnels et 1les traitements endocriniens, sur le plan collectif les thérapies de groupe et sur le plan géneéral les thérapies occupation- nelles. Par ces thérapies on peut +toujours essayer d'amener les délinquants anormaux si ce n'est pas a laguérison, ce qui est assez problématique et incertain, alors au moins a une guérison sociale approximative, a une améliorationde leur état qui les rende perméa- bl es aux influences morales et permette 1leur réadapta- tion sociale normale. S UMMARY With the improvement of the mental condition of abnormal delinquents, a valuable contribution would be made to the solution of the grave problem of reci- divism, Instead of applying shock treatment,which is not without some danger, it is better to have recourse to deep psychoanalytical psychotherapy, which, with the progress of Science, can be applied in an 1in- creasing number of cases. To achieve this, a good diagnosis must be established,and the true causes of the mental troubles must be detected; among these the most frequent is an unconscious sense of guilt (Schuld- gefithl ) .But thisis rather difficult,since everything connected with "guilt" is veiled in mystery. - 8 — Since the offenceisoften a liberation,it would be easier to detect this feeling and its cause at the very moment of arrest, and at the first contact with the agents of authority. For this reason it is not always suitable to wait for treatment until the time when the subject has already become hard and obstinate after lengthy judicial procedure,and it would be bet- terin the case of abnormal delinquents to apply anti- cipatory treatment. In the treatment one must try, with the help of a "mental dossier" and a thorough investigation, to probe clearly the mind of the subject, even in spite of its symbolic camouflage; and to eliminate the sub- ject's defence reactions, among which projection 1is the most frequent. In order +to "exculpate" himself, the subject projects his guilt on to other people,and this provokes in him a justificatory and autopunitive tendency; his abnormal behaviour canbe explained by this tendency. This explains why his interior logicis stronger than the exterior logic,why itis so firm and lasting, and why this duality has become, as 1t were, a real necessity. In order to eliminate +this projection, it 1s necessary to induce the process of re-projection 1in the subject; that is, to redirect on to himself that guilt which he has projected on to others To achieve this, his own sense of guilt should be aroused, in which case the 1magined and projected guilt will automatically decrease, since 1t was 1n order to liberate himself from his own sense of guilt that he projected 1t on to others.This sense of guilt decreases most of all when it passes from the wunconscious to the conscious. In this way the subject will acquire a real sense of responsibility.which is the beginning of a cure. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS — THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS I11 ORGANIZATION AND MANAGEMENT OF A RESOCIALISATION-COMMUNITY AS A SOCIO-THERAPEUTIC INSTITUTE FOR THE TREATMENT OF NEUROTIC CRIMINALS Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). ORGANIZATION AND MANAGEMENT OF A RESOCIALISATION - COMMUNITY AS A SOCIO-THERAPEUTIC INSTITUTE FOR THE TREATMENT OF NEUROTIC CRIMINALS A REPORT OF THE EXPERIENCE OF 7 YEARS PRACTICE by Dr. G W. Arendsen Hein Psychiatrist Ederveen. Holland Introduction The problem of rendering help to abnormal delin quents without depriving them of the feeling of per- sonal responsibility has to be approached from two angles: a). form the side of the patient; b). from the sideof the personnel in charge of treat.- ment and nursing. For the benefit of the patient it is necessary that his problems and neurotic reactions come to the surface and are expressed or acted out,thus becoming accessible for treatment. Preferably these reactions should contrast clearly against a soli1d social struc- ture and an emotionally healthy background, providing a safe opportunity for reality-testing,so that the Patient himself may see the sick elements in his be- haviour. This 1s only possible,when a staff 1s available that can tolerate a good deal of acting out and trans- ference behaviour, without much change in the affec- tive attitude to the patient.This means that, if the Patient is to gain from his experiences, the staff must be able to hold the patient responsible for his acts without relapsing 1in moralising, depreciating or punishing attitudes. If the staff shows negative emotional reactions to the asocial behaviour of the patient and tends to attitudes, which induce 1n the - 9 - patient the feeling,that he 1s falling into disgrace, a chain of further neurotic reactions will be provoked. Since criminal asocial behaviour 1s generally not a primary goal for the patient. but an accombanylir.g phenomenon of the neurotic personality under stress, the patient will *eel misunderstood. 1lltreated. his vision becoming blurred by feelings of revenge and he will be inclined to hold the other party responsible for his psychic pain and deny at the same time res- ponsibility for himself.In short he will gain nothing from his experience. Not depriving the patient of the feeling of per- sonal responsibility implies granting him the right to make mistakes and learn from them.This process can only take place 1n an atmosphere that is free from anxiety for expulsion from the community. A person who has shown little social competence in the past cannot be expected to deal with a rigid stressing situation in the 1nstitution.Therefore the therapeutic community imposes at first mitigated de- mands. shows more allowance for aggression and anti- social behaviour than normal society. On the other hand he 1s confronted constantly and extensively with the consequences of his transgressions.As the patient grows. demands are increased. The feeling of respon- sibility springs from the feeling to belong; the feel- ing to belong develops in a community that fulfills basic human needs. The more the community 1deal be- comes a reality for the patient,the more responsibi- lity 1t imposes upon him, Encounter of the fellowmen on the basis of human equality and mutual respect. together with an encoura- ging confident attitude as to tlie capacity for self- determination of the patient form a great challenge to the general personal responsibility of the patient. He is approached and spoken to as if he were already the man he really wanted to be, who would have done better 1if he had known better - 3 - A patient put it once like this: "When confidence is shown to me, 1 feel obliged to act trustworthy,but if not I feel completely free to do as I please. I've not been given anything and I'm not supposed to give anything 1n Yeturn". Since we have come to realize that the behaviour of a person 1s largely dependent on the relationships with his fellowmen,especially on the attitudes of his fellowmen towards him. it became <clear. that 1in a therapeutic institution the behaviourof the patients can be inmany ways regarded as an answer to the beha- viour of the staff.One might compare this interaction of mind wupon mind with the seaworthiness of a ship and its crew. A good crew can make the ship function well even in a storm, a poor crew may wreck her even in calm weather. The more we leave the static concept of the human being as a causally determined product of biological and sociological factors, the more we recognize the creative potentialities of the Ego.the more we study the psycho-dynamic factors,that structure the patients world design the more we become capable of rendering help without depriving the subject of hilis personal responsibility. It also imposes a heavier responsibility on the helper to abandon everything that tends to devaluate the personality of the c¢riminal patient, to get rid of the prejudice of incurability. to do away with authoritarian attitudes to expose himaslittle as pos sible to restrictions and frustrations and to enter 1into an existential relationship with him, which may to a certain extent indemnify the patient for the psychic malnutrition and traumata which he suffered in the past. However, an understanding attitude, even love are not enough to help the severely disturbed neurotic patient.Scientific methods have to be applied to cure 4 the deenly disturbed patient. Since every neuarotic criminal or so called psycho- path 1s disturbed 1n his sociral relations. we regard (t a=a primary necessity to approach him on a soctial level 1nasocio-therapeuatic community,.To our opinion such a communtty should not be too large 1 e. not exceeding 60 patients 1n order to conserve the perso- nal element 1n the relationships. on which the value of sach a commantty 1s based. The aims of the community- called the resociali- sationcommunity Groot Batelaar at Lunteven - are dom1i - nated by such questions as. [low canwe help the patient to restore his selfconfidence to increase his social feeling (0o get out of his social tsolation to 1mprove his relationships with and responsib:lity towards hi= fellowrren to unfold h.s personality and give full scope to his natural gifts. The answer to these questions bas been an attempt to create a community with a true democratic culture and a general therapeutic atmosphere,with opportuni- ties for encouraging emotional experiences. Spectal med1 co-psychological methods of approach to the pro- blems of the individual patient are described i1n sepa- rate reports to section I. Principles and problems of the community organisation The community consistsof + 40 patients. hospita- l1zed 1n buildings with open doors.,adults from 20-40 years belng pat at Her Majesty's pleasure,exclusively mnen who have recidivived wusually many times and who are. after medical and psychological examination. con- sidered as neurotics in a broad sense of the word,in neea of psychotherapy.After treatment is proposed to them and they liave shown their willingness to accept 1t they are referred Lo the psychiatric direction of the community. They are only taken in,1f they have a more or less realistic evaluation of the causes of -5 - their failure and the sincere wish to get well.It is made clear to them that they are taken in on their own request and free will for a trial period of 6 weeks, in which both parties remain free to decide the pa- tient whether he wants to stay when he thinks that treatment can be of value to him 6 the staff whether this particular patient has reasonable chances to benefit from our form of treatment. It 1s 1mportant that the patient gets a clear picture of the community and 1ts requirements and that he experiences himself, 1n a so called orientation-discussiongroup, what psycho- therapy means. The point of free choice is strongly emphasized, because nobody can be treated against his will, al- though 1t must be admitted that the freedom of choice 1s not great, since the alternatives are with the exception of one other therapeutic hospital (v.d.Hoe- ven clinic), asylums with a much severer regime and generally little or no opportunity for treatment. Besides, one cannot expect much 1insight 1n the necessity of treatment, because these people are not acquainted with the procedures and aims of psychothe- rapy. Nevertheless we regard it as a very i1mportant principle that the patient is always challenged to make a decision of his own free will, aware of the consequences and ready to accept responsibility for them.In this case it means to accept his stay in the community for treatment of indefinite time. On his arrival at the institution he 1s welcomed by a recep- tion committee of the patients.which presents to him the house-rules and introduces him to the staff-mem- bers. If, after 6 weeks, both parties agree, the pa- tient is officially admitted to the community as a full member and he declares that he'll strive to keep to the rules of the community and to support i1t as good as he can. Because of the lack of social feeling we cannot expect that the wellbeing of the community can serve -6 - as a primary and common goal for the average neurotic patient, In order to counter-balance the patient's feeling of being constantly the object of care,treat- ment etc. we offer him to fanction 1n different sub- ject-roles, including some responsibility for the selfgovernment in certain sectors of the community. thus stimulating him to 1dentify himself with the community goal.that may gradually become a secondary personal goal(f-i”membership of the order-committee, grouprepresentative, housemaster etc.). The community 1s divided 1n therapeutic groups of 8-9 patients,which form also li1ving groups sharing sleepingward and meals. Other group-formations arenot living groups. but functional groups, f.1. working groups, studygroups. sportgroups etc. Group-representatives have an advisory vote and participate fully in the meetings of the managing staff. that deals with practical matters.The order- committee. that was to safeguard the house-rules, consists exclusively of patient-members.0Organization of clubs and entertainment is alsoin the hands of the patients, Obligatory work, for the upkeep of the buildings and gardens, as well as for the management of the household,is restricted to 5 hours a day.Therapeutic sessions are held in the afternoon.Possibilities for more work are available.Each working houri1is rewarded with a small amount of pocketmoney.A minimum sum has to be earned in order to get permission for leave. The weekly total, an average patient may earn, 1s about the equivalent of 10-14 shillings. A certain amount of savings 1s necessary tobe entitled to apply for supplementary funds for travelling expenses during a weekend furlough, once a month. Getting the patients to work more than the obli- gatory hours has always been a problem, because they know the law prescribes, that the Governmment has to -7 - provide nursing and treatment for them. While they feel rejected by society, they find that society has to pay for them. Besides. the neurotic patient gene- rally works only for two reasons: 1). to gain material or social status; 2). togain gratification from an affective relation- ship 1.e.appreciation and recognition of a sym- pathetic person. Since earningsare so small i1nterest in work 1s lacking. Qur experience, however, has shown. that after release from the institution, when the patient earns normal wages, he usaally gives no trouble to produce the average output. We consider it a much better policy to pay the patient during his stay 1n the community,normal wages for a normal performance, thus proving to him,that his capacities are fully re- cognized, which could add considerably to his self- respect, At the same time a deduction for food, clo- thing, therapy etc. could be made, which would make it clearer to the patient that he earns and pays for real values 1n his own interest. To earn money means for the patient to be able to buy status, and the more money. the more status, the greater his feeling of rehabilitation.A very important therapeutic prin- ciple is, that we have to grant the patient a good deal of freedom to act on his own initiative and res- ponsibility and to make mistakes, from which he can learn and acquire self-discipline. Therefore we have adopted the policy,f.i. - apart from a rare exception - never to escort patients outside +the institution. Ei ther they are considered capable to go alone or with comrades, or, if not, permission for leave 18 not granted to them. We stress the point, that the patient should always be kept fully aware of the con- sequences, if he doesn't keep to his appointment. At regular times the community meets in toto for discussion of actual problems. The rules of the com- - 8 - munity, originally drawn up 1in such meetings, are permanently open to specification or alteration as the need may arise. For a well-functioning of the community 1t 1is important, that patients have a clearly defined pic- ture of the roles of different staff members.A division of tasks, especially to safeguard the psycho-thera- peutic docter-patient relationship,is desirable; the therapist should not be charged with directorial, practical or social questions regarding his patient. This principle. however,cannot be carried on too far and works well only, if the director in charge has psychotherapeutic training, being fully aware of the psychological implications of his decisions and if there is constant and close cooperation behind the scene, A rigid, functional separation between direc- torial administrative or social staff on the one hand and therapeutic staff on the other hand, 1s to our opinion an unworkable principle in community treat- ment, contrary to the basic idea and the interest of the community. A policy of non-cooperation between the authorities tends to wreck the therapeutic atmos- phere,brings about unnecessary tensions or misunder- standings and facilitates,that people, not belonging to the therapeutic staff, release their own frustra- tions on the patients. Certain other important points are: The principle that every decision should be mo- tivated and made comprehensible for the patient.When authority is exercised, the reasons are always explained to the patients. Important decisions can el1ther be taken by the communitymeeting or, 1if this is not ap- propriate,they are always open to criticism and dis- cussion. The principle of tolerance.The attitude of tole- -9 - rance,of lack of coercing the patient to act against his will, to accept his being different,to grant him the freedom to experiment and to make mistakes,finds 1ts natural restrictions where the interest of the community or public safety are endangered by asocial behaviour. We regard a warm psychotherapeutic climate as an important factor for the reconditioning of the patient. The experience of being listened to,learning to live together and relating himself to others on the base of mutual confidence,may add considerably to the Ego- strength of the patient. However, 1t should be clear that our so-called community has little in common with a real community and when we say that the community tries to keep up its culture and morale as high as possible,we have to realize that 1t is largely the difficult task of the staff-members, to whom the community culture is, to a certain extent,a reality. They have to present the living example in ordinary life to show the patients, that the community principles are not only a philosophy of life, but 1nstead a practical and better way to deal with every-day matters. Experience has taught us, that spiritual maturity of the personality plays a much more important role in the management of critical situations, than know- ledge and training. Themaintenance of a friendly atmosphere and good- will to share each others difficulties, the feeling of security to be allowed to criticize and to speak about one's problems are of paramount importance to the patient.If tensions arisein the staff,we observe the repercussions in a chain-reaction.Patients react with irritability, - staff-members fall back on more authoritarian attitudes, - patients show opposition - selfdiscipline of staff-members decreases,communica- tion channels get clogged up - transgressions of the house-rules increase-the inclination of staff-members - 10 - to use power and pression with the patients arises - symptoms of anxiety and delinquency among patients appear - symptoms of discouragement among staff-members are seen who begin to express doubts as to the effi- cacity of therapy and the curability of certain pa- tients — a call for a stronger regime, critical re- marks on the director or another scapegoat are heard, requests to transfer difficult patients - diminishing of groupactivity. intensity of therapy and output of work - fading away of the therapeutic atmosphere - panic reactions and patients running away. Sooner or later the staff. according to experience, personal maturity and cohaesion. realises what is going on., Internal problems and personal antagonisms are brought into the open and worked through.The pro- blem situation and 1ts causes are openly discussed, injustices are set right democratic principles are reestablished. anxiety among patients is eased. A complication may arise, 1f for one reason or other relations with the surrounding population or soclety in general are disturbed.Sometimes real trou- ble, caused by delinquent patients, 6 can be the reason, but the community can usually do something to compen- sate for 1t. The situation becomes more serious, how- ever when the community and 1ts treatment-methods as such become the target of an aggressive press campaign, as 1t happened i1in our case on the initiative of a dis- satisfied ex-patient,.The staff may