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41H

LA HAYE 5 - 11 SEPTEMBRE 1960

CONGRES INTERNATIONAL D
CRIMINOLOGIE

organisé par

UN COMITE NEERLANDAIS

sous les auspices de

LA SOCIETE INTERNATIONALE
DE CRIMINOLOGIE

INTERNATIONAL
CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS
organized on behalf of
THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY
FOR CRIMINOLOGY
by
A DUTCH COMMITTEE

THE HAGUE SEPTEMBER 5TH - 11TH 1960

LA HAYE

TABLE DES MATIERES
TABLE OF CONTENTS

Travaux préparatoires/ Preparatory papers:

I

II2 a.

Epilepsy and criminality

Contribution a I'étude de la dé-
linquance sexuelle: Les délits se-
xuels des adolescents 3 Montreal

Etude statistique sur les délits
sexuels

Increase in married offenders

Les délits contre les moeurs/délits
sexuels

e. Les délits sexuels

II3 a.

Socio-cultural contemporary dis-
tortions responsible for erratic
sexual behaviour

Some observations on sex offences
in Israel

The child as victim

The nonviolent sex offender com-
pared with certain other prisoner
types

Theft in department stores

. Theft in department stores

c. Theft in department stores

II* a.

1! a.

Juvenile delinquency and educa-
tional subnormality

Old age, mental abnormality and
crime

Egocentrisme et personnalité cri-
minelle

Frustration as the basic condition
of mentally disordered delinquent
behaviour

Psychoneurosis, a natural motiva-
tion in the human

présenté parlpresented by :

A. M. Lorentz de Haas
(Netherlands)

‘Denis Szabo (Canada)

Giselle Galy (France)
Paripurnanand Varma (India)

Janko Dj. Tahovic
(Yougoslavie)

Giselle Galy (France) -
Hector J. Ritey (U.S.A))
David Reifen (Israel)
D. Arn. van Krevelen

(Netherlands)
Norman S. Hayner (U.S.A))

Wolfgang Doleisch (Austria)
C. N. Peijster (Netherlands)
A. G. Valkis (Netherlands)

M. Auriol Watkin (Gr.-Britain)

Stephen Schafer (Gr.-Britain)

Jean Pinatel (France)

Milos Kobal (Yugoslavia)

Sam I. Stein (U.S.A))

Travaux préparatoires/ Preparatory papers:

d.

e.

IIT? 3.

III? b.

M.

The actual status of research with
regard to the personality of the
mentally abnormal delinquent

The late comer to crime

Le traitement avant le jugement
des délinquants anormaux

Organization and management of
a resocialisation-community as a
socio-therapeutic institute for the
treatment of neurotic criminals

(Miscellaneous)
a.

A plea for the federation of all
agencies concerned with study
and research in criminology

A progress report to the mem-
bers of the fourth international
Congress of Criminology

Criminal laws and codes of pro-
cedures dealing with normal ju-
venile delinquents in the near east
arab states

Evolution en droit pénal yougo-
slaye des différentes solutions re-
latives aux délinquants mentale-
ment anormaux

Prediction studies and personality
factors

Social conscience and violent
crime

présenté parlpresented by :

J. Kloek (Netherlands)

Bruno M. Cormier (Canada)

Vladimir Hadzi (Yougoslavie)

G. W. Arendsen Hein
(Netherlands)

Henri Ph. Junod
(South Africa)

Eleanor T. Glueck (U.S.A))
Sheldon Glueck (U.S.A))

Mohamed Mazhar Said
(U.AR))

Janko Dj. Tahovic
(Yougoslavie)

Allan A. Bartholomew
(Australia)

Walter Bromberg (U.S.A.)

Relié dans les ateliers de la Prison a la Haye

Bound in the Prison Workshops at The Hague

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS

-~ THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

1

I1

EPILEPSY AND CRIMINALITY

Secretariat of the Congress, 14. Burgemeester de Monchvplein,
The Hague ‘the Netherlands .

EPILEPSY AND CRIMINALITY

by

Dr A.M. Lorentz de Haas,M.D.
Director of the Clinic for Epileptics,
Heemstede, Holland