then feel threate- ned from two sides and 1t is often difficult or im- possible to fight public prejudice against "soft" methods in the treatment of criminals as well as the attitude of revenge against the public offender.When these aggressions from the outside-world are of longer duration and no measures are taken to counterbalance their effect, the community tends to dissolution. Experiences as mentioned above make it clear that the maintenance of mental hygiene of the staff- members, constantly exposed to psychic infection and - 11 - emotional disturbance.is very important for the well- being of the community. We devote much time to this problem in frequent staff-meetings.in different func- tional groupings. Besides a psychiatrist for our staff-personnel 18 avallable as a personal counselor. Preferably he should not belong to the staff of the 1nstitution. Suaming up, we could say that the problem of rendering helpto the abnormal delinquent without de- priving him of the feeling of responsibility is a complex one. For the severely disturbed recidivist it asks preferably a sociotherapeutic approach in a community and such a therapeutic community can only flourish in the security of advanced democratic conditions. From this point of view one could say that the cri- minal in a certain society gets adequate help as much as the maturity of its members can tolerate, - 12 - RESUME L'organisation et le fonctionnement sont decrits d'une communauté de reclassement en tant qu'un institut socio-thérapeutique pourle traitement de délinquants nevropathiques, Le butde cet institut estde permettrele traite ment psychique approfondi des delinquants de cette ca- tegorie, La communauté vise le renforcement de 1°'élement re-educatif du traitement, de 1'entrainement et de 1'adaptation soci1ale du patient;la thérapie collective vise ] approfondissement et la reprise intensive de la problematique des membres du groupe, la prise de conscience et 1'extériorisation des sentiments in- conscients et 1'obtention d'une certaine compréhension du probleme des relations interhumaines, En tant que nécessaire sont appliquées en plus des methodes speciales et individuelles de traitement, cecl pour pouvoir mettre a nu les couches profondes de la personnalité, Les conditions sont mentionnées auxquelles doit sat1sfaire une pareille communaute thérapeutique, ainsi que les principes sur lesquels elle est basée et il est expliqué comment peuvent s'influencer réciproque- ment les cadres et les patients qui exercent les uns 13 sur les autres une certalne interaction.La facon est décrite selon laquelle. chez la therapie collective on vise a rendre le patient entierement responsable de ses propres decisions et de 1 en faire porter les consequences, Des prejuges dotvent etre abandonnes comme aussi la modalite statique de considerer 1'homme comme etant determine par des facteurs sociaux et biologiques, C est au contraire 1'etade psycho-dynamiqae de la personnalite du patient qu: farLt ressortir ses pos: sitbilites créeatives. On doit partir des resultats d une telle etude s1 1 on veut ailder le patient sans le priver de sa responsabilite personnelle Des atti- tudes devaluantes et autoritaires vis-a-vis de la nersonnalite du delinquant doivent etre abandonnees les restrictions et les frustrations doivent etre re- dultes au strict minimum. tandis qu‘au contratre on doit essayer de nouer avec lul une relation existen- tielle quir pourra - dans une certalne mesure - remeé- dier au préjudice psychique souffert par le patient dans le passe. L' accent est donné au fait qu'une attitude com- prehensive et charitable ou une disposition pedagog! que ne sauraient suffire pour guerir un patient qui est gravement atteint de troubles nevropathiques. A cette Tin,des formes plus intensives de psychothéerapie - 14 - doivent etre appliquées. Encore est-il souligné que c'est de son propre gré que le patient doit pouvoir choisirle traitement pourque soit productif son séjour dans la communaute, L organisation et la structurede 1'institut sont decrites. La communaute est diviseée en groupes thérapeuti- ques de 8 a 9 patients qui fonctionnent comme des groupes fermes de vie en commun., On tache de faire accomplir par le patient,dans la communauté outres ses roles d'objet aussi des roles de sujet, ceci en le faisant participer a des formes différentes de "self - gavernment" (autonomie) de cer- taines sections de la communauté, Sont exposésle probleme du travail a 1'établis- sement et son importance dans 1'ensemble. Si le travail ne peut pas eétre récompensé d'une maniere reelle. on n'y reconnait - c'est a dire: au travail comme tel - que peu de valeur thérapeutique pour le patient nevropatique. Comme des principes therapeutiques importants sont mentionnes: 1'octroi aux patients d'une certaine mesure de liberte dont ils peuvent faire 1'usage qui leur plait, selon leur propre fantaisie; des fautes qui seront faites on tirera profit.Ensuite on proclame le principe que chaque decision doit @etre motivée et - 15 - rendue comprehensible pour le patient, surtout lors- qu 1]l s'agit d'une forme quelconque de 1'exercice de l'autorité. Les principes de la tolérance et celui de 1'acceptation du patient rencontrent leurs limites naturelles la ou une conduite non-adaptee menace de faire du tout a 1'ordre public et a la seécurité, Comme d'un important facteur therapeutique mention est faite du climat psycho-thérapeutique qui peut sta- muler de beaucouple developpement du pouvoir du Moi. De fait cette communauté est assez éloignée d'une societé veritableet le maintien dela "culture" de la collectivité est surtout la lourde tache dont sont chargés les cadres qui doivent etre comme une demon- stration vivante du principe collectif. Des qu'au sein deladirection se produisent des tensions facheuses auxquellesles patients ne manquent pas de repondre.il nait une reaction en chaine entre les cadres et les patients, Ceci est un proces de sape auquel 11 sied de mettre le hola des qu'il a eté re- connu ceci en exposant clairement les problemes et en réparant les dégats qui ont été causés. On y réussit d'ordinaire en ressemblant la communauté dans son ensemble et en la comprenant dans les discussions. Une situation bien plus grave est née lorsgue le monde extérieur commence 4 s'occuper de ces choses et se met a saper le tout en dirigeant des attaques - 16 - contre la communauteée ou contre les methodes quiy sont appliqueées. On signale encore 1'importance de bons soins psychiques-hygiéniques & donner aux cadres qui sont perpétuellement exposés a 1‘infection psychique. Quant a 1l‘'organisation, on estime inexacte la distinction stricte entre la gestion directorale ad- ministrative et sociale d'une part et la direction therapeutique d'aatre part. I1 est vrai que 1'impor- tance d'une certaine distribution du travail se fait sentir pour que reste intacte la relation entre le médecin et le patient, mais par rapport & toute dé- cision prise & 1l'égard du patlent'on ne doit jamais oublier d'envisager quelles en seront les conséquences thérapeutiques., Pour terminer, la these est soutenue que, dans une communauté donnée, le deélinquant ne regoit pas plus d'assistance adéquate que ne le permettent 1'état de mireté et la formation de ses membres, FOURTH INTERNATIONAIL CRIMINOLOGICAIL CONGRESS -~ THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS M A PLEA FOR THE FEDERATION OF ALL AGENCIES CONCERNED WITH STUDY AND RESEARCH IN CRIMINOLOGY Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyploin, The Hacue (the Netherlands). A PLEA FOR THE FEDERATION OF ALL AGENCIES CONCERNED WITH STUDY AND RESEARCH IN CRIMINOLOGY by Henri Ph. Junod, B.A.,B.D ,Ph.D.(Rand) Director of the Penal Reform League of South Africa. Pretoria S.A. INTRODUCTTION The problem of Crime in the modern world 1s one of the most important direct challenges to the har- monious development of humanity; 1ts solution requires an effective concentration of all efforts, at all levels of the fight against anti-social behaviour, One of the difficulties facing a scientific, rational approach to such a problem 1is the fact that, all phases of its study being of equal importance, each expert in one of these phases has a tendency to regard his side of the approach as the most important of all. We see that difficulty most clearly in the inter- national organisation for criminological cooperation., It is easy to make fun of experts "knowing more and more about 1less and 1less". or to tax them as being "able minds imprisoned within high walls": this leads nowhere.Criminology being a cross-road of other better developed sciences, some already well-equipped with well-proven techniques,our discipline 1s more vulner- able than others, and it could easily become one of those modern traffic circles, towards which all ve- hicles converge, leaving the circle after a while, to follow their own particular direction.lf Criminology is to really become a Science in its own right, there must be a fully integrated planning by all agencies concerned with it. This does not mean that it 1s necessary artificially tomerge all individual efforts into an anonymous whole. Each and every agency can fully keep its own individuality, its own particular interest in the problem, and that is why the title of the present paper is a plea for the FEDERATION of - 9 - all criminological associations: Those who are con- vinced that prevention, being better than cure, 1is all important, like the "Société Internationale de Prophylaxie Sociale", can develop their work as they wish; those who aremore concerned with Social Defence, Probation, or Parole, must continue their effort un- hampered; those who are dealing with penitentiary pro- bl ems and build up as much of a penitentiary science as 1s possible, must go on; and our own "Société Internationale de Criminologie",in close cooperation with those who build International Law attempt to bring together all Criminal Lawyers for a common approach to the theory of Crime and a scientific policy for the +treatment of the criminal, should of course pursue their task, but should tend to inter- nationalise their efforts,by becoming truly interna- tional in their outlook,using fully all those l anguages which have now become international. In order that all individual agencies may gather the full benefit of the advance made by others, there 1s an urgent need for a recognized coordinating body, or at least for an international organisation which will fill the gap created by the change brought about by the disappearance of the International Penal and Penitentiary Commission,which is now only a Foundation. (1) Development of international work It is a well known fact of past experience that international cooperation is not an easy task in the field of war prevention,where the weight to powerful national 1nterests often block the way to progress. But as soon as universal problems regarding heal th, disease,natural disasters,agricul tural or industrial techniques, face humanity, international goodwill is fully assured and results are spectacular.Even inwar, when away from the heat of battle, humanity has been able to restore some legality through the work of the International Red Cross.In the field of social measures - 3 - agalnst Crime, nations and governments have already united in the past for common study and the devel opments of agreed policies.Since Dr.Enoch Cobb Wines succeded, in 1872.,1n providing a truly international forum,with the First International Penal and Peni tentiary Congress in London, much useful international work has been done. This work is going on, and the purpose of this paper is to present a plan for the consolidation of past efforts and to ask for the discussion and the eventual acceptance of a federation of all agencies concerned with criminological study and research., We donot intend,in the words of Professor Louis Hugueney, to urge that Criminology should become the "governess" of Criminal Law. or any other related discipline, instead of remaining its "maid"..., but we ask from all interested associations the formulation of a workable plan for extensive collaboration. If the Fourth International Congress could pass a unanimous resolution,whose general terms we propose to give at the end of this paper, all individual efforts would. be considerably strengthened. and an effective 1ntegra- tion of our associations into a coordinated scientific endeavour, in all parts of the world, would result. (2) A few examples of the need for federation (i) It has been our privilege to study, by no means as completely as we would have desired, a spec-— tacular instance of collective anti-social behaviour, in which subconscious forces, crystallized in the Mau-Mau Oath,have precipitated an African Bantu Tribe into open rebellion, so much so that a civil war resul ted, costing the state over fifty million pounds and the death of over 20.000 persons, of whom only about 250 to 300 were Whites. Behind what was in fact an explosion of collective crime,there were features of tribal life which have never been exhaustively nor scientifically studied. This collective subconscious background, the existence of which cannot be doubted, - 4 - in viewof the dramatic results obtained from its use by Mau-Mau leaders, prompted us to write an article in INCIDI, the review of the International Institute of Differing Civilisations, with a view to urging anthropologists to return to the study in depth of man himself. This experience, coupled with 28 years of Christian ministry to about 1800 condemned African prisoners, in the Union of South Africa, convinced us that the study of subconscious motivations in the incidence of crime is an urgent need. We apprecilate the reluctance of many scientists to enter a field which is far from the solid ground of many sciences, but 1t cannot be ignored, as many lawyers and judges are tempted to ignore those elements of human perso- nality which touch the irrational in criminal cases, and fall to the temptation to turn away from them and to give most of their attention to the less trying subtleties of civil cases. We urgently need a follow- up of "Man the Unknown" of Alexis Carrel. Fortunately for wus, there are criminologists who work outstandingly in this field: the fine work of Victor Fontes of Lisbon has already delved into the possible roots of criminal behaviour in psycholo- gical disorders of early infancy; the equally fine work of the Gluecks has already shown that a large proportion of criminals are anti-social long before any consistency of personality emerges. In so-called primitive peoples who are sometimes older than we are in terms of human history,crime motivation seems very often to rest on unknown features of subconscious life,whose deflagrating -powers are such that they can destroy all normality of an adult person. This 1s a field of work in which a coordinated study 1s badly needed in the whole world,a difficult field, because new methods must be found: the techniques elaborated by Freud, for example, cannot be applied as such, the complexes of African people, as an illustration of the problem, being emotionally totally different from ours, because of the totally different patterns - 5 - of family relationships. I have chosen this problem first, because it has nothing theoretical about it, but touches most vital immediate situations of our time. (ii) Most criminologists and criminal lawyers have understood the universal character of the present 'anarchy of youth', the grave increase 1in juvenile delinquency especially in civilized countries. Much international valuable work is already going on in that field but thereis need for much more adequately coordinated study and finance to get a true picture of this frightening feature of our time. The Social Commission of the UNO has already shownby its Inter- national Reviewof Criminal Policy how much important data and specific informationwe can get when a central organisation gathers them for us; we must all press for unanimous support of this effort. (iii) With regard to the concept of normality and abnormality, a thorough reconsideration of the legal principles accepted by various legislations for the certification of a criminal as a mental case 1s badly needed.We have reached a time when the concepts of responsihility and accountability are gradually being clarified,and the comparison of national legislations with a view to accepting a universal norm of certifi- cation would help considerably. It would bring these legislations into agreement with the advance of mental sclence. (iv) We need only mention the treatment of psychopathic criminals and the recent development of neurol ep- tics by modern chemistry, and their possible use for certain categories of criminals, to show other important issues on which the experiences of various administra- tions should be pooled and brought to the knowledge of others. The specific term 'nmeuroleptics' should be accepted, because the term 'tranquilizers' only refer to one of the phases of the action of these mo- dern drugs. -6 - One could multiply examples, but in a Congress such as ours, there is no need to belabour the point. We make this plea without in any way underestimating the very valuable work done in the past.No humanitarian action, based on rational, scientific knowledge, 1is ever wasted 1n the perspective of our constantly growing world population. Nevertheless. at a time when links with all parts of this world can be so eas1ly established, it 1s the duty of all those who attempt to develop a field of science, to prevent overlapping. duplication of effort, and above all 1gnorance of results already achieved.This duty holds for all phases of criminology: for all legal,K6 judicial, penal and penitentiary progress,for criminal law, and for all social welfare advance. In all sciences, it becomes more and more difficult to remain fully 1in- formed and up-to-date in one's knowledge.In Crimino- logy, a federation of all associations will help us all. and especially those who ,like us, live very far from Europe and America. RESOLUTION The Fourth International Congress of Criminology records with satisfaction the results of the research, study and work of criminologists during the last twenty years.It accepts nevertheless the fact that no 'Dis- cours de 1la Méthode', in their field, has yet been evolved,which has been universally accepted.In order that a fruitful collaboration of all sciences concerned with criminology may continue and be encouraged, the Congress resolves that it is essential for the best results to be achieved that: I. OUR "SOCIETE INTERNATIONALE DE CRIMINOLOGIE" SHOULD EXPAND ITS INVALUABLE WORK, AND ALL SISTER ORGANISATIONS OR ADMINISTRATIONS SHOULD BE EN- COURAGED TO JOIN US, WITH A VIEW TO BRINGING A TRUE FEDERATION OF ALL CRIMINOLOGICAL EFFORTS:; - 7 - II. THE REMARKABLE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE INTERNATIONAL PENAL AND PENITENTIARY CONGRESSES SHOULD INSPIRE FURTHER EFFORTS THROUGH THE FULL AND OFFICIAL RECOGNITION OF THE SOCIAL COMMISSION BY THE UNO AS THE COORDINATING AGENCY IN THIS FIELD, WITH ADEQUATE FINANCIAL PROVISIONS AND PERSONNEL; I1II. AN INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE OF CRIMINOLOGY SHOULD - BE CREATED WITHOUT DELAY,AND NATIONAL INSTITUTES SHOULD BE CREATED, AND WHERE THEY ALREADY EXIST, SHOULD BE ENCOURAGED TO ADOPT A GENERALLY ACCEPTED PROGRAMME; THESE NATIONAL INSTITUTES SHOULD BE URGED TO DEVELOP THEIR WORK ON COMPREHENSIVE AND AGREED CONSTITUTIONAL FPRINCIPLES, RULES AND REGULATIONS. RESUME Toutes les associations, tous les départements d'Etat dont le travail touche aux problemes crimino- logiques souffrent du fait que dans leur domaine,une documentation scientifique complete est difficile. Les diverses phases de ces problemes ont une égale importance et la division entre 'prévention' et 'traitement' n'est utile que pour le développement pratique du programme anti-criminel. L'urgente nécessité de la collaboration 1inter- nationale pour la solution des problemes criminolo- giques est démonstrée par un certain nombre d'exemples actuels; seule elle peut amener le développement de la criminologie comme une science autonome(motivations subconscientes du crime;délinquance juvénile; princi- pes acceptés pour l'internement du criminel anormal; psychopathes criminels; emploi des neuroleptiques, etc).La résolution suivante est présentée au Congres: RESOLUTION Le quatrieme Congres International de Criminologie - 8 - exprime sa satisfaction pour les résultats obtenus par la recherche,les études et le travail des crimi- nologues durant les 20 années écoulées. Il reconnait cependant qu'aucun "Discours de la Méthode" n'a encore été présenté dans notre domaine, qui ait été univer- sellement accepté.Pour assurer la continuation de la collaboration fructueuse de toutes les sciences qui s'intéressent ala criminologie et pour 1'encourager, le Congres décide, dans 1'intéret du meilleur rende- ment possible, que: 1. NOTRE SOCIETE INTERNATIONAL DE CRIMINOLOGIE DEVRAIT ETENDRE SON EXCELLENTE ACTIVITE ET TOUTES LES ASSOCIATIONS SOEURS ET TOUTES LES ADMINISTRA- TIONS DEVRAIENT ETRE ENCOURAGEES A SE JOINDRE A NOUS POUR AMENER UNE FEDERATION DE TOUS LES EFFORTS CRIMINOLOGI QUES:; II. LES RESULTATS EXCELLENTS DES CONGRES INTERNATIO- NAUX PENAUX ET PENITENTIAIRES DEVRAIENT INSPIRER UN EFFORT PLUS ADEQUAT PAR LA PLEINE RECONNAIS- SANCE OFFICIELLE DE LA COMMISSION DES QUESTIONS SOCIALES PAR L'UNO COMME L'ORGANE DE COORDINATION DANS CE DOMAINE, AVEC LES ATTRIBUTIONS NECESSAIRES EN FONDS ET EN PERSONNEL: ITI. UNINSTITUT INTERNATIONAL DE CRIMINOLOGIE DEVRAIT ETRE CREE SANS RETARD; DES INSTITUTS NATIONAUX DEVRAIENT AUSSI ETRE CREES DTIJXOU ILS EXISTENT DEJA ILS DEVRAIENT ETRE ENCOURAGES A ADOPTER UN PROGRAMME GENERALEMENT ACCEPTE, CES INSTITUTS NATIONAUX DEVRAIENT ETRE DEVELOPPES SUR LA BASE DE PRINCIPES CONSTITUTIONNELS, ET DE REGLEMENTS D'ENSEMBLE AYANT LE CONSENTEMENT GENERAL. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS — THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS M A PROGRESS REPORT TO THE MEMBERS OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF CRIMINOLOGY Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). A PROGRESS REPORT TO THE MEMBERS OF THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF CRIMINOLOGIE by Sheldon Glueck, El eanor T. Glueck Roscoe Pound Professor of Law Research Associate 1n Harvard Law School Criminology Cambridge Mass. Harvard Law School U.S.A. Cambridge Mass. U.S A, The meeting of the Fourth International Congress of Criminology affords an opportunity not only tomeet foreign colleagues in person (an opportunity we deeply appreciate),but also, to acquaint them with the pro- gress of the researches we are carrying out under the auspices of the Harvard Law School. Since so many colleagues 1nquire elther directly or by mail about our activities, we have decided that instead of sub- mltting a paper to the Congress on some special aspect of our research program, it might be more useful to summarize what we have been doing during the five years since the last Gongress, and what oar current activities are. Follow-Up Studies At the time of the last Congress we had already begun a follow—up to age twenty five of the five hun- dred delinquents and five hundred non-delinquents of Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency.1) Two years ago, we 1) New York, The Commonweal th Fund, 1950. For a more popul ar version, without Tables, see Glueck, S. and E.T.,Delinquents in the Making, New York, Harper and Bros., 1952. — 9 _ completed this. Al though the findings are tabulated, we have not yet analyzed and written the results. We think 1t will be more revealing to wait until a still further follow-up has been completed to age thirty- two. This has been 1in progress for two years and necessitates three years more of field 1inquiry. In general ,we can say that in very large measure the boys of Unraveling Juvenile Del inquency who had been origi- nally selected as true non-delinquents are still non- delinquent; and that such changes as have taken place in the criminal history of the original groupof five- hundred delinquents appear to follow the general pat- tern established in our various other researches; namely, that with advancing years there 1s a slowlng up of criminalistic activity. The follow-up study encompasses over 150 factors including a review of the familylife of the delinquents and non-delinquents, their work history,use of 1eisure, neighborhood and community relationships, habits and interests; an intensive study of their contacts with the law; and in those instances in which they have served 1n the Armed Forces of the United States, an 1nquiry into their behavior and activities.In addition to the general descriptive value of this, the major purpose 1is to develop a device on the basis of which 1t should be possible to identify,before the point of induction, those men (delinquents and non-delinquents alike) who are and are not good risks for the Armed Forces. | We might also mention that 1t is our hope that from these long-range studies of delinquents and non- delinquents we can develop predictive devices on the basis of whichitmay be possible,among other things, to determine perhaps even before adolescence the likely course of an individual's adaptation and adjustment to schooling,industry,marriage, leisure time and so on. Thereis in the literature of criminology no such long- term study of delinquents and matched non-delinquents. - 3 - Publications At the 1955 Congress in London, we presented a preview of the volume,Physique and Delinquency, which 1s a study of the relationship of the characteristics of various body types to delinquency-proneness. This volume was published in 1956.2) STUDIES OF ASPECTS OF DELINQUENCY In addition to the field 1investigations are a number of intensive studies growing out of the data of Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency, each focussing on a special aspectof the delinquency problem.Since the last Congress, many intercorrelations of the data of UnravelingJuvenile Delinquency have been going forward and have been placed into tabular and statistical form. A few 1llustrations of the subject matter of these studies,which throw light not only on special aspects of delinquency but, in some cases, on atypical del- inquents, 1s the problem of working mothers and del- inquency, neuroticism and delinquency (both already published in articles——see appendedlist)ethnic origin and delinquency; 1ntelligence and delinquency; a comparison of minor and serious delinquents;delinquents from wholesome families and non-delinquents from un- whol esome families; comparison of gang and non-gang delinquents; and others. There are about twenty such individual studies, all ready for writing. We are well on the way to completion of a companion R ——— e, 2, Harper and Brothers, New York. — 4 - volume to Physique and Delinquency,3) to be called Social Conditioning and Delinquency. This deals, as its title suggests,with the extent to which the early environment contributes to the development of those delinquency-related traits already found in Physique and Delinquency to be 1largely biological in nature, and of those not found to be related to one or another type of constitution.The volume, Social Conditioning and Delinquency, together with Physique and Delinquency provide what appears to be a substantial basis for focussing on the most relevant aspects of the preven- tion and management of juvenile delinquency. In addition to these two works, there appeared in September, 1959, our volume Predicting Delinquency and Crime. This has an Introduction by the Chief Justice of theUnited States,the Honorable Earl Warren, Some of our colleagues may recall that at the 1955 Congress, Mrs. Glueck presented a summary of the predictive devices we had developed to date. 1t 1s this series of tables that has furnished the basis for the present volume, together with several checkings 3) In a symposium of reviews in the International Journal of Social Psychiatry (Summer 1957,Vol.III, No.1) the following statements were contributed by Julian Huxley and Professor Hermann Mannheim, respectively: ..." an interesting and important book, as demonstrating beyond any doubt the 1importance of specific and readily detectable genetic factors determining the psycho- physical type,in predisposing boys to delinquency..." (Huxley). "...The present volume is a remarkable example of the Glueck technique of along-term follow-up,in this case of problems rather than, as in most of their previous studies,of individuals...and it succeeds in presenting amore balanced and therefore possiblymore widely acceptable picture of the etiology of del- inquency". (Mannheim) - 5 - of the tables,particularly those referring to juvenile of fenders and pre-delinquents.It is our hope that as our foreign colleagues become acquainted with this work they will wundertake checkings of some of the tables and will keep us 1informed of the results. We are encouraged to suggest this because of the evidences that come to us that the table developed in Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency and designed to identify potential delinquents at the time of entering school appears,in "retrospective" applications, to operate quite as effectively in two non-American cultures (Japanese and French) as 1t does in the United States where it has already been tested. In addition to the publications already mentioned 1s a collection of readings i1n juvenile delinquency prepared by Professor Glueck entitled The Problem of Delinquency (1959) 4), the first book in this field designed primarily for lawyers. It is, however, also intended for use as a teaching instrument in schools of social work,and colleges,since itis an integrated presentation of articles (anthropologic, sociologic, psychiatric, and psychologic) regarding the causes, treatment, prediction and prevention of delinquency together with a collection of 1egal decisions involving constitutional problems, jurisdictional and related issues, problems of proof and problems of sentence, The chapters are preceded by editorial notes by Profes- sor Glueck. In addition to the volumes already described,we have since the last Congress, published a number of articles. These, together with the books, are listed at the end of this paper in the order of their publi- cation. Several of them were either originally published in foreign-1language journals or were translated into foreign languages. This gives us great satisfaction, —— 4) Houghton-Mifflin Company, Cambridge, Mass. - 6 - as only when the research results of workers in one country become known to a far greater circle of readers than would be encompassed 1in the country of origin, can there be any hope of developing a Comparative Criminology. TRANSLATIONS OF ARTICLES AND BOOKS Many of the suggestions for publication of articles in foreign-language journals have resulted from our personal contacts with colleagues at the London Con- gress in 1955.This is likewise true regarding trans- lations of some of our books. As regards translations of Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency, we should like to report that a new and modified edition of the original Japanese translation issued in 1953 is now under way. The original trans- lation ordered by the Supreme Court of Japan and made by nine distinguished Japanese scholars,consisted of three thousand copies. These have been completely exhausted, requiring a new and briefer edition. It 1s our understanding that most of this new printingis to be distributed free of charge to judges, prosecutors, psychiatrists, psychologists, sociologists, social workers and other practitioners in the delinquency field. A Spanish translation of Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency 1is also under way, by Dr, Hector Soles Quiroga of the University of Mexico, Instituto de Investigationes Sociales. Since the last Congress,a French translation has been made of Delinquents in the Making,under the title Délinquants en Herbe by Maurice Verdun S.J.,Professor of Physical Athropology at the Insti t ut Catholique in Paris (Emmanuel Vitté, 1956). (It is to be mentioned that an Italian +translation, under the title Dal Fanciullo al Delinquente had appeared in 1953).Plans are also under way at present for a German translation, -7 - and Professor Dr.Hudolf Sieverts of the University of Hamburg has already arranged for a translator and a publisher.A Spanish translation of this book i1s under way by Professor Juan del Rosal of the Law Faculty of the University of Madrid., After the last Congress arrangements were made with our publishers,Harper and Brothers, for the rights to a Dutch translation of Delinquents in the Making; thus far,this volume has to our knowl edge not appeared. A.Japanese translation of this volume 1s now under way, by Nobuyoshi Takemura and others and will be published shortly. As regards Physique and Delinquency, an Italian translation with an Introduction by Professor Benigno DiTullio of the University of Rome,has been completed by a colleague of his, Dr. Franco Ferracuti of the Institute of Psychology of the University of Rome, and Dr. S.P. Fragola, an Assistant in Penal Law of the University of Rome.This volume is awaiting a publisher. A translation of the volume, After-Conduct of Discharged Offenders was undertaken in 1957 by Mr, Zenko Sakurai,a probation officer in the Tokyo Family Court. This 1s not yet published. Al though Predicting Delinquency and Crime 1s a very recent publication, interest in its translation has already been expressed in Japan and i1n Germany. PROGRESS OF PREDICTION STUDIES At the last Congress,Mrs.Glueck reported briefly about the various "retrospective" checkings of the Prediction Table designed to identify potential delin- quents at school entrance. All the reported studies appeared to confirm the fact that about 90 percent of all the delinquents had, in their early history, the cluster of the five factors that comprise the Table (Egor Supervision of Boy by Mother,poor Discipline by Father, 1little Affection of Mother for Boy, little - 8 - Affection of Father for Boy,Lack of Family Cohesiveness). Since the 1ast Congress,other retrospective checkings have been made, not only in the United States but in Japan and in France.These additional studies continue to point in the same direction; namely that about 90 percent of delinquents could have been identified 1n their early years as likely to develop into serious offenders. The interested reader i1s asked to consult Predic- ting Delinquency and Crime,5) for details.Limitations of space make it impossible to recapitulate the con- tents of the Chapter.All we can do is to mention the fact that since its prevaration, which 1includes a brief description of the status of the checkings of the Social Prediction Table under way not only in the United States but in Japan and Strasbourg, Irance, there have been further significant developments.For example, we reported that a Japanese checking of the Table, applied to thirty delinquents and a control group of thirty non-delinquents had resulted 1n the finding that 87 percent of the delinquents would have been identified correctly and 92 percent of the non- delinquents. A more recent study in Japan, encompas- sing a far greater number of cases is showing a similar trend.The findings that the same factors which served to distinguish delinquents from non-delinquents as reported in Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency,likewise served to distinguish a sample of delinquents and non-delinquents in Japan cannot be overestimated. The interest in Japan in the possibility of the early identification of potential delinquents 1is manifested in the appearance in the spring of 1959 of a paper-bound volume of two hundred pages (in Japanese) under the title INTRODUCTION TO GLUECK PREDICTION METHOD.The authors of this are Haruo Abe, 5) Chapter X,"Checkings of Tables Identifying Poten- tial Delinquents",. | N | public prosecutor of the Ministry of Justice, and Dr. Kokichi Higuchi, psychiatrist. Another ‘"retrospective" study reported upon briefly in Predicting Delinquency and Crime 1s one being carried out in Strasbourg,France, by Professor Jacques Léauté and several of his colleagues(Professor Didier Anzieu,Director of the Institut de Psychologie, Université de Strasbourg; Dr. R. Durand DeBousing, Laboratoire de Psychologie Clinique Psychométrique, Hopital Civile, Strasbourg; and Dr. Réné Oberlé , Centre d'Observation pour Garg¢ons, de Strasbourg- Bischeim), was undertaken following a visit which Professor Leauté made to our laboratory in Cambridge, Massachusetts in 1957. The preliminary findings of a pilot study of forty-six cases had indicated that 91.2 percent of them would have been correctly identified as true juvenile offenders had the Prediction Table been applied to them at the age of six.In a subsequent and much larger sample, it was personally reported to us during the summer of 1959 that similar resul ts were obtained.A written report of this investigation 1s anticipated. We are also able to report progress in two pros- pective checkings of the Social Prediction Table since the preparation of Predicting Delinquency and Crime. One deals with the application of the Social Prediction Table to (a) young boys at school entrance, by the Youth Board in New York City; the other (b) to school age boys and girls described by their teachers as "behavior problems", by the Maximum Benefits Project of Washington, D.C., under the auspices of the Com- missioners' Youth Council. (a) As regards the New York City Youth Board Project, in a review of their cases in April, 1959, six years after the onset of the project, 96.3 percent of 187 boys rated by the Youth Board as non-delinquents are still non-delinquent; while of 36 boys rated as potential delinquents,10 have already been arrested, - 10 - 4 have exhibited persistently hostile and destructive behavior and 9 more are beginning tomanifest destruc- tive behavior in school.6) The investigation will continue until the boys included are seventeen years of age. (b) As regards the Maximum Benefits Project,in which the Social Prediction Table has also been applied (Washington, D, C.) to 179 young school children, a followup study thus far shows that 70 percent of the children already having a police and court contact had been previously identified by the Table as having a very high chance of becoming juvenile offenders. We quote from an Interim Report dated January, 1959, prepared by Drs. C., Downing Tait, Jr., and Emory F, Hodges (both psychoanalytic psychiatrists) and Mrs. Nina Trevvett: T7) "Since the average child still has 5.9 years to go before reaching 18,and since the inci- dence of juvenile court appearances increases in the teen—-age group,we are inclined to think the percentage will draw near expected levels". 6) Al though some non-delinquents are also persistently misbehaving in school,it is to be remembered that the Social Prediction Table has already been shown in a study by Richard E. Thompson ("A Validation of the Glueck Prediction Table," Journal of Criminal Law. Criminol ogy and Police Science,Volume 43 No.4, Novem- ber-December 1952)to distinguish,among school problem boys, the ultimate delinquents and non-delinquents. 7) Executive Director, Commissioners' Youth Council, Rm. 704, 1145 Nineteenth Street, N.W., Washington, D.C., U.S.A. - 11 - It might alsobementioned that those predictive tables presented in Predicting Delinquency and Crime which relate to the behavior (during probation,on suspended sentence,in correctional schools,on parole, and five to fifteen years after their appearance 1in Juvenile Court) of already adjudicated delinquents, initially constructed from the cases of our volume Juvenile Delinquents Grown Up,have now been success-— fully checked on the 500 delinquents of Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency in a sixteen year follow-up.8 They are currently being checked also in a Juvenile Court in the State of Ohio. The Judge of this Court has written that "in a number of instances 1 find that the recommended treatment corresponds with my own evaluation based on the testimony and other facts involved", CONTRACTION OF PREDICTIVE TABLE We would like to report that we have been success- ful 1n reducing the number of predictive factors 1n the Social Prediction Table from five to three, and even to two. Experience with the table has indicated that 1t 1s difficult to assess the factors Affection of Mother and of Father for Child because of the different connotations of "affection",6as interpreted by investigators with differing psychological back- grounds . Those schooled in psychoanalytic psychology tend to make interpretations that differ quite radically from those made by workers not steeped in the Freudian psychology.In order to avoid the obvious difficulties of this situation, we have, through a process of correlation of the original five-factor table with each of the remaining three factors (Supervision by Mother, Discipline by Father, Family Cohesiveness) 8) Predicting Delinquency and Crime, Chapter III. - 192 - found that a combination which does not contain the factor of "affection" is quite as adequate for predic- tive purposes as the five-factor table. In instances in which the father of a child has not been part of the family group since the boy was three years old and there was no father-substitute,even a two-factor table can be used; namely, Supervision of Boy by Mother and Cohesiveness of Family.Interested readers are asked to consult the volume Predicting Delinquency and Crime, which contains all of these Tables. 