In considering earlier papers from former years
concerned with particular manifestations of epilepsy
or the behaviour of epileptics, the question should
always be asked (unless the data reported preclude
all doubt): are these actually cases of epilepsy? The
criteria adopted in establishing a clinical diagnosis
Presumably were different from the current criteria
in some cases and,until before the second world war,
the assistance afforded by the main diagnostic aid,
electroencephalography,had to be dispensed wi th.
Another point that should be considered is the fact
that epilepsy probably frequently ran a course and
gave rise to manifestations different from those
observed to-day. This is due to the fact that until
1912. the year that saw the advent of phenobarbital
(luminal)} there was no anti-epileptic medication
worth the name.
The above should be borne in mind when it is
realized that epilepsy enjoyed a questionable reputa-
tion among those engaged in the practice of legal
medicine in former days. a reputation at variance
with current experience,including personal findings.
Serious aggressive acts - ef great violence, severe
sexual offences and arson were imputed to epileptics
and. yet,if the present author or a fellow practi tiener
experienced in these matters were tobe asked to give
an account of serious offences known to him to have
been committed by epileptics, he would probably soon
be at a loss what to say.
‘Let us examine which states of mental disorder
may give rise to or constitute a background to of-
fences in epileptics.These conditions may be "chronic",

- 9 _

i.e, also interictal, occurring between attacks, or
they may occur 1ictally, i,e, during selzures. In
addition, there 1s the psychopathological episode
which may sometimes occur post-ictally, that is to
say after one or several ,usually generalized,seizures,
In the latter state,in which the degree of consciousness
tends to be reduced, the patient may become aggressive
and dangerous., As a rule,he cannot be expected to be
capable of any conduct essential 1n committing an
offence requiring some form of planning.More or less
co—ordinated and sometimes,it would seem, purposeful
acts are more likely to occur in so-called twilight
states which are attacks 1n themselves, namely
prolonged psychomotor seizures and attacks of a
prolonged "petit mal" status. Some of the conditions
known from the literature,in which the patient makes
long journeys by train or by steamer and, having
started from, say, Paris, "comes to himself" again
in Ceylon,but has complete amnesia for the preceding
weeks, probably are classifiable with one of these
groups. Case reports of this type usually also date
from the period prior to that of the modern knowledge
of epilepsy and to-day the questionmay be asked whether
these were not frequently conditions other than epi-
leptic episodes. To-day, however, twilight states
persisting for several days or even weeks are also
observed.The Marseilles school particularly stresses
the rdle of psychomotor epilepsy in these conditions,
Gastaut et al. (1956) reported the case of a woman
who wandered about in the open for over three weeks
in this state,asking for a glass of water in hamlets
and sleeping in thickets. In a study concerned with
1,138 epileptics,we(Lorentz de Haas and Magnus, 1958)
were particularly struck by the fact that twilight
states are relatively often due to a"petit mal" status.
As regards possible offences committed in this type
of twilight state in which the patient 1is capabl®e of
performing acts such as walking about,cycling about,
laying the table, etc.,these will at most consist in
ignoring a stop-light. Patients do not tend to be

-

aggressive in this condition (Lorentz de Haas and
Magnus, 1958).
On the other hand, patients i1in a psychomotor
twilight state may be extremely aggressive and
dangerous. As a rule, however,aggression will only
result when an attempt 1is made to stop the patient
walking about in a disoriented state of mind, It 1s
not likely that these conditions will frequently ac-
count for an offence committed by a patient not
previously known to have been an epileptic. These
twilight states usually are of brief duration. Of
those frequently 1liable to these states and to ac-
companying aggressive tendencies,a large number will
have become inmates of hospitals for epileptics or
mental hospitals. In conclusion, these states very
rarely occur outside or inside the hospital; this,
at any rate, has been the experience of the present
author in a large number of cases of epilepsy. For a
differentiation between psychopathological episodes
in epileptics, the audience 1is referred +to the
elaborated results of the Colloquy held in Marseilles
from October 15 to 19, 1956 (S. Dongier) as well as
to Marchand and de Ajuriaguerra (Epilepsies, 1948).
We now come to the 1interictal "chronic" condi-
tions which might be promoting or causative factors
in criminality."Epileptic"personality changes which,
however, are confined to a minority of epileptics,
might be classified into:

(1) Changes of this type secondary to organic lesions
of the brain appearingin the course of the disease
and probably due to transient cerebral hypoxia
which usually recurs at frequent intervals.,

(2) Reactive mental or neurotic responses to the state
of being i1l and the resulting social situation

of the patient, etc.

(3) Character disorders appearing as a symptom parallel

- 4 -

to the epilepsy on the basis of a congenital or
acquired injury to the brain, In the opinion of
the present author 1t has not been established
beyond doubt that so-called idiopathic epilepsy
1in which there are no apparent lesions,is marked
by a tendency towards the appearanceof particular
character disturbances in addition to a predis-
position to epileptic seizures as amanifestation
of this cerebral dysfunction or. at any rate,
associated with the latter,

Sub (1) This group includes epileptic dementia and
the main personality disorders as found in
most patients cared for in colonies.
Though the 1lesion of the brain caused
by the deficient supply of oxygen cannot 1in
1tself be regarded as specific of epilepsy,
1t 1s possible that this "experiment" of
eplleptic hypoxia in comparison with other
conditions whichmight produce similar lesions
by an 1dentical mechanism 1s on a scale so
large as to wrongly suggest that the resul ting
personality changes are specific of epilepsy.