9) Without going into any detail, we might mention also that we have succeeded in developing a Predictive Table which identifies the children who are more, rather than less, treatable by the wusual methods of peno-correction. 10) VISITS TO FOREIGN COUNTRIES We have during these years received a number of invitations to visit foreign countries in order to deliver lectures. It has not been possible for us to accept them, mainly because such activities distract from our major work of research--and because there are limitations imposed on our time by our University schedul e. However,after considerable urging, we have responded to an invitation extended by the Japanese Ministry of Justice to spend a month 1in Japan to conduct a joint seminar for some thirty specialists, on the subject of the Prediction of Delinquency, and to deliver a few lectures to the IFFaculties and students of several Universities in Japan on the causation, prediction, prevention and management of Juvenile 9) Predicting Delinquency and Crime,Appendix B, pps. 233-235. 10 )Predicting Delinquency and Crime, Appendix B, P. 244, - 13 - Delinquency. In addition to this,Professor Glueck is to deliver a few lectures on the general subject of the Criminal Law as a Sclence. , If plans work out as contemplated, we will hawve returned from our Japanese trip before the meeting of the Congress at the Hague. MISCELLANIES We wish to take this opportunity +to thank the many colleagues overseas who have from time to time sent us information about the development of interest in prediction work in foreign countries, most parti- cularly ,Mr .Haruo Abe of Japan,who has been a constant and prolific source of information, Mr. Preban Wolff of Copenhagen, Judge Wolf Middendorf of Freiburg/ Breisgau, Germany; Professor Wilhelm H.Nagel of Hol- 1and,Professor Jacques Léauté of Strasbourg,and many others. We wish also to express our pleasure at the visits we have had from our overseas colleagues. Among them in addition to Professor Léauté,have been Professor Leon Radzinowicz of the University of Cam- bridge, England, Dr.D.W.Pearce, Dr. J. Wilson Wheeler of the London County Council and Dr.Hermann Mannheim; Judge Middendorf of Germany and Professor Paul Cornil of Belgium; Dr. P.A.H. Baan psychiatrist of Utrecht, Holland, the Rev. Junod of South Africa, and others. We hope that any colleagues who include the Boston area in their visits to the United States will be 1n touch with us, as we are always pleased to see them. - 14 - RESUME Nous avons produit un bref sommaire des progres de nos recherches et de nos projets en cours depuils le Troiséme Congres International de Criminologie qui en 1955 a eu lieu a Londres. C'est que nous avons re¢u,de nos colleégues dumonde entier, tant de demandes pour etre renseignés sur nos travaux que nous nous sommes décidés a profiter de cette occasion pour préparer,en vue du Quatrieme Con- gcres International de Criminologie de La Haye, un "Rapport sur les Progres", Dans ce Rapport nous donnons une description de 1'état de nos études qui surveillent K jusqu'a 1'age de 32 ans. le comportement des 500 délinquants et des 500 non-délinquants de "Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency" (Débrouillement de la criminalité juvénile) et nous ajoutons une courte description des études nées des materiaux de base de "UnravelingJuvenile Delinquency", en donnant une attention spéciale aux délinquants a-typiques.Nous faisons aussi mention des progres de plusieurs essals faits, aux LEtats Unis et ailleurs, pour appliquer & des cas appartenant a des catégories différentes 1'instrument de travail développé dans "Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency" qui,dans la litté- rature criminologique,est connu sous la dénomination de "Glueck Social Prediction Table". En plus, nous donnons le résumé des traductions de nos livres et de nos articles de revauae qui ont paru depuis le dernier Congres et nous annexons au présent Rapport la liste complete de nos publications depuis le Troisieme Congres International de Criminologie de septembre 1955. Nous espérons qu'en plusieurs parties du monde certains de nos collegues seront intéressés a faire des expériences avec 1'application des"predictive devices" comme la description en est faite dans notre dernier volume intitulé "Predicting Delinquency and Crime" (Surla prévision en matiere de délinquance et de crime) =8 et nous souhaitons aussi que les collegues en visite aux Etats Unis ne manqueront pas de comprendrelaville de Boston dans leur itinéraire parceque nous serons toujours tres contents de les recevoir. - 16 - BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PUBLICATIONS BY SHELDON GLUECK and/or Eleanor T. Glueck SINCE THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF CRIMINOLOGY, LONDON September, 1955. (Books are indicated by *) and E. Glueck and E. Glueck and E. Glueck and E. Glueck Glueck "Détection Anticipée des Futurs Délinquants'",4 Nouvelle Serie, Revue de Science Criminelle et de Droit Pénal Comparé, (oct.- déc.1955) pps. 639-651. Paris. *PHY SIQUE AND DELINQUENCY, New York,Harper and Brothers, 1956, 339 pps. "Deteccion Anticipada de Futuros Delincuentes" 5 Revista de Criminologia, Vol. II (1956) Julio-Septembrio, pps. 95-107, Direccion general de Institutos Penales, Montevideo, Uruguay. "Early Detection of Future Del- inquents", Vol .47 No.2 Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology and Police Science,July-August (1956) pps. 174-182. Chicago, I1lino1is. "The Nature of Predictive Tech- niques, "Salute to Youth (Boston Conference of National Juvenile Court Foundations, Inc., June 17-21, 1956) pps. 47-56. 6. 70 8. 9. 10, 11. E. Glueck S. Glueck S. Glueck S. Glueck S. Glueck E.T. Glueck - 17 - "The Workability of Predictive Techniques,"Salute to Youth (as above des cribed), pps.57-66. (Note:both these articles were combined under the title, Pre- dictive Techniques in the Pre- vention and Treatment of Del- inquency". "Two International Criminologic Congresses: A Panorama", Vol. XL No. 3-4., Mental Hygiene (1956 ) pps. 384-405, 599-630. Concord, N.H. "The Sentencing Problem", Vol. XX No. 1 FEDERAL PROBATION QUARTERLY(Jan,1956) pps.15-25. Washington, D.C. (Also translated into Japanese by Haruo Abe and Takanori Ko- bayashi: Horitsuno Hiroba (The Law Forum) Vol.9 No.12, Novem- ber-December 1956, "Mental Illness and Criminal Responsibility", Vol. 2 No, 3 Journal of Social Therapy Oct- Dec. (1956) New York. "Theory and Fact in Criminology", Vol.VII,No.2 The British Jour- nal of Delinquency(1956)London, pps. 92-109. "Identifying Juvenile Delin- quents and Neurotics", Vol. XL No.1 Mental Hygiene,Jan.(1956) Concord, N.H. pps. 24-43. 12, 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. .T. Glueck .T. Glueck .T. Glueck .T. Glueck Glueck .T. Glueck and E. Glueck - 18 - "Guideposts to Crime Preven- tion",Family Service Highlights, Vol .XVII, No. 6, June 1956 New York, pps. 81-86. "Status des ]gltudes en Prédiction de Glueck", Revue de Science Criminelle et de Droit Pénal Comparé, avril-juin 1956 ,Paris. "Status of Glueck Prediction Studies", Vol, 47, No. 1 Jour- nal of Criminal Law,Criminology and Police Science (May—June 1956 ), Chicago, I111.,pps.18-32. "Spotting Potential Del inquents: Can It Be Done?"Vol. XX No., 3 FEDERAL PROBATION QUARTERLY, Sept. 1956, Washington D.C., pps. 7-13, "Further Comments on the Sen- tencing Problem", Vol .XXI No.4 FEDERAL PROBATION QUARTERLY (Dec.1957) Washington,D.C. pps. 47-54, "Directives pour la Prévention du Crime", Vol. XI No, 2 Revue Internationale de Criminologie et de Police Technique.Geneve, Suisse avril-juin (1957) pps. 77-87, "Working Mothers and Delin- quency", Vol. 41 No. 3 Mental Hygiene (July 1957) Concord, N.H. pps. 327-352. 19. 20 . 21. 22. 23. and E. Glueck Glueck Glueck Glueck Glueck 24, E.T. Glueck - 19 - "Les Rapports entre les Caracté- ristiques Physiques et la Dé1- inquance", 1 Nouvelle Série, Revue de Science Criminelle et de Droit Pénal Comparé(janvier mars 1957), Paris, pps. 73-83. "Predictive Devices and the In- dividualization of Justice", Vol. 23 No. 3 Law and Contem- porary Problems(1958)Duke Univ. School of Law, Durham, No. Carolina, pps. 461-476. "Internationellt om Ungdoms- brottslighet", Jurist Nytt ,No- vember (1958) p. 292, "Techniques de la Prévision et le Traitement de 1a Délinquance, Vol .XII No.4 Revue Internatio- nale de Criminologie et de Po- lice Technique (oct.-déc.1958) Geneve, Suisse, prps. 241-247. Introduction to ALEXANDER MA- CONOCHIE OF NORFOLK ISLAND(by JusticedJ.V.Barry of the Supreme Court of Victoria, Melbourne, Australia) Melbourne, Oxford Univ. Press, (1958) 277 pps. "La Conformation Somatique dans laPrévisiondela Délinquance", Nouvelle Série 1 Revue de Science Criminelle et de Droit Pénal Comparé (janvier-mars, 1958) Paris, pps. 81-85. 25. E.T. Glueck 26. S. 27, S, and E. Glueck Glueck Editor 28, S. and E. Glueck - 90 - "Body Build 1in the Prediction of Delinquency", Vol.48, No. 6 Journal of Criminal Law, Crim- inology and Police Science(Mar- Apr 1958) pps. 3(7=-519. "Predictive Devices 1in Aid of the Clinician", in HOMMAGE A GEORGES HEUYER, Jubilee Volume edited by Dr. J.L. Lang of the Association Régionale de Paris pour 1l a Sauvegarde de 1'Enfance et de 1'Adolescence (1959 ) Presses Universitaires de Fran- ce, 108, Blvd., de St. Germain, Paris VIe. ¥ THE PROBLEM OF DELINQUENCY , Boston,Massachusetts Houghton- Mifflin Company, (1959)1183 pps. ¥ PREDICTING DELINQUENCY AND CRIME, Cambridge,Massachusetts, Harvard University Press, 1959, Introduction by the Chief Jus- tice of the United States. Earl Warren. 283 pps. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS _ THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS M CRIMINAL LAWS AND CODES OF PROCEDURES DEALING WITH NORMAL JUVENILE DELINQUENTS,IN THE NEAR ~ EAST ARAB STATES Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). CRIMINAL LAWS AND CODES OF PROCEDURES DEALING WITH NORMAL JUVENILE DELINQUENTS IN THE NEAR EAST ARAB STATES A COMPARATIVE STUDY by Professor Mohamed Mazhar Said Dean of Psychology and Sociology, The Egyptian Ministry of Education; Professor of Educational Psychology, The Azhar University; Professor of Criminal Psychology. Police College; and Expert Cultural and Social Adviser to the Arab States League. Foreword: In 1956, the Social Administration of the Secre- tariat General of the Arab States League at Cairo, formul ated and forwarded to the concerned authorities of the Arab States in the Middle East region,a questi- onnaire about the Criminal Laws and Codes of Procedu- res, enacted or contemplated, dealing with normal juvenile delinquents. The comparative study of the answers received from Egypt,Iraq,Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi-Arabia, Syria and Yemen, shows that all these States have special criminal laws and codes of procedures, except Saudi Arabia and Yemen,who religiously follow the dictates of the Koran and Islamic Legislation. Panels of legislators, psychobgists,sociologists, educationalists, medical specialists,police officers and social workers were charged to formulate new 1aws and codes and amend the old ones. - 9 - Categories of delinquents: Delinquents are generally divided into three ca- tegories: a. children who are presumed to be incapable of com- mitting a crime,unless 1t can be proved by evi- dence of precocity that they must have known that what they were doing was wrong. b. young persons who are tried in special juvenile courts and are liable to more severe treatment, C. adul ts who may be tried in adult courts,with some restrictions upon the courts in dealing with them. Children under 7 cannot commit a crime,no matter how they try. nor can be guilty of any offence, and consequently are not included in these categories., Delinquency age: 1. Delinquency age ranges from 7 - 18 years. Key ages,in the criminal laws are 7 (9), 12, 15, 17 (18). The age limits of each category differ from one country to another, as shown in the following table: Country D. age Cat. a Cat.b Cat.c Egypt 7 - 17 7 - 12 12 - 195 15 - 17 Iraq 7 - 18 " " 15 - 18 Jordan 9 - 18 9 - 13 13 - 15 " Lebanon 7 - 18 7 - 12 12 - 15 " Saudi-Arabia - till maturity ——————- - Syria 7 - 18 7T - 12 12 - 15 15 - 18 Yemen 12 - 18 —_— R —— Definitions: 1. The juvenile delinquent is usually defined as any minor person,male or female,under a certain age,who 1s convicted for committing a crime, felony, misdemeanour or any other indictable offence, but treated 1n a special manner prescribed by law,accor- ding to his age category and circumstances. 2. In Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon and Syria, an adult ot 15- 17 or 18 years could be indicted and convi c- ted under special regulations,yet juveniles under 17 are legally considered as irresponsible for any offence committed, and hence could not be criminally penalised. In Saudi-Arabia and Yemen they are tried,but acquitted 1f proved incapable of discrimination between right and wrong, according to the discretion of the judge. 3. In Jordan, a minor under 15,in need of care and protection,is considered as a delinquent juvenile, if 1t could be proved that: a. heis addicted to alcohol,a habitual offender, or under custody of a bad parent or guardian. b. habitually keeping company of a prostitute or a thief. c. living inabrothel,or with a woman other than his/hermother,or subject to indecent practices leading to prostitution or homosexuality. : Juveniles under 15 are tried at special juvenile courts,even if they were accomplices in offences committed by adults,. In Jordan, adults over 15 (to 18) may be tried at adult courts’and assizes,subject to the authorities discretions, with certain restrictions. 9., The law of evidence applies in juvenile courts as in all criminal courts, and in general the usual procedure is followed,subject to certain modi- fications, Procedure: 1. Procedures of trial differ slightly from one country to another. In Egypt,all procedures are undertaken by a ju- venile court, presided by awell chosen competent judge, male or female,who has jurisdiction to deal with all offences of juveniles of all categories. The judge must have studied courses of child psychology.socio- logy and principles of education. and have had a thorough training in juvenile - treatment, added to being a graduate of the Faculty of Law, with several years practice at the bar or the bench. In Syria,cases are tried at the juvenile court, yet judgment is passed by a magistrate in misdemea- nours,and by the chief justice of the primary assizes 1in all other offences. In Lebanon, the magistrate deals with misdemea- nours, the appointed primary assizes judge with felo- nies and the chamber of assizes with crimes. In Jordan,the court is presided by a magistrate or a primary assizes judge as the case may be. 2., The district attorney submits the case to the juvenile court,on receiving a police or a c.1i.d. report, or a petition from the parent, guardian or any other complalning party. 3. Preliminary investigations are undertaken by a panel of experts,including a psychologist, neu- rologist, sociologist,educationalist, social worker, barrister and a medical expert. The final report 1is submitted to the judge, but its recommendations are not binding. 4. During trial the juvenile is kept in a special institution, or set free on parole or bail, in custody of his parent or guardian,but never in prison or police confinement quarters. S . A council for defence may be briefed by the de- -5 - fendant or the court,especially in cases of felony or crime, Fees are paid by the defendant's parent or guardian, or by the government in case of poverty. 6. The juvenile court must sit in camera, and the hearing must be virtually in private, 7, Many States take certain measures to protect the integrity of the accused juvenile. The procee- dings must not reveal the name, address or any other personal information that may lead to the indenti 'i- cation of the juvenile concerned in the proceedings |, either as defendant or witness. Before judgment, nothing could be published or exposed, by any means of publication or exposition. In Egypt and Lebanon, no person is allowed to attend the trial,other than the juvenile, his parent or guardian, council for defence, witnesses, repre- sentatives of the panel and the authorized social in- stitutions and the concerned employees of the Ministry of Social affairs attached to the court.The juvenile court is virtually closed to press-reporters and the public. In Jordan,any person violating these regulations 1s liable to a fine of 25 dinars. 8. Witnesses, except parents, give evidence wunder oath, The Egyptian Law allows the parent or guardian to assist the juvenile 1in conducting his case, including the cross-examination of withesses for the prosecution, and the juvenile has the same right. The parent or guardian also has the right ¢ to refuse giving evidence against his child, unless he 1s the claimant or injured party. According to 1aw, heis legally incompetent to give evidence for prose- cution,against the child or his accomplice,and shall not be asked to,unless he is the injured party.Judg- ment shall not be based on the child's evidence, 1f not given under oath,unless evidence is corroborated by other evidence. -6 .- In Lebanon and Syria, the court shall not refuse or repudiate the parent's evidence, if he chooses to give it.The judge may not hear the juvenile, and may order him to leave the court 1f he finds the evidence of the parent the guardianor the council for defence, quite sufficient. In Jordan. the law holds the parent or guardian responsible. 1f the juvenile commits certain offences, but 1n Egypt Lebanon and Syria,he may be responsible for negligence, but not criminally punishable. Penalties: 1. Children and young persons are not criminally penal 1Zed.The terms "conviction" and "sentence" are not used in relation to them.Any reference in any enactment,to conviction or sentence., is so construed asmerely 1ncluding a reference to a person found guilty of an offence.A sentence of imprisonment passed on a juvenile delinquent 1s not considered as a retributive penal ty,but merely as a form of confinement in custody of the parent. guardian or certain authorized proper reformatories, homes or institutions, to create a heal thier atmosphere and ensure reform and rehabilita- tion . 2. Adults, from 15 to 17 or 18, on the other hand, could be indicted and convicted,but under special regul ations, In Egypt, sentence of death or penal servitude could not be passed on juveniles under 17. Juveniles between 15 - 17, committing capital crimes, may be imprisoned for not more than ten years.Juveniles be- tween 12 - 15 are confined for a period not exceeding one third of that prescribed for adul ts. In Iraq,sentence of death or penal servitude, on a delinquent adult 15 - 18, 1s replaced by imprison- ment for not more than 15 years, and juveniles from 7 — 15 serve one third of the prescribed period. -7 = In Jordan, the maximum punishment for a juvenile 12 - 18 1s five years imprisonment, and in certain cases for 1/4 or 1/2 the penalty prescribed for adults. In Lebanon and Syria, juveniles between 15 - 18 may be punished by hard 1labour for a period 5 - 10 years for crimes punishable by death or penal servi- tude, and 1 - 3 years imprisonment for other crimes, one thirdof the prescribed term for felonies and one half for misdemeanour. Treatment of Juvenile Delinquents: 1. The juvenile courts have +the right +to punish delinquents,under certain restriction yet they resort to a variety of measures that may help to re- form and rehabilitate the young offender such as re- moving him from his undesirable surroundings. and securing hls proper education and training.0ffenders may be placed on probation,or in custody or discharged conditionally or absolutely. Instead of prisons they may be detained in a remand home, a reformatory or a social institution. 