Sub (2) There are 1nvestigators, especially 1in the
United States, who claim this to be the main
or even the sole origin of the personality
disorders 1in epileptics. In the opinion of
the present author, this view is incorrect
and due to what might be called "overobjec-
tivity" in regard to epileptics and the repu-
tationwhich at least anumber of these patients
have of showing certainpersonality disorders,

Sub (3) Accordingly, this is a heterogeneous group
of factors causing injury to the brain,

Naturally, the causes stated under 1 and 2, those
stated under 2 and 3, those stated under 1 and 3, and

-5 -

those stated under 1,2 and 3may appear simul taneously
in a single patient.The character disorders of these
patientghowever theymay have their origins in these
groups of causes ( (1) being the most important in
the opinion of the present author), are known to
include social maladjustment,intolerance,irritability
and aggressiveness.(0f the total number of epileptics
among the population,however,only a small proportion
will be affected with these character disorders and
this small number will include only a few patients
in whom these disorders, and particularly their
aggressiveness ,wlill increase to the point of resul ting
1n (impulsive) offences such as manslaughter.
A study by Alstrom(1950)showed that the incidence
of criminal offences among epileptics did not differ
significantly from that among the average population.
This was true at any rate of the mentally unchanged
patients.Criminal offences were slightly more common
among the mentally changed patients .than they were
among the average population.Heinous crimes were not
committed by the subjects studied.Theft and burglary
were the most common offences,
Entirely different results were obtained in a
recent investigation concerned with a fairly small
number of male patients and carried out in North
Carolina, U.S.A. (Wilson, Stewart and Parker. 1960),
A considerable number of patients were found to have
court records.Aggressiveness was a prominent feature
1n these cases.The patients musthave been exceptional
in that the average IQ was about 88,
All things considered, there probably is good
reason for assuming that the legal problem raised by
the epileptic with character disorders should be
mainly regarded as that of a patient with cerebral
defects due to organic causes.

It is only +true to a very limited extent that
the legal problem raised by the epileptic is such as
to merit special attention.

- 6 -

Patients committing an offence during an ictal
eplisode are the most characteristic subjects from the
point of view of epilepsy. In this case,however, the
offender usually will have already been known to be
an epileptic and, if this should not be so, the con-
comitant circumstances will be so clearly indicative
of a medically unusual condition that an expert will
seldom have any difficulty in establishing the
diagnosis, especially if aided by electroencephalo-
graphy.The patient whose initial epilepticmanifesta-
tion consists in a psychopathological episode during
which an offence 1s committed continues to be a
complicating factor, however, especially when this
state 1s not only marked by a carefully planned and
ordered conduct but when as sometimes happens, there
also 1s no complete amnesia for this period.
In addition, there are two trends which have
promoted the making of a criminological issue out of
epilepsy,
The earlier trendhas 1ts originin the fact that
the domain of clinical and neurophysiological facts
was abandoned for the development of theories based
on analogies and speculation. As a result of this
concluding from analogies, terms such as epileptic
personality epileptoid state, etc., have been used
to define individuals showing certain personality
traits which may also occur in epileptics.
Concluding from speculations, for instance, led
to the belief that generalized epileptic seizures as
well as the form taken on by these seilizures are a
phenomenon of solely mental origin (cf. inter al,
Schilder,1925). There 1s so little need to take this
seriously that i1itis unnecessary to go to the trouble
of refuting this theory. It is merely recorded as a
matter of curiosity.The "analogy" idea deserves more
attention, as this 1is a view and concept that has
become planted as a reality in the minds of several
psychiatrists. Therefore, let the fact be stressed
agaln that the cerebral lesions which wusually cause

-7 -

the personality changes 1n these patients are not
truly specific. Moreover,there robably 1s no reason
to define as "epileptic",individuals not showing any
clinical symptoms of epilepsy save possible paroxysmal
behaviour disorders or psychon»athological episodes,
unl ess the electroencevhalogram provides evidence of
specific epilentic activity.
This also brings us to the second point: when
changes in the electroenceprhalogram are observed 1n
subjects showing behaviour disturbances,these 1ndivi-
duals frequently are 1mmediately classified as epi-
leptics.In the early days of clinical electroencepha-
lography,1i11(1944)already pointed out that cerebral
dysrhythmia occurs 1n anumber of psychopaths as well
as in epileptics In the opinionof the present author,
however, there 1s no justification for assuming that
there is any further relationship between this group
of psychopaths and epileptics.Frankenstein (1959) in
this connection states that relatives of epileptics
whose electroencephalograms are characterized by
cerebral dysrhytmia need not necessarily show an
"epileptic" behaviour pattern. Moreover, there are a
variety of cerebral disturbances marked by changes in
the electroencephalogram and, on the other hand,
epileptics do show forms of dysrhythmia, which fre-
quently are of a very particular character and even
vary with different clinical manifestations of epilepsy.
Papers such as those written by Hill, however,
are the reason why a large nunber of persons who are
inmates of approved schools, prisons, etc., when
changes have been observed in their electroencejphalo-
crams, are referred to physicians en~aed 1n the treat-
ment of epilepsy, the question put being whether the
abnormal behaviour or the offence should not be regarded
as "epileptic" in this case.These references probably
are also motivated by the fact that those who have
the pupils, offenders or patients in their custody
are glad that the findings have yielded something of
an objective . nature, something tangible that mnmay

- 8 -

possibly enable a therapeutic approach.Unfortunately,
it frequently is very difficult to exert any medical
effect on behaviour disorders,even when the patients
showing these disorders are genuine epileptics.There
evenls some antagonism between seizures and behaviour
disturbances: when the former are suppressed, the
latter frequently tend to increase. Landolt (1955)
also drew attention to the remarkable phenomenon of
"forced normalization": when the electroencephalogram
returns to normal as the result of medical treatment,
mental disorders may increase or even appear for the
first time. Likewise, the operations. performed for
psychomotor epilepsy in a relatively small group of
patients, may prevent the improvement of behaviour
disorders or result in aggravation of these distur-
bances., It cannot be denied, however, that there are
other epileptics 1n whom medical or surgical treatment
not only has a benedificial effect on the seizures, but
also on the behaviour and adjustment of the patients.
In these cases,the value of the secondary psychological
effect to the patient who now has fewif any seizures
should be taken into account as well,
In conclusion,it is believed that the following
measures should be recommended:

(1) That, when there is any reason for assuming the
individual committing an of fence to be an epil eptic,
the problem should be referred to a neurologist
or neuro-psychiatrist specializing in the study
and treatment of epilepsy. This specialist then
will be able:

(a) To establish the diagnosis.

(b) To decide to what extenthe believes that there
1s a relationship between an offence and an
1ctal psychopathological episode in the event
of epilepsy.

(c) To consider whether thereis any relationship

(2)

-9 -

between the offence and any abnormal personali ty
structure that may be present 1nterictally 1n
the event of epilepsy.,

In this last case, further considerations will
usually be similar to those 1n other cerebral
lesions due to organic causes, forms of feeble-
mindedness and dementia, What remains 1s the
problem of the role of epilepsy as a mental trauma
in the history of the delinquent. Any approach
to this problem will probably have to be confined
to a very rough approximation and assessment 1n
each i1ndividual case. Broadly speaking, that 1is
to say also as regards the non-epileptic, the
present author believes the possibility of truly
understanding the individual examined with a view
to presenting a psychiatriec report to be a
chimerical notion.

That the problem of "epilepsy as a factor in crime"
be reduced to 1ts true proportions. Thus., though
it may seem rather paradoxical. i1t might be com-
mendable not to pay any special attention to
epilepsy at the next International Criminological
Congress., The matter should be regarded as a
medical, psychiatric and neurological,occasionally
legal, problem of great interest in 1tself, but
mainly of +the scope of casuistics, rather than
as a criminological problem of vital i1mportance.

Pour conclure, nous croyons que les suivantes

mesures sont a4 recommander:

1,

que lorsqu'il y a lieu d'admettre que 1'individu
délinquant est wun épileptique, le cas doit etre
renvoyé a un neurologue ou a un neuro—-psychiatre
spécialisé dans 1'étude et 1le traitement de
1'épilepsie.
Cet expert saura alors:

(a) établir la diagnose;

(b) décider jusqu' & quel point il estime qu'il
existe une relation entre un acte délictueux
et une attaque psychopathologique dans 1le
processus épileptique;

(c) envisager s'il existe quelque relation entre
l'acte délictueux et quelque anomalie de la
structure personnelle susceptible d'exister
dans les périodes de 1'évolution épileptique
situées entre les attaques.