2. In Egypt, the judge may put the juvenile from 7 - 12 under the custody of his parent or any other fit person,if there is no one amongst his kin, who will be solely responsible for his conduct. and be penalized if the juvenile,under his care, commits another offence within a year.In cases of young per- sons, 12 - 15. the parent or guardian is 1liable to be fined for juvenile's offences, at the rate of 1/2 pound for a misdemeanour, 2 pounds for a felony and 4 pounds for a crime. In Jordan, the delinquent juvenile may be put under the custody of a probation officer,even if the parent or guardian vouches to take good care of him, or any other institution; or the juvenile may be set free 1f the judge is convinced that the juvenile could not cope with the surrounding circumstances.Probation - 8 - period extends from 3 - 12 months, If the juvenile violates the terms of probation,he becomes liable to a fine not exceeding 10 dinars,plus a further period of probation., In Lebanon and Syria,the custodian of the juvenile, from 7 - 15,1is liable to a fine ranging from 10 - 50 liras, if the juvenile commits another offence. In Saudi-Arabia and Yemen a juvenile under 14. could not be sent to prison, but remains under the custody of his parent or guardian,or any other rela- tive over 30 years old, if the parent is unfit, 3. Parents may be ordered to deposit a certain sum of money as security or bail, to be seized if the juvenile commits another offence. 4, Fines are imposed upon parents or guardians merely as ameans to make them aware of their responsi- bility and as a penal measure if they fail.They also have to compensate the injured party.Failing to pay fines or damages,they are liable to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 12 months in Lebanon and Syria, 6 months in Iraq, and 91 days in Jordan, 9. Adoption of juveniles by families of repute 1is permissible in Lebanon and Syria.InLebanon chris- tian female orphans are sent to a nunnery,and moslems to a charity institution or an orphanage. 6. Corporal punishment was abolishedin all the Sta- tes,except Iraq,where a juvenile under 16, con- victed for any crime other than those punishable by death or penal servitude, may be punished by whip- lashes up to 25, Reformatories 1. There are two kinds of reformatories: a. Government penal reformatoriesinall States, -9 - b. Government and non-government reform insti- tutions in Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria. 2., In Egypt, a juvenile, from 7 - 12, committing a misdemeanour may be sent to a charity institution for a week, if necessary, or to the model farm at Al exandria. Juveniles, from 7 - 15, committing a fe- lony or a crime, are sent to any of the four refor- matories, run by the Police department. The per-od of confinement does not exceed 5 years, or until he delinquent reaches 18,o0or is set free for good conduct. In Jordan, the period is three years, or until the male delinquent reaches the age of 15. and the female may remain under certain conditions till 18. In Lebanon and Syria,delinquents are confined in reformatories till 18, if proved incorrigible,. 3. Delinquents are thoroughly examined, psychologi- cally,socially and medically, before admittance to reformatories. There. they receive a fair amount of school education,vocational and physical training. Services and amenities are ample. Correspondence and visits are permissible. In Egypt they spend a month's yearly vacation amongst their faiilies, and are allowed to see them once a week and on special festivals and official holidays. In Lebanon they are allowed 2 or 3 days holiday every 3 months, and may visit their families on special occasions if their conduct is satisfactory. The other States do not allow such privileges. 4. Corrective measures adopted by Government refor- matories are: a. reprimand b, deprivation of certain amenities and privi- leges, such as games and cinema c. solitary confinement for a certain period 1n violent cases. - 10 - de The money they earn from their work in the re- formatory 1s deposited to their account, and handed over to them, when set free, or 1invested 1in some profitable enterprise, 6. In Egypt there is a placement bureau for the juveniles who served their terms. Work is found for them,in the reformatories themselves,or in other government and private concerns. It is noteworthy that the majority of delinquents remain faithfully attached to their reformatories and institutions. - 11 - RESUME 1. ,'Egypte, 1'Irak, la Jordanie. le Liban et la Syrie ont des 1lois criminelles et des codes de procédure spécialement rédigés en vue des jeunes dé- linquants et récemment amendés ou promul gués. La Saoudie Arabie et l1e Yemen observent consciencieuse- ment les prescriptions du Coranet la léegislation :s- lamique. 2, Ces lois ont été formulées en des "discussions- panel" comprenant des experts représentant tous les organismes des secteurs de la 1legislation pour enfants, de la pédologie et de la puéricul ture. 3. L'age des délinquants juvéniles estde 7 a 18 ans, Les ages—clefs sont:'7(9), 12, 15, 17 (18) ans, Seulement les enfants demoins de 7 ans sont exemptes. 4. Les jeunes delinquants sont répartis sur trois catégories: les enfants: de 7 (9) & 12 (13) ans; les jeunes personnes: de 12 (13) a 15 ans; c. les adolescents: de 15 a 17 ou 18 ans. o e 5. Les jeunes de moins de 17 ans sont léegalement considerés comme étant des individus irresponsa- bles et pour cette raison ils ne peuvent pas etre punis criminellement, mais ils sont jugés et traités d'apres des regles spéciales prescrites par la Loi. Les adolescents peuvent @tre poursuivis et condamnés suivant une réglementation speciale. 6. Les procédures de jugement ne different d'un pays & 1'autre. En Egypte, en Jordanie,au Liban et en Syrie, tous les delits commis par des jeunes sont jugés par des cours spéciales pour 1les jeunes délinquants qui sont présidees par des juges choilsis et formées spécialement pour traiter les affaires ou - 12 - sont impliquésles jeunes;avant d'@tre jugés certains cas sont soumis & un "panel" d'experts a fin d'études et de recherches, En plus,la cour siege en chambre fermée aux reporters de 1a presse et au public. Certaines mesures sont prises dans le but de proteger 1'intégrité des jeunes accusés et aucune information n'est donnée ou publiée pouvant conduire a leur identification., L'Irak, la Saoudi Arabie et le Yémen ne suivent pas la méme ligne de conduite, 7. Les jeunes condamnés de moins de 15 ans sont placés sous la tutelle d'un parent gardienou de quel que autre personne capable, ou bien sont diriges vers quel que malison gouvemementale d'éducation ou vers une institution sociale autorisée, ou encore sont libérés sur parole ou sur caution. 8. La peine de deétention pour cause de délit ou de crime ne depasse pasla durée de 5 années ou dure jusgu' au jour ou le jeune atteint 1'age de 18 ans. En Jordanie on connait un systeéme de sursis et au Liban et en Syrie, les jeunes sont examinés a fond et sérieusement soignés avant d'etre admis a une maison d'education ou ils regoivent une bonne part d'éducation scolaire,de formation professionnelle et d'entraine- ment physique et ou leur sont accordés certains privi- leges et des complaisances. 9. Les adolescents peuvent etre condamnés a une peine d'emprisonnement d'une durée de 15 années au maximum pour des crimes punissables de 1la peine capitale oudes travaux forcés et d'une durée moindre pour d'autres crimes, 10, En Egypte 1les jeunes sont salariés pour leur travail accompli dans les maisons d'éducation et 11 y existe un bureau de placement au service de ceux qul ont purgé leur peine ou qui ont été libérés pour cause de bonne conduite. QUATRIEME CONGRES INTERNATIONAI DE CRIMINOILOGIE - LA HAYE 1960 - TRAVAUX PREPARATOIRES M EVOLUTION EN DROIT PENAL YOUGOSLAVE DES DIFFERENTES SOLUTIONS RELATIVES AUX DELINQUANTS MENTALEMENT ANORMAUX Scerétaniat du Gongres, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, [.a Haye (Pays - Bas) EVOLUTION EN DROIT PENAL YOUGOSLAVE DES DIFFERENTES SOLUTIONS RELATIVES AUX DELINQUANTS MENTALEMENT ANORMAUX Par dr Janko Dj, Tahovieég, prof. de droit criminel a la Faculte de Droit de Belgrade. Yougoslavie, I. L'evolution du droit pénal yougoslave en ce qui concerne les delinquants mentalement anormaux etait, pour ainsi dire, analogue a 1'evolution de cette question dans les autres pays europeens., Ainsi, deja dans le droit du Moyen-Age. on considerait que les delinquants mentalement anormaux ne pouvaient etre responsables, de meéme ne pouvaient étre punis., Mals, comme d'aill eurs partout a cette epoque le traitement des delinquants mental ement anormaux n'etait pas regle par des dispositions du droit penal, Le soin des de- linquants mentalement anormaux, ainsi que le soiln d'autres personnes mentalement anormales, etait 1le devolr d autres organismes sociaux,par exemple. celui de 1'eglise, des organes administratifs locaux., etec, Naturellement. on trouve dans cette periode de meéme les exemples d'accusations pour 1la possession de- moniaque ou démonomanie.Mais on peut dire que dans le droit yougoslave les proces de démonomanie n'étaient pas aussi nombreux que dans les autres pays européens de cette epoque. Au cours du dix-septieme et dix-huitieme siecle la situationdes delinquants mental ement mal ades était la méme, quoique le droit pénal de ce temps ait ete déja influencé par les idées humanitaires , surtout dans le dix- huitieme siecle, II. On peut citer comme premieres lois contenant un systeme de dispositions concernant les délinquants mental ement anormaux, le code pénal de la Principauté - 92 o Gt de Serbie de 1360, et le code de procedure judiciaire pour les crimes et delits de 1356, D'apres 1'article 53 de ce code penal, il n'y a ni1 crime ni delit si 1'auteur au temps de la perpetration de 1'infraction est fou ou prive de volonte libre, D'apres 1'article 67 du code de procedure judiciaire, lorsqu'au cours de la proceédure, 1'imputabilité de 1'auteur de 1'in- fraction est mise en question, la cour doit ordonner un examen de 1'etat mental de 1'auteur de 1'infraction de la part de deux medecins. Si les medecins consta- tent que 1'auteur de 1'infraction est mentalement mal ade,1ls doivent determiner la nature de la maladie et sa duree, ensuite, si 1 infraction a eté commise dans etat de +trouble mental. Dans ce cas 1la cour prononce un jugement d'acquittement a cause de non- imputabilite. Cependant, cette legislation ne con- naissait pas encore des mesures de stireté, de meéme elle ne prévoyait pas la mesure de placement du dé- linquant mentalement anormal dans un établissement pénitentiaire de garde ou de traitement. Par consé- quent, le traitement des delinquants mentalement anormaux dans cette phase était analogue au traitement d'autres personnes mentalement anormales.c'est adire s'1l s'agit de personnes dangereuses pour leur en- tourage, on peut 1les placer dans un établissement sanitaire ordinalre pour les personnes mentalement mal ades. IIT. Un systeme complet de dispositions relatives aux delinquantsmental ement anormaux se trouve dans le Code pénal yougoslave de 1929, et le Code de procédure judiciaire pénale de 1la meme année. Tout d'abord l'article 22 du Code pénal détermine les causes de non-imputabilité. Ainsi, d'apres cette disposition, n'est pas pénalement responsable la personne qui @au temps de 1a perpétration d'une infractionne possédait pas la faculté de comprendre la nature et la portée de son acte ou de régler sa conduite a raison d'un état d'aliénation mentale, de trouble mental, de non- - 3 - développement mental ou de débilité intellectuelle. A part 1'état de non-imputabilité complete, le Code prévoit aussi 1'état d'imputabilité essentiellement" diminuée qui existe lorsqu'a raison de 1'un des états mentionnés, la faculté de comprendrelanature et la portée de son acte ou de régler sa conduite, est essentiellement diminuee au temps de la perpétration du délit.L'auteur du délit commis dans 1'état de non- imputabilité complete,n'est pas pénalement responsa-— ble,par conséquent il n'est pas puni et envers lui ne peuvent ®tre appliquées que 1les mesures de sfretée, L'auteur du délit commis dans 1'état d'imputabilité diminuée est pénalement responsable,il est puni,mais le juge peut atténuer la peine et appliquer envers lui a part la peine, des mesures de sfireté, L'article 53 prévoit les mesures de sureté applicables aux delin- quants mental ement anormaux, soit envers les auteurs a non-imputabilité complete soit envers les auteurs a imputabilité diminuée. Le Code connait deux genres de mesures de slUreté: la surveillance protégée et le placement dans un établissement de garde ou de traite- ment.La durée du séjour du condamné 4 responsabilité diminuée dans 1'établissement de garde ou ‘de traite- ment est imputée sur la durée de la peine privative de liberté.Le Code de procédure judiciaire pénale prévoit des dispositions relatives au procédé de fixation de, non-imputabilité et toutes les autres dispositions concernant le traitement des délinquants mental ement, anormaux devantla cour pénale. Le mode d'application des mesures de sfireté est reglé par les dispositions. prévues dansla loi sur 1'exécution des peines et des mesures de sfireté. IV. Le nouveau Code pénal yougoslave de 1951 et 1le Code de procédure pénale de 1653, prévoient de meéme un systeme complet de dispositions relatives aux dé- linquants mental ement anormaux.Ce systeme est pareil au systeme prévue dans lalégislation de 1529, quoique un peu modifié. Les causes de non-imputabilité sont - 4 - prévues dans 1'article 6 du Code pénal, et ce sont: l1'aliénation mentale permanente ou temporaire,le trou ble mental temporaire et le développement retardé, L'auteur d'une infractionn'est pas pénal ement responsa- ble si, a raison de 1'un de ces états, ne possedait pas la faculte de comprendre la portée de son acte. ou de régler sa conduite,Si,au moment de la perpétratioq de 1'infraction, le délinquant, a raison de 1'un des etats mentionnés, possédait une facul te essentielle- ment diminuée de comprendre la portée de son acte ou de regler sa conduite, le tribunal peut atténuer la peine.Par conséquent, ce Code connait de méme a payt 1°état de non-imputabilitée complete, et 1'état d' im- putabilité diminuée.Les mesures de sureté applicables aux délinquantsmental ement anormaux sont prevues dans 1'article 61 du Code pénal .D'apres cette disposition, lorsque le tribunal a constaté que 1'auteur a commis_ 1'infraction dans 1'état de non-imputabilité ou dans 1'etat d'imputabilite diminuée et qu'il est dangereux ~pour son entourage,il peut ordonner son placement dans un asile d'alienés ou dans un autre établissement de garde et de traitement. La duree du séjour dans cet etablissement de garde et de traitement n'est pas fixee et le tribunal est autorisé d'ordonner 1'élarcissement del'interne des qu'il a constate que le prolongement du sejour dans 1'établissement n'est plus nécessaire., La durée du sejour du condamné a imputabilité diminuée dans 1'etablissement de mesure de surete est imputé sur 1a durée de lapeine privative de liberté. L'article 6la prévoit deméme comme mesure de sureté le traite- ment obligatoire des alcooliques et des narcomanes, Le Code de procédure pénale consacre un chapitre particulier a la procedure d'application des mesures de siirete.notamment les articles de 436 a 443, En ce qui concerne les delinquants mental ement anormaux,la loi prévoit les dispositions ci-apres.Si 1'inculpe a commis 1'infraction dans1'état d'aliénation mentale, le procureur public peut proposer au tribunal, s'1il juge que 1l'auteur de 1'infraction est dangereux pour -5 - son entourage, de le diriger dans un établissement d'alienes ou dans un autre éetablissement de garde et de traitement. Si 1'inculpé se trouve en etat de detention d'instruction oude détention d'enquéte, 1l n'est pas remis enliberte; il est placé provisoirement dans un établissement de garde et de traitement ou dans un autre endroit convenable jusqu'a la fin de la procédure d'application des mesures de stirete,C'est le tribunal pourle jugement en premiere instance qui décide. apres tenue d'une audience, de 1'application de lamesure de sureté,de placement dans un établisse- ment d'alienes ou dans un établissement de garde et de traitement.Outre les personnes dont la convocation ~a 1'audience est de rigueur,on convoque également des meédecins-experts. autant que possible des psychiatres, L'inculpée est convoqué de méme si son état est tel qu'il puisse assister a 1'audience.Le conjoint marital de 1'inculpé, ses parents ou son tuteur sont informés de 1'audience. Le tribunal base sa decision sur 1le placement dans un établissement de mesures de surete sur les preuves apportées et tenant compte del'opinion des personnes convoquees et des conclusions des experts, Toutes | es personnes qui jouissent du droit d'en appeler du jugement peuvent introduire un recours contre 1 arrét du tribunal sur 1'application de cette mesure de surete. La méme procédure est pratiquee lorsqu' il s'agit de 1'applicationdu placement dans un é¢tablis- sement de traitement & 1'égard des delinquants a imputabilité diminuee. L'arret relatif au placement dans un établissement d'aliénés ou dans un etablisse- ment de garde ou de traitement doit etre communiqué au tribunal qui est compétent pour décider de la privation de la capacité juridique et a 1'organe de tutelle. Le tribunal qui a rendu 1l'arret relatif a l1'envoi de 1'inculpe dans 1'établissement, agissant sur la proposition du directeur de 1'établissement ou de 1'organe de tutelle et apres avoir entendu le procureur public, rend un arrét d'élargissement de 1'établissement lorsqu'il estime,se basant sur 1'avis - 6 - des médecins, qu'il est inutile de poursuivre le traitement ou la garde de 1'inculpé. Les dispositions relatives & 1'exécution des mesures de sireté envers les délinquants mental ement anormaux sont prévues danslaloi sur 1'exécution des peines,des mesures de sfireté et des mesures d'éduca- tion,notamment dans les articles 178 & 189. La mesure de placement dans un établissement de garde ou de traitement, est exécutée soit dans un établissement spécial de ce genre soit dans un établissement commun pour les personnes mentalement anormales.Ce sont les delinquants qui souffrent d'une aliénation mentale permanente et qui1 sont continuellement dangereux pour leur entourage qui sont places dans un établissement spécial. Dans ces établissements les plus nouvelles méthodes de traitement sont appliquées envers les délinquants mentalement anormaux. La restriction de la 1liberté dans ces établissements est appliquée seulement tant qu'elle est nécessaire pourla garde et pour le traitement de ces délinquants. La mesure de traitement obligatoire des délinquants alcooliques et narcomanes est appliquée soit dans une section spéciale d'établissement penitentiaire soit dans 1'établi ssement de garde et de traitement. vV, En ce qui concerne les méthodes d'examen et de traitement,dans les établissementsou les deélinquants mental ement anormaux sont placés, les deux méthodes, médico-psychologique et sociologique sont pratiquées. Un dossier particulier existe pour tout délinquant et contient toutes les données biologico-psychologiques et sociologiques relatives a sapersonalitéet sa vie. Toute personne ou tout organe engagé dans le traitement des delinquants mentalement anormaux est obligé de rassembler toutesles données sociologiques concernant lavie du délinquant.Par exemple,les données relatives 4 son origine, & sa famille et & tous les stades de son évolution., L'attention est particulitrement consacrée aux détails qui sont les plus intéressants -7 - et décisifs dans la formation de la personalité, dans le sens biologico-psychologique et sociologique., Par exempl e, toutes les maladies et anomalies, organlques et mentales, des ascendants et des parents du delin- quant, les maladies et anomalies, organiques et men- tales, dans la famille, et naturellement de meme délinquant; ensuite, toutes les passions et inclinations nuisibles,dans la famille et chez le délinquant, par exemple, 1'alcoolisme, la narcomanie. les anomalies et les perversitésdela vie sexuelle, etc. Le but de cet examen sont aussi les facteurs sociaux dans 1'evolution de lapersonalité du délinquant,par exemple, l'origine sociale des parents, leur profession et occupation.,les conditionsmatérielles dans la fami lle, les conditions d'éducation dans la famille,1l'éducation scolaire et professionelle du délinquant,etc.;ensuite, les environs et les circuits sociaux ou le délinquant a passé le plus son enfance et son adolescence, ses amusements et jeux préférés, ses inclinations pour s'associer ou pour s'isoler, et tous les détails qui peuvent découvrir et expliquer 1'évolution et 1'état actuel de défaut de sens moral et social. En ce qui concerne le traitement médico-psychia- trique, envers les délinquants mentalement anormaux, on pratique toutes les méthodes aijourd'hui connues. SUMMARY Yugoslav Criminal Law concerning mentally ab-— normal delinquents similarly to the evolution of the same problem in other European countries, has passed through different phases.The idea of non-responsibility and non-punishment of mentally abnormal delinquents was known already 1in the Middle Ages but until the beginning of the nineteenth century,the treatment of mentally abnormal delinquents was not regulated by - 8 - prescriptions of criminal law, Criminal Code of 1860 and Code of criminal proce- dure of 1856 promulgated in the Principality of Serbia, were the first acts containing a system of prescriptions relating tomentally abnormal delinquents. But to thislegislationwere still unknown the measures of security applied to thementally abnormal del inquents, Therefore the treatment of these delinquents at this time was 1like the one applied to other mentally abnormal persons, A complete system of prescriptions concerning mentally abnormal delinquents was established in the Yugoslav Criminal Code of 1929, and in the Code of criminal procedure of the same year, Beside the prescriptions pertaining to causes of non-imputability, this legislation regulated the entire treatment of mentally abnormal delinquents, and provided the measures of security applied to these delinquents, The measures of security of this kind were: protective supervision and sending to institutions for custody and medical treatment, The new Yugoslav Criminal Code of 1951 and the Code of Criminal Procedure of 1953, provide in the same way a complete systemof prescriptions concerning mentally abnormal delinquents, which is a similar system to that of 1929 but with some modifications. Beside the complete non-imputability, the Code knows also the state of reduced imputability. The measure of security of sending to institutions for custody and medical treatment 1s applied to thementally abnormal delinquents,The prescriptions pertaining to execution of this measure of security are provided in the Code of execution of punishments; of measures of security and of measures of education. The measure of sending to institutions for custody andmedical treat- ment 1s executed either in a special establishment or in ordinary establishments for the mentally, abnormal persons, Those delinquents that suffer of a lasting mental disease and are constantly dangerous for their -9 - surroundings are sent to the above-mentioned special establishments. Concerning the examination and treatment methods, in the institutions for mentally abnormal delinquents, both medico-psychological and sociological methods are applied. For each delinquent exists a special dossier containing all records-biologico-psychological and sociological-relative to his origin, evolution and 1life. These details are recorded from the first day of criminal procedure against thementally abnormal delinquent till the end of the treatment., Concerning themedico-psychiatrical treatment of mentally abnormal delinquents, all methods today known are practiced. FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAIL CONGRESS ~ THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS M PREDICTION STUDIES AND PERSONALITY FACTORS Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). PREDICTION STUDIES AND PERSONALITY FACTORS by Allen A.Bartholomem, M.B.,B.S., (Lond.); D,P.M.