Dans ce dernier cas, 1les conclusions seront
généralement égales & celles qui comptent dans les
cas d'autres lésions cérébrales dues a des causes
organiques ou a des formes de déficience mentale
et de démence. Ce qui reste, c'est le probleme de
1'épilepsie comme une blessure mentale dans
l'existence du délinquant. Chaque approche de ce
probleme restera probablement 1limitée a une ap-
proximation tres globale et & une appréciation
spéciale pour chaque cas individuel. Dans un sens
plus large, c'est-a-dire: aussi par rapport aux
personnes non-épileptiques, 1'auteur croit que la
possibilité de véritablement comprendre 1'individu
examiné en vue de la production d'un rapport

- 11 -
psychiatrique est une notion chimérique.

que le probleme de "1'épilepsie comme un facteur
en cas de conduite criminelle" a besoin d'etre ré-
duit & ses vraies proportions., En conséquence,
quoique cela puisse paraitre plutot paradoxal, 11
seralt recommandable de ne pas consacrer, au prochiin
Congres de Criminologie, une attention spéciale a
1'épilepsie, Cette matiere doit @etre considérée
comme étant d'ordre médical, psychiatrique et
neurologique, accidentellement aussi d'ordre
juridique d'une grande 1mportance comme telle,
mais surtout intéressante de point de vue de la
casuistique, plitot qu'en tant que probleme
criminologique d'une vitale importance,

- 192 -
Re fereneces

C.H. Alstrom, A study of epilepsy in 1ts clinical,
social and genetic aspects. Acta psychiat, (Kbh.),
Suppl. 63, Copenhagen, E. Munksgaard, 1950,

S.Dongier,Statistical study of clinical and electro-
encephal ographic manifestations of 536 psychotic
episodes occurring in 516 epileptics between clinical
seizures. Epilepsia, Fourth series 1 (1960) 117.

C. Frankenstein, Psychopathy, A comparative analysis
of clinical pictures, New York, Grune and Stratton,
1959,

H, Gastaut. J. Roger and A. Roger, Sur la significa-
tion de certaines fugues épileptiques.A propos d'une
observation électroclinique d'"état demal temporal".
Rev. neurol. 94 (1956) 298 - 301,

D. Hill, Cerebral dysrhythmia: 1ts significance in
aggressive behaviour. Proc. roy. Soc. Med. 37 (1944)
317 - 328,

H. Landolt. Ueber Verstimmungen, Ddéammerzustande und
schizophrene Zustandsbilder bei Epilepsie., Schweiz,
Arch. Neurol, Psychiat., 6 (1955) 313 - 321,

AM, Lorentz de Haas and O, Magnus. Clinical and
electroencephal ographic findings in epileptic patients
with episodicmental disorders.in Lectures on Epilepsy,
Amsterdam, Elsevier, 1958,

L, Marchand and J.de Ajuriaguerra, Epilepsies, Leurs
formes cliniques et leurs traitements, Paris,Desclée
de Brouwer, 1948,

P.Schilder, Entwurf zu einer Psychiatrie aud psycho-
analytischer Grundlage, Wien,Internationaler psycho-
analytischer Verlag, 1925,

W.P.Wilson, L.F. Stewart and J.B. Parker, A study of
the socio-economic effect of epilepsy.Epilepsia,Fourth
series 1 (1960).

QUATRIEME CONGRES INTERNATIONAIL DE
CRIMINOLOGIE

LA HAYE 1960 -

TRAVAUX PREPARATOIRES

I1

CONTRIBUTION A L'ETUDE
DE LA DELINQUANCE SEXUELLE:
LES DELITS SEXUELS DES ADOLESCENTS
A MONTREAL

S(‘ AR N ’: . .', D .
cretarat du Congres, 1.4, Burgemecester de Monchyplein,

La Have (Pavs - Bas)

CONTRIBUTION A L'ETUDE DE LA DELINQUANCE SEXUELLE.
LES DELITS SEXUELS DES ADOLESCENTS AMONTREAL

par

Denis Szabo,
Université de Montréal
Canada

La délinquance sexuelle des adolescents n’est
qu'un aspect dela délinquance sexuelle; elle apparait
a une certaine phase de 1'évolution de la personnalite
et ne peut pas etre isolée des autres traits qui ca-
ractérisent la personnalite. En quol consistent les
différences que 1'on peut relever malgré tout entre
les délits des adul tes et ceux des jeunes. Nous pour-—
rions les résumer dans les points suivants:

1) Les jeunes font 1 'apprentissage des roles de
1 " homme et de la femme specialement définis par
leur cul ture; cet apprentissage se fait par tatonne-
ment suivant les principes du "plaisir" et de la
"réalité" comme disentles psychanalystes.L'attirance
naturelle entre les sexes est seéverement reglementée
Par les normes culturelles. Les adolescents appren-—
H?Pt & mesurer la forceet les faiblesses de ces bar-
rieres.
En m®me temps, ils doivent reconnaitre, dans le
CO@P%exe institutionnel de leur société, les roles
QUL incombent a 1'un et 1'autre sexe. Or, ces rdles
Sont diversement pergus et interprétés dans les dif-
feregtes couches de 1a société. Il est rare que les
enS?lgﬁements que 1'adolescent regoit au cours de
catéchisme, chez lui ou dans son voisinage, dans la
Presse, au cinéma et dans la compagnie de certalns
C?marades concordent en tout point.Il en résul te que
1‘aQ?lescent Percevra et actualisera ces roles d'une
manle?e.fort ambivalente, ce qui 1'amenera souvent a
des deviations, voire & des délits sexuels.