(Lond). Psychiatrist in Charge, Psychiatric Clinic, Pentridge Prison, Melbourne, Victoria There would appear to be an increasing interest in the subject of Prediction Studies and the compiling of prediction (or experience) tables. The earlier history of this subject has been well summarised by Mannheim and Wilkins (1955) in their book "Prediction Methods in Relation to Borstal Training". Apart from this English work, the pioneering studies of the Gluecks over the last 35 years are particularly well known and need no further comment. It 1s by no means unknown for some workers,even in the field of criminology, to feel critical of such a technique,contending that it is purely mathe- matical and devoid of humanity. This is not so, any more than 1s the actuarial approach regarding continued health and 11fe made by any insurance company.Further, it has to be recognized that nearly every sentence passed by a Judge or a Magistrate is in reality a sentence that is based upon some individualized perso- nal prediction (experience) table. These personal tables,however, are never tested objectively and are often a reflection of great bias and prejudice. The discrepancy between any two sets of these personal tables can be seen without effort in the markedly different punishments imposed on almost identical offenders by different Judges and different Courts. A possible reason for the feeling that prediction tables are not satisfactory as a method of dealing with human beings is that a number of the tables (one of the best known being the Social Prediction Table of the Gluecks) are exclusively concerned with the environment and appear to 1ignore the 1individual completely. It must, however, be recognized that the Gluecks,when considering delinquency, prepared three tables based upon (1) social factors; (2) a psychia- tric assessment and (3) responses derived from the Rorschach Test. Whilst the Gluecks (1956) have pro- duced evidence that prediction is improved if all three tables are used itis pointed out (Glueck 1959) that no one yet has adequately investigated the tables based upon psychiatric and Rorschach data. Further, it needs to be remembered that the Gluecks (Glueck 1956 ) have produced a number of . K perhaps lesser known. prediction tables that 1include data regarding the personalilty:mental abnormality,intelligence, physical condition etc, A large number of these tables are set out in "Criminal Careers in Retrospect" (Glueck and Glueck 1943) . Not only are prediction studies coming to the fore 1in criminological research and as a predictive technique used by such as Parole Boards, but it 1is interesting to note that such work has,to some extent, inspired political activity as regards initiating social legislation.In this context the State Parlia- ment of Victoria are passing a new Act - the Social Welfare Act (1960) — that will bring the Penal Depart- ment and the Child Wel fare Department together under one Director.The Director will have under his control six subsiduary departments that will be under the charge of Deputy Directors. The six subsiduary de- partments will be (1) Research and Statistical; (2) Training;(8)Probation and Parole;(4) Family Welfare; (5) Youth; and (6) Adult Correction. To some extent this structure has been inspiredby (a) the necessity for adequate longitudinal research and (b) the notion of 'pre-delinquency' or the potential delinquent (Glueck, 1959) 1mplicit in the concept of prediction studies. In so far as all behaviour (including criminal and delinquent) 1s generally recognized as being the - 3 — resul tant of the interaction of the organism(a complex of innate factors and 1learnt responses) and the en- vironment,it is to be expected that the most accurate prediction would come from tables incorporating fac- tors that relate to (1) the individual's early environ- ment ; (2)‘Huepresent environment and (3) personality factors that are often considered innate but which of necessity must be modified by opportunity and life experience.Glueck (1959), appreciating the importance of improving prediction by using the various types of table incorporating dataof all different origins, states: "A matter requiring further exploration 1s whetheritis possible to use other psychological tests in place of the Rorschach Test,which 1s not only very time consuming but requires exceptional skill in ad- ministration and interpretation..... " later he states: "The same question arises in connection with the per- sonality characteristics that form the basis of the psychiatric prediction table". This paperis concerned with three main persona- lity variables that are easily assessed by question- naire or test technique that may be administered 1in a group situation.The first of these is the well known 'dimension' or concept of intelligence. The second and third are two dimensions of personality known as extraversion-introversion and neuroticism. These two dimensions have not been used before, as far as 18 known, from the point of view of behavioural predic- tion as understood by the criminologist.They have been used to predict the response of individuals to a standard dosage of a drug(Bartholomew and Marl ey, 195%a) . These two dimensions have soue features in common with certain of the factors used by the Gluecks in their psychiatric and Rorschach tables: Emotional Lability and Emotional Instability having kinship with neuro- ticism and Adventurousness and Extraversion in action being closely related to extraversion-introversion. Intelligence is a personality factor that is well recognized and has been much studied. Its value as a — 4 - predictive factor with regard to criminality and de- linquency is not entirely clear as the results obtai- ned by various workers are not in complete accord. The Gluecks (1943) in a number of their tables use intelligence as a factor sometimes considered as "Nor- mal or Superior; Borderline or Feebleminded; and"Dull" or "Normal and Below Normal", or, again, '"Normal or Dull and Borderline or Feeble-minded". On the other hand Mannheim and Wilkins (1955), assessing intelli- gence by the Columbian Test, found no association between it and recidivism.In accord with such a fin- ding are the results obtained by Marcus (1956) who stated, with the proviso that he was working with a highly selected population,that "so far as the Wake- field population is concerned, 1intelligence level offers no basis for the prediction of recidivism".It would therefore seem that further study regarding the importance, or otherwise, of intelligence as a pre- dictive factor 1s required. Eysenck has, over the last years (1947, 1952, 1953 and 1957), proposed a scheme whereby the perso- nality may be, in part at 1least, considered as com- pounded of a number of dimensions, and he has so far postul ated four such: (1) Intelligence; (2) Psycho- ticism; (3)Extraversion-Introversion; and (4) Neuro- ticism. Intelligence has already been referred to and Psychoticism is still far from being set upon a firm footing.Itis therefore with extraversion-intro- version and neuroticism that this paper 1s now con- cerned., These two personality dimensions may be assessed in a simple manner with the use of a questionnaire: the Maudsley Personality Inventory.This inventory has been well described regarding its construction, de- velopment and norms by Eysenck (1956) and has been critically reviewed and compared with other persona- lity inventories by Jensen (1958).The temporal stabi- lity (test-retest reliability) has been investigated by Bartholomew and Marley (1959b). It consists of 80 questions 24 of which relate to extraversion-intro- version and 24 to neuroticism whilst 18 are 'lie' questions that allowof an assessment of "halo" effect, The remaining 14 questions are "spares" and are not used.All the questions are to be answered either 'Yes', 'No' or '?'_,the scoring being1l for an answer in con- formity with the key; & for a ?2 and 0 if the answer be not 1n conformity with the key. Of particular interest to the writer is the fact that Franks (1956a) has alleged on the basis of ex- perimental evidence that there is an association be- tween extraversion-introversion and ease of Pavlovian conditioning as assessed by eyeblink conditioning to a tone delivered through earphones.He found that ex- traverted personalities acquired conditioned responses with difficulty,and the acquired response was extin- guished with facility, whilst the introverted perso- nality demonstrated a quite contrary picture. If this evidence be accepted, and if the statement made by Eysenck (1655a)be considered as stating the truth in particular terms, viz., "The process of socialization i.e. the ac- quisition by the individual of a certain set of standards of conduct and behaviour pres- cribed by society(in different terminology the acquisition of a conscience or super- egco), is considered to be mecdiated by a process of conditioning" then it might well be that the recidivists,or many of them, might well be extraverts; persons conditioning with difficulty and losing the acquired responses with ease; having littleor no sense of guilt or remorse; not learning from the past and having little 1insight. As was once commented to me (Barry, 1960) theywould "rather like Garofolo's criminal with no probity or pity".If such a proposition were found to be true then ahigh extraversion rating would have to be recognized as a predictive factor that boded i1l for the individual. The extraversion-introversion score, with 1ts -6 ~- possible correlation with conditioning,isof interest in that two types of recidivists have been postulated in terms of it by Franks and Willett (1954), Bartho- lomew (1955) and Franks (1956b). These two types are (1) the recidivist with a high extraversion rating who comes from a variety of social backgrounds, and (2) the recidivist with alow extraversion rating who would tend to come from a 'poor home' and a criminal milieu and for whom "repeated prison sentences are merely a re-inforcement of the undesirable society to whose mores they condition readily". (Franks 1956) An endeavour to clarify the position regarding this dimension and recidivism was undertaken by the author in 1955 and the work:is still continuing. In 1959 some results were published regarding the mean extraversion scores of'normals'(non-criminals defined from a legal standpoint), first offenders and recidi- vists. The extraversion scores in descending order were recidivista,'normals' and first offenders with a statistically significant difference between the mean scores of the recidiviste and first offenders.The dif- ferences in score betweenrecidivists and 'normals’' and first offenders and 'nmormals' were not significant. These findings, as regards the recidivist and first offender,were in the predicted direction but a number of methodological problems caused the results to be less clear cut than had been hoped. In some unpublished work (Bartholomew, 1957) it was found that the psychopath (using this term in the sense of a person showing no remorse, guilt or overt anxiety), who forms very superficial relationships quickly,who is glib,indifferent to accuracy and truth, who 1s egocentric to a marked degree and who has no real capacity for emphathy - the Anethopath of Karpman (1941) formed some 20-25 per cent of ahighly recidi- vistic population., Further, 1t was found that such individuals significantly differed from the rest of the prison population (and from the 'normal' popula- tion) with regard to the mean extraversion scores at - 7 - the 0.1 per cent 1level of confidence. This result, derived from the use of the Maudsley Personality In- ventory, was supported by results using quite diffe- rent technique such as Kinaesthetic After Effect (Eysenck, 1956), the Pattern Rotation Test (Brengel- mann, 1958) and the subjective perception of time (Bartholomew, unpublished data). The figure of 20-25 per cent for the incidence of psychopathic personality ina recidivistic po pul a—- tion 1s considerably higher than that for the 'normal' popul ation. Thus extraversion may well be a variable of predictive value. There i1s no shortage of evidence that recidivis- tic criminals tend to have a higher score on measures of neuroticism than the 'normal' population. Such a finding 1is attested to by Stafford-Clark et alii (1951 )Field (private communication)and is in confor- mity with my own findings (Bartholomew, 1957, 1959 ) when 1t was noted that recidivists had a higher mean score than first offenders who,in turn, had a higher mean score than did the 'normal' population. I sug- gested then (1959) that this was in accord with ex-— pectation in that "an untreated neurotic, or neurotically disposed person, who copes with his 'con- flict' by acting out, is hardly to be ex- pected to cease his antisocial activity following nothing more therapeutic than '3 or 6 months' or more". This neuroticism score it should be appreciated 1s not the same as a neurotic illness. It is to be understood as representing a predisposition to a neurotic 1llness that will become manifest in an en- vironment productive of sufficient stress as acknow- ledged by the particular person. There is evidence that both these personality dimensions have a genetic basis (Eysenck and Prell, 1951; McLeod, 1954), that neuroticism relates to autonomic reactivity and extraversion to the concept - 8 - of reactive inhibition. and that both factors have a test-retest correlation of about 0.7 over a period of 12-18 months even if 1in the 1ntervening period psychotherapy or imprisonment have been accepted or inflicted (Bartholomew and Marley, 1959b). The two personality dimensions discussed in this paper require more intensive 1nvestigation that they might be better understood and thus more valuably used .Many alleged correlations require verification, and further information is needed as to how far limited experimental findings are to be regarded as beling representative of the larger problem: i1f there be a correlation between extraversion-introversion and conditioning of the eyeblink by a tone does this de- monstrate a general relationshipbetween extraversion- introversion and conditioning of all types involving all the sensory modalities? Hamilton (1959) notes a report by Dr. Gwynne Jones that recent work has not demonstrated the presence of a general factor of con- ditionability. If this be the case then the problem of conditionability itself will require clarification. An interesting piece of work is being undertaken at the present time that will be of more direct value to the criminologist is that by Field who 1s Investiga- ting the problemof conditioning using prisoners (all recidivist) serving a prison sentence. Accepting all these problems that still challenge the psychologist, it 1is submitted that the wuse of these personality factors might well be of value in the construction of prediction tables as regards the criminal and his later conduct. Therefore, in view of the findings outlined above, empiric though they may be, the two variables, extraversion-introversion and neuroticism as well as intelligence, are at pre- sent being investigated i1n Victoria,Australia, under the auspices of the Penal Department, the Parole and Probation Department, the Mental Hygiene Authority and the Department of Criminology of Melbourne University, Itis too soon to speak of results but one interesting -9 - feature has already been noted at this early stage. This 1s that persons convicted of the crime of False Pretences (Swindling)who are generally recognized as being almost '1ncurable' and inevitable recidivists are found to have frequently markedly high extraversion (and neuroticism) ratings. It 1s important to state, finally, that whether or not extraversion and neuroticism are found to be of value from a predictive point of view, this paper makes no claim regarding criminal causality: an entirely different, though related, problem (Wilkins et alii, 1955).The author 1s,in any case,a strong protagonist of the mul tifactorial approach and so would not sup- port any pleas for an isolated factor being THE cause of any piece of reasonably complex behaviour.At this stage, however, no plea 1s being made that either of these personality variables are to be considered as even causal 'factors',they may prove to be predictive pointers but nothing more. RESUME Dans cet exposé, on donne un bref apergu sur l1'histoire des études de prévision, en se référant particulierement aux travaux des Gluecks. Ce comportement est 1le résultat d'une action réciproque entre 1'organisme et son entourage,et est relevé étant tenu compte du fait qu'il serait normal que la plus précise des tables de prévision renferme une évaluation de la personnalité. I1 a aussi été question ici d'ouvrages sur 1'in- telligence et la prévision de la criminalité. On fait allusion aux travaux d'Eysenck et de ses - 10 - condisciples, en se référant particulierement aux dimensions conceptuelles de sa personnalité, extra- version-introversion et névrose. L'évaluation des facteurs de cette personnalité est notée aux moyen d'an questionnaire, Ce travail envisage une relation entre 1'extro- version-1l'introversionetle conditionnement(Pavlov), et un rapport éventuel entre celles-ci et le fait d'apprendre les coutumes sociales. Le travail déja réalisé par 1'auteuret d'autres sur les deux concepts de 1a personnalité, fait suggérer que ces deux facteurs peuvent,d'appreés enquéte,avoir une valeur de prévision, Il est reconnu que les {facteurs eux-mémes demandent encore beaucoup de recherche, mais on ne doit pas manquer aussi de considérer les possibilités de la prévision, Aucun principe de causalite n'est postulé dans ce travail. REFERENUCES Barry, J.V. Private Communication (1960 ) Bartholomew, A.A. "The Psychopath" Broadway (1955) 205-208 Bartholomew,A.A. "An Investigation of Intelligence 1n Recidivists, (Prisoners Serving Sentences of Preventive Detention and Corrective Training)" Unpubl. DPM Dissertation, Univ.of London (1957) Bartholomew, A. A. "Extraversion-Introversion and Neu- roticism in First Offenders and Re- cidivists" Brit. J. Deling. (1959) 10 120-129 Bartholomew, A A and Marley, Bartholomew, A. A and Marl ey, Brengelmaan,J C. Eysenck, H J. Eysenck, H.J. Eysenck, H.J. Eysenck, H.J. Eysenck, H.J. Eysenck, H.J. Eysenck, H.J. Eysenck,H.J. and Prell, D. Field, J. Franks, C.M. Franks, C.M. Franks,C.M. and Willett, R.A. - 11 - "Susceptibility to Methyl pentynol: Personality and Other Variables" J.Ment.Sci. (1959a) 105 957-970 "The Temporal Reliability of the Maudsl ey Personality Inventory" J. Ment. Sci. (1959b) 105 238-240 "Learning in Neurotics and Psycho- tics"Acta Psychol.(1958) 13 371-388 "Dimensions of Personality"Routledge and Kegan Paul Lond.(1947) "The Scientific Study of Personality" Routl edge and Kegan Paul .London(1952) "The Structure of Human Personality" Methuen. London (1953) "A Dynamic Theory of Anxiety and Hysteria" J. Ment. Sci. (1955a) 101 20-51 "Cortical Inhibition, Figural After Effect, and Theory of Personality" J . Abnom. Soc.Psychol.(1955b)51 94-106 "The CGuestionnaire Measurement of Neuroticism and Extraversion"Rivista di Psicologia (1956) 50 113-140 "The Dynamics of Anxiety and Hysteria" Routl edece and Kegan Paul London(1957) "The Inheritance of Neuroticism: an Experimental Study"J.Ment.Sci.(1951) 97 441-465 Private Communication (1958) "Conditioning and Personality: A Study of Normal and Neurotic Sub- jects" J.Abnorm.Soc.Psychol.(1956a) 52 143-150 "Recidivism, Psychopathy and Perso- nality" Brit. J. Deling. (1956b) 6 192-201 "Algunas sugestores subra a canduta delinquente"Rev.de Psicologia norm. e pat. (1954) 2 3-10 Glueck, E.T. Glueck, S. Glueck, S. and Glueck, E.T. Glueck, S. and Glueck, E.T. Glueck, S. and GGlueck, E.T. Jensen, A.R. Karpman, B. Marcus, B, McLeod, O, Mannheim,H, and Wilkins, L.T. Stafford-Clark,D. Pond, D., and Doust, J.W.L. Wilkins, L.T., Hill, C.P. and Gibbens, T.C.N. - 12 - "Status of Glueck Prediction Studies J. Crim. Law Crimin,Pol.Sci. (1956) 47 18-32 "The Problem of Delinquency"Houghton Mifflin Co.Boston(1959) pp1003-1010 "Criminal Careers in Retrospect" The Commonweal th Fund.New York(1943) "Early Detection of Future Del in- quents" J, Crim.Law Crimin.Pol.Sci. (1956) 47 174-182 "Prediction of Delinquency" reprin- ted in "The Problem of Del inquency" (1959) pp1010-1023 "TheMaudsl ey Personality Inventory" Acta Psychol. (1958) 14 314-325 "On the Need of Separating Psycho- pathy 1into Two Distinct Clinical Types: Symptomatic and Idiographic" J. Crimin., Psychopath. (1941) 3 112 "Intelligence, Criminality and the Expectation of Recidivism" Brit, J. Deling. (1955) 6 147-151 "An Experimental Study of the Inheri- tance of Introversion-Extraversion" Unpubl . Doctor's Dissertation, Uni- versity of London (1954) "Prediction Methods in Relation to Borstal Training" HMSO London(1955) "The Psychopath in Prison" Brit. J. Deling. (1951-2) 2 117-129 "Symposium on Predictive Methods 1n the Treatment of Del inquency" Brit. J. Deling. (1955) 6 82-68 FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS — THE HAGUE 1960 - PREPARATORY PAPERS M SOCIAL CONSCIENE AND VIOLENT CRIME Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein, The Hague (the Netherlands). SOCIAL CONSCIENCE AND VIOLENT CRIME by Walter Bromberg, Sacramento, California U.S.A. olent crime can be said to be Man's first inhumanity to man.For centuries,the causes and circumstances of homicide,1ts morality and consequen- ces,1ts punishment and legal justificationhave fallen to the provinces of law,morals and religion.More re- cently sociology and the mental sciences have been in- vited to l1end their aid in understanding this endemic plague.During the last half-century,a new field cal- led psychiatric criminology has evolved from the at- tempt to psychologically analyze the complex socio- psychiatric matrixin which violent crime is émbedded. The psychiatric criminologist has extended his work from diagnosis to the treatment of criminal offenders applying psychodynamic principles developed after study of the mental and nervous patient and the apprehended offenders. The result, encompassed under the general term "rehabilitation" has been successful in indivi- dual cases butit hasnot altered the rate or incidence of violent crime, especially homicide. It 1s true that the contribution of psychiatric criminology has been reflected in the administration of correctional institutions,penitentiaries,prisons, reformatories,homes for juvenile delinquents. It has merged with the world-feeling of humanitarianism and altruism,as in the case of the drive to abolish capi- tal punishment, to bolster rehabilitation as a basic program for dealing with criminal offenders. Mental hygiene and educational psychology have been enriched by concepts developed by psychiatric criminologists and the parent field of psychoanalysis.Nevertheless, the society to which these expositions have been ad- dressed have largely ignored the findings of criminal - 92 - psychodynamics,or have unconsciously repudiated their significance. As with its sister discipline, mental hygiene,individual efforts at prevention and mass ef- forts at i1mproving mental health havenot reduced the total incidence of maladjustment and neurotic behavior in modern life.The principles are valid, the techni- ques tested and effective but the total results, at least in the area of criminal behavior, are minimal. Where is the difficulty? Is the vast population of potential offenders 1mpervious to prevention? Science and Socliety in Criminology One stumbling block in the acceptance and prac- tical effect of these profound psychologic truths, which are based on a half century of solid clinical work 1s the problem of communication.For example the following statement offered as an explanation of the genesis of criminal behavior: "A person becomes delinquent because of an ex- cess of definitions favorable to violation of law over definitions unfavorable to violation of law ... While <c¢riminal behavior 1is an expression of general needs and values, it 1s not explained by those general needs and values since non- criminal behavior is an expression of the same needs and values". 1) What could thismean in terms of concrete criminal offences? Can this statement be translated into temrms of human action to help in preventing violent crime? Brief consideration tells us that formulations of this type flowing from analysis of crime by a life- 1) Sutherland, Edwin H.: Principles of Criminology (5th Ed.), Rev.by Donald R. Cressey, J.B. Lippin- cott Co.,, Chiago, 1955, p. 77. - 3 - long student of the subject have only abstract meaning. To comprehend crime as a human actuality. the pre- sentation must be vibrant and replete with action- laden terms of the criminal act 1itself. To follow this idea to 1ts logical conclusion, however, would mean that only the criminal offender would be quali- fied to write of crime, only the murderer could des- cribe his anxieties, guilts, satisfaction, in the swirling semi-conscious world of passion.To describe crime at the 'moment of doing', in gtatus nascendi, would recapture blood-stirring urges, surges of pri- mitive hate, sudden cunning, the quake of anxiety that feeds muscles with +tension, the organic sense of satisfaction or the hot panic that follows. These feelings,if they could be remembered and communicated, could depict violent crime as an experience every human could understand. Understood and experienced vicariously, for deep within the well-repressed layers of the psyche,every human is psychologically 1nvolved with murder. This 1nvolvement is fortunately denied access to conscious thinking and action in the overwhelming majority of persons.But the crime of murder is present "in potentia", lurking at times distorted and at times undisguised in the human fantasy. No analysis is required tonote how frequently fantasies of host- ility and 1ts action derivative - violent assault - are encountered 1n daily li1fe. The practising psy- chiatrist meets them often in his work in the dis- guised murder wishes of his patient's dreams, in the only avenue of escape for the tormented paranoid in- dividual ,in the introjected,sel f-punishing reproaches of the depressed patient, in the daily play and free association of children, in wit and anecdote. So deeply involved are we in murder images that common language in jest and in "dead" earnest,richly reflects allusions to natural and inflicted demises. Consider these simple examples: a well used +tennis ball is "dead"; a play-off in a golf match 1s called - 4 - "sudden death"; amarksman is a "dead shot"; a player in any game who falls behind 1is a "dead duck". Or consider the use of "dead" to cover situations far removed from murder: we say "he slays me" of a comedian; a "dying cause" or a "dead issue" for a lost propos- ition; a bill was "killed" in committee; the "dead" of night; he was caught "dcad to rights"; "let's kill some time",or "he murdered the music" or the team was "slaughtered"etc.,not to mention a score of technical uses as "dead" center,"dead reckoning","dead ahead", "dead head" (an empty railroad car) and so on. Another measure of the prevalence of this ob- sesgive interest in violent crime 1s readily seen 1n the public’s fascination with homicide +through news reports, stories, dramatic portrayals and so on. Entertainment value does not of itself explain this universal and irresistible fascination with criminal fantasies within law-abiding citizens.Every generation has its Mickey Spillane, its Earle Stanley Gardner, Conan Doyle,Bdgar Allen Poe and its"Penny Dreadfuls". Even the ancient Greek historian-writer, Herodotus, wrote stories which dealt in mystery, crime and hor- ror. 2) The mystery thriller and the detective story, as well as the daily crime story in the press holds the reader's interest with a fixity unlike that pro- duced by other types of stories, including romances. The complete absorption induced by crime stories is a direct 1indication of the closeness of aggressive impul ses to our innermost psychological core. The mechanism of murder identification on the part of law-abiding citizens with the perpetrator, follows a tortuous course.The average man, realistic in his daily life, when reading crime stories, slips into a world of fantasy with surprising ease and al- most with psychologic comfort., This free flow of 2) Wright, W.H.: The Great Detective Stories, Scrib- ner's, N.Y., 1927, p. 11 et seq. -5 - fantasy is correspondingly exploited by writers. The more sadistic, aggressive or unconventional the crim- inal, the better the story. The more gruesome or ob- scure the murder, the more the reader 1is fascinated and the author successful. But the orgy of criminal fantasies in a reader soonis restricted.The emergence of unconscious antisocial impulses stimulated by the story 1s defended against by not admitting them to the ego 1n actions of daily life.A number of eventualities have developed which restrict this free flow of fantasy- happily for the reader. One is that the story ends, and the reader,although identified with the criminal in his terrible adventures, is relieved to find him- self not to be the criminal. The play is ended, the story 1is concluded, the book closed, the reader's deeper criminal fantasies slip away as he resumes con- tact with reality. This direct encounter with fantasies of murder becomes complicated with reactions formations that developed silently as a counter-reaction to fascination with criminal stories. For example, the reader of such stories may become interested in working for the abolition of capital punishment and engage in community activities designed to reduce juvenile delinquency. Or he may develop another reaction formationby dealing directly with amiscreant reforming and rehabilitating the latter. This psyche-saving device is shared by writers of crime or horror stories, as attested by their weaving into the dramatic tale, an element of reformation in the offender or indicating the eventua- lity of good resulting from malefactions of the crim- inal. In the technique of modern plays the offender sacrifices himself for the betterment of the oncoming generation, the juvenile delinquent "finds a good home", an understanding woman stands by a desperado, a plastic surgeon cures a scarfaced professional killer, the stool-pigeon saves a citizen in sacrificing him- self,etc. If the miscreant is mentally ill or has a psychopathic or incurable defect, that aspect of his ,_6._ make~up which is socially sick or evil, excuses him, Sometimes the i1ncurable evil aspect 1is exposed or brought to justice;for example,the eventual vanquish- ment of evil Mr Hyde lurking behind the adjusted per- sonality of Dr. Jekyl. Redemption symbolically wipes out the aggressive and criminal aspect of the charac- ter's (and the reader's) personality. The criminal acts and 1mpulses are defended against by this auto- matical device. Let us note now another psychologic mechanism by which social individuals handle their own uncon- scious criminal impulses evoked by witnessing or rea- ding of criminal exploits. In this the law-abiding member of society unconsciously turns detective. The reader's fantasy merges with that of the scientific detective, as he searches for clues, worries over "leads",and fits the puzzle together. The scientific detective is cold, obviously immune to brutality or cunning, knowledgeful of every turn of the criminal mind, righteous 1in ferreting out motivation,modus operandi and 1in exposing guilt.All doors to depravity, malice,sadism and nobility are opento the scientific detective, and with him his partner in criminal ab- sorption--his public.In a sense he is a social hero, a saviour and defender of too-human impulses and ob- sessive interest in violent crime. He sums up in one capsule of psychologic defense,6 the "proper" attitude toward crime; the safe projection and burying of un- conscious participation in crime by objectivization through the science of criminal investigation. The utter absorption of crime stories resides in the all important questions to which the detective addresses himself: "What are the clues leading from the body?" (or the act of injury), "To whom do the clues lead?" (perpetrator of the act) and "Why did he do 1t?".Deep in each person's unconscious woven into the fabric of his (or her) fantasy and conscience is the fear that he himself perpetrated the crime. Ab- sorption with clues is both a defence against and a -7 - searching for, the wunconscious guilt within the in- vestigator. Reik 3) in a classic called "The Unknown Murderer"has shown how the interminable cry in murder of "Who did 1t?", and "the wurgent need to find the culprit, bear witness to a defense against his (the citizen's) own repressed 1impulses". Psychologically speaking,through a metamorphosis of deeply repressed conscience, the Who Dun it becomes a You Dun it! Equally impressive evidence of the universality of murderous fantasies can be observed paradoxically, in the entertainment medium of television. Here the choice 1is wide. Should one watch a warehouse killing of a slightly mildewed night watchman by a trio of hoods,or a quiet murder by an umbrella-carrying enemy agent; a shooting through an open window by a lonely sadist or a pistol whipping by the minions of a fasti- dious college-bred "Brain" ,who in his off-duty hours is a connoisseur of oriental art? Perhaps a quick-draw assassination before the Red Dog Saloon or a suffocating clutch by a pair of gloved hands 1in the dark would suffice.For those with a sense of righteousness there are counterkillings by the police,tear gas raids, the resul ts of stake—-outs planned by police Inspectors , objective gunnings by private "eyes" and government men and so on, The crime portrayed, the clue, the chase and apprehension of the criminal become public matters which each viewer absorbs into his private mental world. This sharing of aggression leads to a species of dissociation in the reader or viewer of a criminal act which splits him psychologically into one part which 1dentifies him with the hunted murderer striving to escape,and the other with the inevitable capture. On the surface the spectator is vitally in- terested in discovering and trapping the offender, thus making his own deeply buried criminal fantasies, 3) Reik, Theodore: The Unknown Murderer, Trans., by Kath. Jones, Prentice-Hall, Inc., N.Y.. 1945. - 8 - the possession of which he would vigorously deny. That old sleuth Conscience. that eternal Javert, has to be satisfied after our liberated fantasies have run riot. The pleasure derived from witnessing the crime story must be paid for in the coin of punishment. Each viewer of a crime story must cover up a private worry 1lest his criminal fantasies embedded in the murder, the sadist betray him. In a sense the symbiosis between writersof crim- inal stories and the reading or viewing public lies upon a psychological balance invisible on the surface of social life. The criminal acts out those impul ses and fantasies which the law-abiding citizen represses and abhors. To put it succinctly and epigrammically, society loves its crime but hates its criminals. Evidence thus far presented seems to support the contention that impulses towards violent crime 1loom large in human mentation. That these impulses and their accompanying fantasies are viable within "nor- mal" persons indicates how easily provoking circum- stances,or mental or emotional illness may light the fuse of overloaded impulse.For it is well substantia- ted by criminal court records that the majority of murders are committed not by professional assassins or gun-men but by individuals caught in the net of passion, humiliation, revenge, jealousy, careless sadism, uninhibited destructive urges and the like. The professional killer makes good copy.the mentally 111 or psychopathic murderer provides the background for a gripping story but the crimes that fill the record books are perpetrated by persons psychiatrical ly, and correctly., called "normal", Yet clearly a difference exists between fantasy and actuality and society through its legal institut- 1ons is determined to implement this difference through punishment. The crime of homicide, though it is ego— syntonic,i.e, not alien to the ego,still is the most strongly prohibited human action, carrying the ulti- mate penalty in civilized communities. But once we -9 - have glanced behind the grey curtain of crime and found it not uncongenial to human feelings, we can regard it less prejudicially.Violent crimeis not necessarily the result of insanity.Criminals may be mentally and emotionally sick but violent crime 1s not mental 1llness. Creative experience and Crime The view which has been urged,that violent crime is an actuality not distant from normal fantasy,allows us to reconsider the philosophic position of crime experience 1n human mentation.Since criminal fantasy and criminal acts cannot be dissected or atomized or even predicted it would seem accurate to conceptualize crime as a total human experience.As such it presents many facets and resemblances to creative activity of approved type. A creative act involves conception, pl anning and execution. Further, 6 the criminal act has an alm and a meaning, which though at times not pre- meditated,1nvolves conscious and unconscious sources of satisfaction such as result from any object—-directed impul se. It is well knownby criminologists that there 1is a drive for creative satisfaction among criminals, just as strong as that present in law-abiding individuals. The chronic criminal or the thrill-offender derives inner satisfaction in his success in using force, deception, trickery or stealth to accomplish his act of crime. This brings us to a paradoxical situation, How can destruction, assault or murder be considered creative? From the point of the actual phenomenon described, the prejudice surrounding crime needs to be momentarily set aside to see how completely a crim- inal act succeeds in organizing, perhaps for a fleeting instant ,a new set of life arrangements,new emotional configurations and so on. The revenge murder, the embezzlement,the assault, even the rape reconstitute in lurid outline, a new alignment of human feelings or a new constellation of human emotions. Within the - 10 - offender,and the more perceptive criminal will attest to this analysis in the privacy of his cell, there 1s a psychological sense of creation in his crime. Oc- casionally the mentally ill despoiler will indicate this formulation in his symbolic way as did Irwin, the sculptor, two decades ago when he strangled a mother and daughter to achieve