2) Le monde des enfants estala fois plus et moins

.9 -

soumls a la surveillance de la police etdel'opinion
publique que le monde des adul tes,
Plus: car tout ce qui touche les mineurs met les sen-
sibilités a vif et tres grands seront le retentisse-
ment et le chatiment encouru d'un acte d'attentat a
la pudeur commis par un adul te sur la personne d'un
enfant,
Moins: car les jeux sexuels entre jeunes exclusive-
ment - qul peuvent aller plus ou moins loin - echap-
pent a 1'attention du monde adul te. La coupure entre
les générations n'existe pas seulement au niveau des
mentalités mais aussi au niveau de la connaissance
de la vie et des préoccupations. Il résulte de tout
cela que les delits reprimés par la police dans le
milieu des adolescents constituent un échantillon
moins representatif encore de la conduite sexuelle
de 1 ensemble des jeunes que,dans l1e monde des adul tes,
les crimes sexuels découverts ne sont représentatifs
du comportement sexuel de ]l 'ensemble des hommes et
des femmes.Non seulement ce ne sont pas toujours les
plus graves qul sont dénoncés mais encore, tout comme
pour la criminalite des "collets blancs" la sanction
sociale peut etre tres forte pour telle conduite dans
tel milieu et Inexistante dans tel autre.

3) On ne trouve jamais. chez les adolescents, de
crimes sexuels graves, comme le meurtre pour
cause sexuelle par exemple. Les exhibitionnistes,
qui forment 1le plus gros contingent de délinquants
sexuels adultes,sont tres rares chez les adolescents
Le voyeurisme, tres répandu, est réglé beaucoup plus
souvent par une gifle ou une raclée que par une dé-
noncliation, En fait, comme nous allons le voir, une
petite fraction des delits sexuels des mineurs sont
commis par des enfants qui subissent une crise de
croissance ou qui sont mal adaptes a leur milieu. La
plus grande partie de ces delits constitue un comporte-
ment sexuel parfaitement "mormal" au sein des bandes
de jeunes et ne sont dénoncés que graceala diligence

- 8 -

de certains parents qui s'alarment des fréquentations
de leurs enfants,

4) Enfin, il faut toujours avoir présent a 1 esprit
le caractere essentiellement arbitraire,au point
de vue psychologique et sociologique, de la distinc-
tion juridique entre individus mineurs et majeurs.
Les personnes puberes ne se distinguent en rien, sur
le plan psycho-physiologique. qu'elles aient moins
de 18 ou 21 ans ou plus. Sur le plan sociologique,
1'adolescence ne s'acheve qu'au moment ou 1'individu
fonde une famille et subvient & ses besoins. Et nous
Savons combien 1'age moyen des mariages varie d'une
culture & 1'autre, d'une couche sociale a 1'autre.
?ependant?comme toujours, le chercheur doit se plier
a2 1'une des servitudes dela criminologie: n'est crime
que ce qui est défini comme tel par la loi.
| L'enquéte dont nous allons présenter ici les
reésultats a été exécutée durant les mois d'été de
l1"année 1959 a Montréal.Elle n'est pas basée sur des
Contacts directs, sur des résultats d'interviews
d'adolescents délinquants.Nous avons dinous contenter
des données qui figurent dans les dossiersdela Clini-
que d'Aide % 1'Enfance et de la Cour du Bien - Etre
Socia]l . * )
Les 82 cas qui font 1'objet de la présente étude
ont été extraits des dossiers disponibles entre 1957
et 1959 . Tous les dossiers complets ont été utilisés.

*) Nous tenons % remercier vivement a ce propos, le
1'E££° Gauthier, directeur de la Clinique d'Aide %
vice a(Iilce,le Dro.Mailhiot,directeur général des Ser-
Trahs e Protection de la Jeunesse, Monsieur le Juge
FanizT? dg la Cour du Bien-Etre Social, et Monsieur
» directeur des Officiers de Probation & cette
meéme Cour, de nous avoir si obligeamment autorisé la