that schizophrenic perfection of "Idealization of Matter" which he thought his victims were entitled to. In 1larceny, swindling and embezzl ement,for example,one sees a close relat- ionship between the wuse of trickery in overselling and underselling an idea and the gratification observed in business promotional enterprises.However,al though the neurotic roots of larcenous impulses are closely related to acquisitive tendencies present in everyone, they have been carefully regulated by law and control- ling devices have evolved which are accepted by the law-abiding individual. This ethical code accepted as basicin the world of commerce allows the individual the "personal" satisfactionof gain through "selling" or exploiting an idea.There is similarly a basic ego satisfaction in criminal action though conscience may prick and realization may deflate the ego after the crime has been accomplished. But this paradox calls for explanation and for this the crime of larceny is chosen since the creative aspects of larceny closely parallel those of commerce. Of thedistinguishablemotives whichlie behind gainful activity, the foremost one is that of profit. This motive 4) is also foremost in the mind of the larcenist, The second motive is that of self-esteem. The worker experiences pleasure inhis skill in proportion as his work satisfies the needs of his ego and his recognition as an effective social unit. Likewise, the larcenist has his own group of peers who exchange their expe- 4) Bromberg, W.: Crime and the Mind, J.B. Lippincott Co., Phila., 1948, p. 151 -— 11 - riences, successes or failures, and are sensitive about their technique and reputations.The third motive is that of service, which encompasses the pleasure given others by the product which is used or enjoyed. Satisfaction derived from giving service contains a mixture of reality values (larger gains and greater self-esteem)and psychological elements (sublimations of masochistic tendencies in the one who serves made acceptable by traditions of work). For both the reputable businessman and the offen- der the element of gain or profit is uppermost.Candid revelations by professional larcenists indicate that, like the reputable worker or businessman antisocial persons derive true self-esteem from their criminal activity A professional thief knows the conditions favorable to his trade,just as the businessman under- stands problems in production and merchandizing.Only the motive of service is lacking in the criminal. From a psychological point of view, the motives described above could be equated with the modality of creativity in the sense of ego mastery, self-esteem, realistic gain and human values. The direction which creativity takes and its human values would then be the main difference between the work activity of the offender(and this includes the juvenile offender)and the law-abiding citizen. When, however, we think of murder or assaultive crime as the result of impulsive physical action,one cannot so readily visualize this crime as a matter of creative activity.But a destruc- tive act 1s a creative act when viewed from the indivi- dual's standpoint.It accomplishes aims consonant with the total configuration of his inner drives.There is much evidence 1n psychiatric writings to show that many murders are unconscious acts of creative value in the life of the offender.Violent crime satisfies l1i1bidinous urges however distorted,for examplein creating new fa- mily situations or destroying old ones,reconstructing and restituting psychological groupings acting out in- fantile hostilities which have meaning for the offen- - 12 - der's deeper conflicts.For this reason murder can be more understandably represented in drama than in the terms of psychologic and sociologic science.Crime is an "act of the moment",a psychologically creative one whose totality is beyond expression in language. In- deed, in ordinary speech we cover inexplicable hap- penings which arose out of dimly recognized wells of feeling by such inominate,yet understood phrases as, "It was just one of those things". The closer one comes to inner comprehension of criminal action, the more one needs action rather than words, a living through of the experience, to encompass the total picture 1n a perceptible way. A dull criminal will report,"It just happened".An offender under emotional strain, though anxious to understand what he has done, will forthrightly state,"I just don't know what hap- pened".The more articulate offender might say, "Some- thing came over me".Even a re-enactment of the crime does not supply the full flavor of the moment,though the investigator in this way can intuitively approach the experience of crime. But what has creativity to do with destruction? Socliety views crime as a destructive act while pheno- menologically speaking the offender's criminal expe- rience 1s to be considered creative,This socio-psych- ologic paradox might be expected todevelop conflicts within each culprit,and in a deeper sense also within each law-abiding citizen. However, reciprocal react- ions between the unconscious preoccupations of society with violence and the anti-social drives of the actual criminal seem to eventuate in an mvisible balance. A kind of homeostasis develops, for truly society, for its own equilibrium, needs the criminals it spawns, The concordance of violent fantasies and criminal actions in the non-criminal and the offender respec- tively alluded to, does not imply that any sort of mystical bond existing abstractly amongevil impul ses throughout the world.What is meant by the paradox of aggressive psychic homeostasisis this: that the fan- - 13 - tasies of the law-abiding person and the impulses of the perpetrator of murder, for example, derive from the same submerged emotional stuff. The difference between the 'dreamer' and doer of violent crime resides in the uniqueness of each individual - in his ego strength, predominant social images, the vigor of his repressive mechanism, balance of the various aspects of his ego and so on. But in the concordance of the substratum of fantasy and act, and indeed, in the everyday sense of the phrase,"There but for the grace of God, go I", can be discerned a buried Program for Murder in all humanity. Criminal Law and Social Conscilence This reciprocal relation between social feelings and criminal action can be glimpsed in parts of the actual 1egal structure dealing with homicide.Take for example,the medico-legal problem of determination of legal insanity in capital offenders before the bar. 5) The basic concept that guilty intent (mens rea) must be present 1n a criminal before he can be punished for his offense, implies that he acted out of a free cho1ice of conduct. Man has the capacity of free choice of action and each man or woman is held responsible for an evi]l choice, i.e. he or she 1s subject to punish- ment for those evil choices described in legal codes as "crimes".The only exception to this universal rule is in the case of the insane, the mentally defective or an infant (child),whose minds are distorted, mal- formed or unformed to the extent of being unable to form the intent of wrong-doing. From this it follows that one unable to form an intent cannot be held res- ponsible,hence these three classes of persons cannot 5) Bromberg, Walter and Hervey Cleckley: The Medico- Legal Dilemma, A Suggested Solution. J.cf Crim.Law and Criminology,vol.42, No.6, March 1952, p.729. - 14 - be punished for capital offenses.It is at this point that psychiatry enters the legal structure to aid in the definition, in each case, of that degree of in- sani ty and feeblemindedness, which relieves of crim- inal responsibility. It is here also that confusion enters and psychology finds itself enmeshed in apply- ing legal "tests" for insanity and thorny problems of medical jurisprudence.Through this struggle to avoid punishing those rendered irresponsible by mental disease, can be discerned a glimpse of the paradox developed in the preceding paragraphs. From the early days of English common law. the semantic and psychologic bog into which the courts have been thrown by this question,has hampered the adminis- tration of criminal justice. The principle laid down by Bracton. Chief Justiciary of England (1265) that: "An insane personis one who does not know what he is doing, is lacking in mind and reason, and is not far removed from brutes" underwent a tortuous and tortured evolution over six centuries to eventuate in 1843 in the famous M'Naghten Rules.6) These rules,which form the basis formuch current practice in criminal courts of our l1and,were laid down by a group of Her Majesty's Justices in England in answer to queries from the House of Lords seeking to understand the relation of insanity to irresponsibility inamurder trial of one M'Naghten.The Justices statedin effect that the test involved two essential questions:"whether the accused party did not know at the time of such a crime that he was acting contrary to law" and more significantly "whether the party accused was laboring from such a defect of reason,from disease of the mind, as not to know the nature and quality of the act he was doing, or, 1f he did know it, that he did not know he was doing wrong". It is unnecessary for the present purpose to de- 6) Finelly and Clark: 200, 8 Eng.Reports,718 (1843). - 15 - tail the history of the "right and- wrong" test and its application to murder pleas. Among legal and me- dico-legal scholars who have exhaustively discussed the shortcomings and advantages,if any,oef this legal test for insanity, the names of James FitzStephen, Isaac Ray,Edwin Keedy,Benjamin Cardoza, Jerome Hall, Sheldon Glueck,Henry Weihofen and more recently Win- fred Overholser,Gregory Zilboorg and Philip Roche 7) stand out prominently. The extent of the difficulty of applying the 'right and wrong' test to a given murder case beforethe court at present almost matches the problem of applying the crude "wild beast test" of ancient days. No decade has been free of a cele- brated case wherein the invoked insanity defence plea has brought the M'Naghten rules under criticism,where emotions have not run high at the time of trial. The Harry K. Thaw trial which added the expression "to get away with murder" to our colloquial language was such a medico-legal battle ground.The essential dif- ficulty in explaining moral responsibility in terms of cognition, i.e. 'wrong' in terms of 'knowledge of right and wrong' has been the unacceptable element from the psychiatrist's point of view. In Zilboorg's words, "the problem would suggest that there is some- thing immoral in this forcible conversion of the psy- chiatrist to formalistic concepts of legal insanity - concepts which certainly have no clinical existence in 7) Stephen, Sir James F. History of the Criminal Law of England, London. Macmillan Co., 1883 (Glueck, Sheldon, Mental Disorder and the Criminal Law, Boston, Harcourt Little Brown Co., 1925). Overholser, W. The Psychiatrist and the Law. (Harcourt, Brace Co., N.Y., 1953). Roche, Philip Q.The Criminal Mind. Farrar, Straus and Cudahy, N.Y., 19538. Complete literature on the subject is included in these works. - 16 - psychiatry orinlife 1tself, and which exist on paper only in our penal codes". A century and more of dis- cussion can be summed up by two quotations. Psychia- trists have found the M'Naghten rules to be unrealistic "(The psychiatrist)cannot fit any scientifically validated entity of psychopathology into present legal formulae of insanity ..." 8) whilst legal scholars 9) have answered: "The problem of criminal responsibility makes sense only if human responsibilitymakes sense...." and the courts 10) have said: "The law has laid down what may be termed as a working rule ... and,while medical men may cri- ticize that rule ... when you see its extreme simplicity ... I am not aware of any better rule working that these medical men or anyone else has put forward ..." In recent years several decisions have modified the severity of the M'Naghten rul es.The Durham decis- ion 11) broadened the use of psychiatric testimony in a case where insanity was pleaded as reason for irres- ponsibility by finding that the criminal act was the "product of mental disease ormental defect". The Dur- 8) Com. on Psychiatry and Law, Group for Advancement of Psychiatry,"Criminal Responsibility and Psychia- tric Expert Testimony",Topeka, Kansas. Report %—26 May 1954, p. 6. 9) Hall,Jerome,Mental Disease and Criminal Responsi- bility - M'Naghten vs. Durham and the American Law Institutes Tentative Draft. Indiana Law Journal, Vol. 33, No. 2, 1958, P. 212. 10 )Charles Knott,Judge.Peo.vs,Purcell, N.Y., p. 741. 11 )Durham vs.United States.214,F., 2nd, 862 (1954), - 17 - ham rul e allowed the expert witness to rely on a "dyna- mic and changing medical concept of mental disorder than on a rigid and static "test". 12) Further, the American Law Institute, cognizant of the complaints of medico-legal practitioners con- cerning the applicationof various "tests" for 1nsanity (and the Durham decision has opponents al so Jhas entered into a sweeplng re—-examination of criminal law parti- cularly in relation to tests for insanityin criminal cases. 13) Revision of the law meets the practical need that "our penal codes are fragmentary,old, dis- organized and often accidental in their coverage ... their form a combination of enactment and of common law that only history explains".These words of Prof. Herbert Wechsler, Reporter for the American Law In- stitute, explain the purpose of the re-assessment of criminal law particularly in relation to tests for in- sanity. The practical problem of bringing justice to human beings demands such revision.On the other hand psychiatrists ask a pertinent questionin this regard; to witness the question of Manfred Guttmacher,a pro- minent criminologic psychiatrist: 14) "Fundamentally, why should it make any diffe- rence whether a person who has committed a crim- inal act was sane at the time and therefore guil- ty, or "not guilty by reason of insanity?"In elther case,he has shown himself a menace to so- ciaty who must be taken into custody and control", 12) Weihofen,Henry.In Favor of the Durham Rule.Crime and Insanity, New York, Philosophical Library, 1958, p. 162. 13) Wechsler,Herbert.The AmericanLaw Institute: Some Observations on its Model Penal Code. Crime and Insanity ,N.Y., thlosophical Library,1958, p. 208. 14) Manfred S, Guttmacher and Henry Weihofen.Psychiatry and the Law,Chapter 17,W.W.Norton Co.,N.Y., 1952, - 18 - The subtle significance of this struggle to pre- serve the rights of the insane to escape responsibili- ty, and the monumental task of conforming the law to practical contingencies simultaneously,brings to fore the meaning of insane criminality in terms of social psychology.The centuries-old effort to find a suitable formula for diagnosing insanity in legal terms,which Guttmacher's question impliedly decries as academic, rests on an unconscious need for society to nullify its own aggressive impulses. albeit wunknown to 1t through projection to an insane,and hence criminally irresponsible person. Society percelves the insane criminal when the individual member of society can relax his defences sufficiently, as the carrier of "allowable" aggression. We are careful that no truly insane person is punished in a murder case because the latter is the unwitting carrier of our own violent fantasies and impul ses: freeing him from criminal responsibility., frees us all. That done, after full examination of the facts of the case and the psycho- logical 1llness involved,both humanitarian and defen- sive purposes are served. The wrath of society may be fully visited upon the sane, responsible criminal, the wrong-doer out of a free choice, while society has cleansed itself, of its own aggressive impulses, through projection to the insane person. The scape- goat — the criminally insane person - bears the burden of our collective expiation,receiving simul taneously the benefit of our defensive humanitarianism. The development of these 1deas seem to suggest that the phenomenon of homicide can be more easily understood by studying the psychiatrically normal murderer than the mentally sick one. The microcosm of the individual psychologically adumbrates the micro- cosm of society. But more important +than this point is the need to present +to the public the true nature of crime, uniting the public and the criminal. The golden opportunity to disseminate such infor- - 19 - mation through a dramatic type of representation is at hand with the establishment of the institution of tele- vision.The proposal 1s to present crime as a compl emen- tary phenomenon in society and the individual offender. Tremendous inroads on public attitudes have ac- tually been accomplished in connection with other health programs such as cancer,heart disease and mus- cular dystrophy.An example of changed public attitudes in matters also affecting deep-grained prejudices is demonstrable in the social hygiene campaign which, du- ring the past two decades,has eradicated almost entirely the prurient attitude towards venereal diseases. The project sketched above calls for a virtual reorientation of presentation of crime as news and as entertainment. Such a presentation will add a new dimension to criminal reports; it will include the reactions of police, detectives and society as well as the acts and psychological statusof the criminal. This type of crime reporting will show through the dramatic arts those inner fantasies which tie the reader to crime stories and glue the viewer to criminal presentations.lt is quite possible that the attitude toward murder and other aggressive crimes will be in- sensibly i1nfluenced by a decade of this type of crime presentation, RESUME Depuis déjaun demi sietcle,le meurtre etle crime violent font des objects d'étude pour les criminolo- gues psychiatriques. Les recherches entreprises dans ce nouveau secteur se sont dével oppées en partant d'un essai d'analyser psychologiquement la matrice socio- psychiatrique dans laquelle est englobéle crime vio- lent .Dansla dite périodeonn'a pas encore pu consta- ter la diminution du nombre des crimes de ce genre,. - 20 - Comment se fait-11 que les résultats des recher- ches n'ont pas donné lieuala décroissance du nombre des crimes? La seule raison possible en estle profond embarras qu'éeprouve,vis-a-vis du crime, par 1l'action de sa propre fantaisie, le citoyen qui, lui, se com- porte conformement aux prescriptions de la loi. Ceci est démontré par 1'attraction exercée par les "his- toires de sang",par la préoccupation au sujet de "la mort", aussl bien en blaguant et dans le langage de tous les jours que chez les fantaisies névrotiques, les reves etc. La classification et la projection de 1'incon- sciente identification de la sociéte au crime sont caractérisées par l1a popularite deshistoires criminel- les en littérature,dans les journaux,chez le cinéma, la T.V., etc. En plus, le probleme médico-légal de 1'insanité 1égale respectivement médicale - probleme auquel les experts médicaux—-legaux donnent beaucoup d'attention - représente en soi un autre aspect de la réaction dela société devant son identification avec le crime. Isoler le criminel aliéné qui, du point de vue criminel, n'est pas responsable, c'est se servir du malade pour endormirle sentiment de sa propre cul- pabilité. L'analyse de criminels prouve que, du point de vue phénoménologique,le crime est pour son auteur un acte créateur;quoique de nature destructive,le crime a,pour le délinquant individuel,le sens philosophique d'un acte créateur dans son propre monde psychique a loi. Vu ces considérations. une technique a été éla- borée pour utiliserle crime comme source de nouvelles et de divertissements.Du moment ou le crime est con- sidéré comme étant de nature dramatique et créatrice, on a découvert une bonne opportunité pourle présenter comme un phénomene complémentaire tant dans la société que chez le délinquant individuel. Comme, par les mesures sanitaires regardantle cancer,;les affections cardiaques, la dystrophie musculaire, etc., il a éte - 21 - possible de modifier 1'attitude par rapport aux mala- dies, les attitudes sociales internes vis-a-vis du crime sont susceptibles d'etre éclaircies, changées, c'est a4 dire: d'etre traitées. L'auteur propose que ce ne sera plus seulement le délinquant qui,dans toutes ses complications psy- chologiques, sera dépeint, mais que - par la voie d'identification inconsciente — 1'embarras social sera systématiquement introduit dans les présentations dramatiques du crime. Ceci avec 1le but utopique de parvenir & une campagne "thérapeutique",de large en- vergure destinée & nourir imperceptiblement la popu- lation mondiale,. 146 3 4 T7%