con : )
g Ssultation des documents entreposes dans ]leurs ser-
ces,

- 4 -

En raison de la modicité de ce chiffre,les résultats
de notre enquéete n'ont qu'une valeur d'indice: 1ils
apportent quelques précisions aux hypotheses que nous
avons émises sur la délinquance sexuelle des adoles-
cents.
Pour établir 1les hypotheses qui ont permis le
dépouillement systématique des dossiers, nous avons
retenu la distinction de K. Friedlander sur les fac-
teurs primaires et secondaires.Les facteurs primaires
sont 1iés a la personnalité, ils permettent de voir
les raisons qul provoquent la formation d'une struc-
ture caractérielle antisociale. Les facteurs secon-
daires sont liés davantage au milieu et permettent
de déterminer les raisons de la transformation d'une
délinquance latente en délinquance manifeste.Ce sont
ces derniers qui fixent la forme que prendra "la
structure caractérielle antisociale" déja existante.
Notre analyse porte sur chacun des facteurs pri-
malres et secondaires et nous avons établi des com-
paraisons avec les résultats d'autres études similaires.
L'espace alloué a cette communication exclut la pré-
sentation de nos résul tats. Ils feront 1'objet d'une
publication ultérieure. Nous ne pouvons que livrer
quel ques conclusions et certaines remarques en vue
de la prévention.
Que pouvons conclure de cette analyse sommalire
des caractéristiques de la délinquance sexuelle des
adolescents?

a) La répression de ce type de délinquance frappe
davantage les filles que les gar¢ons.Les causes
en sont multiples.Signalons cependant le fait que le
seul moyen, pour une jeune fille, de se valoriser,
d'obtenir des gratifications faciles est de se montrer
accessible aux avances sexuelles des hommes.

b) En ce qui concerne les gargcons.une forte propor-
tion d'entre eux est engagée dans des activités
homosexuelles,allant des rapports entre camarades du
meme age jusqu'a la prostitution avec des adultes.

- 5 -

Les causes principales d'un tel comportement sont la
surprotection maternelle, la séparation trop rigide
des deux sexes, 1'influence d'expériences traumati-
santes durant 1'age pré-pubere.

c) La plupart des jeunes filles engagées dans ces
rapports sexuels illicites viennent de milieux
familiaux traumatisants, ont un niveau intellectuel
médiocre, & la limite de la débilité, et recherchent
dans 1a promscuité sexuelle une compensation affective.

d) I1 parait difficile d'isolerl'activité sexuelle
des autres activités humaines.Toutefois,les ta-
bous de la société censurent plus séverement ces ac-—
tivités que les autres. Les maladaptés sont, dans ce
domaine, par conséquent, plus nombreux que dans les
autres. Dans notre culture, la sexualité est liée a
1'idée de péché et tout ce qui s'y rapporte provogque
un fort sentiment de cul pabilité. L'adulte,qui éprouve
cette culpabilité, voudrait en préserver ses enfants
le plus 1longtemps possible. Et c'est 1a 1'obstacle
qui interdit une éducation sexuelle adéquate au sein
de la famille.
. Nous sommes donc dans une situation paradoxale
OU le progres des sciences met a la portée de 1'hu-
manité Jes exploits les plus extraordinaires, alors
que, dans le domaine de la sexualité, qui touche de
S1 Prés}xl'équilibre personnel ;donc au bonheur, nous
SOmmes aussi démunis qu'il y a des siecles. Cette
eflucﬂffaion sexuelle doit se faire au seinde ia famile,
des]-a'Plus tendre enfance.Rien ne peut remplacer des
Parents bien équilibrés,bien ajustés danslemariage;
g:ur réussir & éduquer convenablement 1les enfants.
reés sont pourtant ceux qui y sont préparés, c'est
Pourquoi,si des difficultés se présentent,les parents

devraj . . .
v 91e9t Pouvoir recourir aux services d'une agence
SpPeclalisée, * )

*
) G°W°Henry, "Sex Variants", N.Y., 1959, p.1020o.

- 6 -

Nous voudrions, & ce propos, suggérer quelques
mesures pour prévenir certains aspects de la délin-
quance sexuelle., Une punition méme sévére a fort peu
d'influence préventive sur la delinquance sexuelle,
C'est que celle-ci est plus proche delavie instinc-
tuelle que les autres conduites criminelles qui sont
beaucoup plus liées ala conjoncture socio-culturelle
ou économique.,
Dans la perspective de 1'hypothese de K. Fried-
lander, nous avons fait le départ entre les facteurs
primaires prépondérants et les facteurs secondaires,
moins décisifs.Il ne s'agit évidemment pas ici d'une
loi absolue,mais plutdt d'une tres grande probabilité,
comme toujours dans les sciences humaines., Il sera
donc, sinon vain, du moins peu efficace de lutter
contrelalittérature immorale ou pornographique. les
films licencieux et méme contre les bandes d'adolescents
antisociaux. Ce seralit prendre les o2ffets pour les
causes, car, comme nous 1'avons observé, c'est au seiln
de la famille,au cours du processus de socialilsation,
que se modele la personnalité du futur criminel.
I1 semble donc que la tache la plus importante
de 1a prévention serade restaurer les foyers dissolus,
désunis ou conflictuels.Si la société "fabrique", en
quelque sorte, ses saints, ses héros, ses élites,elle
"fabrique" aussi ses criminels. Comme elle doit etre
fiere de ses éléments brillants,elle doit avoir honte
de ses membres déchus. On peut donc dire, sans nier
la part de responsabilité qui incombe au criminel,
que la société est responsable en ce domaine et que
cette responsabilité dela société doit servir de base
a une action collective pour assurer la prévention.
En ce qui concerne la délinquance sexuelle des
adolescents, la prévention sociale devrait se preoc-
cuper des points sulivants:

1) renforcer 1'assistance sociale et médicale aux
familles ou les adolescents ne regoivent pas
1'éducation la mieux appropriée a leur état. Tout in-

-7 -

vestissement dans ce secteur seralt éminemment ren-
table, méme sur le plan financier 1les charges des
services soclaux ne représentent, en effet, qu'une
fraction de cellesdel'administration pénitentiaire,

2) Sans tomber dans 1'exhibitionnisme d'une preten-
due "information sexuelle". 11 y aurait lieu
d'iniLegrer davantage la sexualité dans la formation
iIntellectuelle et morale des adolescents.Il y aurait
lieude suivre1ci les expériences intéressantes faites
en Belgique et en France a ce sujet.L'ignorance dans
laquelle sont tenus par leurs parents les adolescents
dans ce domaine fait que.dés le debut de la puberté,
la sexualité est considéree par les jeunes comme une
Sphere ou 1'influence de la famille ne s'exerce pas,
Sinon a titre répressif. Les incidences pédagogiques
de cet état de choses sont évidemment funestes. La
famil e refuse toute responsabilite en ce qul concerne
la sexualité des enfants.
3) I1 faudrait doter d un équipement social adequat
o tous les quartiers ou les enfants vivent, pour
alnsi dire, dans la rue.Dans les maisons de rapport,
dans le centre de la ville, il est impossible d'éli-
flnerles bandes d'adolescents.Ces réunions de jeunes
so?t un plaisir naturel qu'il ne faut pas combattre
mals qu'il fait intégrer dans la culture globale domi-
n?nfeo Pour y parvenir, il faut que des moniteurs
penetr?nt ces bandes et essayent d'y maintenir une
compatibilité guffisante entre les objectifs de 1la
bande et ceux de l1a société., C'est & cette condition
que le comportement sexuel de ses membres sera rendu
conforme aux idéaux moraux de la cul ture dominante.

2 . . . .
4) Lao prfevent lon des pratiques homosexuelsles repose,
pr1n01palement) sSur

a. un dépistage rapide de la déviation,

b, la mise sur pied de services thérapeutiques

speciralises.

Une partie importante des adolescents homosexuel s
pourra ainsi eétre recuperee, La repression pure et
simple, dans cette categorie de delits a encore moins
d'effets preventifs que pour les autres delits sexuels,

SUMMARY

Sexual delinquency of adolescents which has
been the aim of the author's i1nvestigationinMontreal
1s only a variant of sexual delinquency 1n general,
It 1s a question of laying down criteria permitting
to distinguish two sources of indictable offences.
The author takes his inspiration from K. Friedl ander's
distinction between primary factors (bound to perso-
nality) and secondary factors (bound to environment );
he lays down and tries to verify a number of hypo-
thesesrelating to the aetiology of sexual delinquency.
Finally some recommendations are proposed with the

alm of preventing sexual delinquency of adolescents,

QUATRIEME CONGRES INTERNATIONAL DE
CRIMINOLOGIE

- LA HAYE 1960 -

TRAVAUX PREPARATOIRES

I1

ETUDE STATISTIQUE SUR LES DELITS
SEXUELS

Secrétariat du Congres, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,

La Haye (Pays - Bas)

ETUDE STATISTIQUE SUR LES DELITS SEXUELS

par

le Dr. Giselle Galy
Psychiatre, licenciée en
Phvlosophie Paris

Le matériel explotté par cette enquete provient
de 266 Observations cliniques sur la personnalite
du délinquant prises au Centre National d‘Observation
de Fresnes sur des condamnes pour délits sexuels
ayant passés par ce Centre depuis Janvier 1956 a Mars
1960 . Dans chaque cas, 11 s'agit de deélits graves
ayant entrainé une condamnation d'au moins trois ans
et concernant une population masculine.
METHODOLOGIE: pour chaque observation clinique,
nous procédons a 1'établissement d'une Fiche Indivi-
duelle de Criminologie comprenant 80 groupes de
questions allant de 1 a 10; une seule question dans
chaque groupe peut s appliquer au cas etudié, afin
de permettre 1'exploitation mécanographique de la
Fiche.
Nous rappelons que cette Fiche Individuelle fut
élaborée par la Section Frangaise des Sciences Péni-
tentiaires et servit aux statistiques dans le Rapport
Général présenté par elle au 2e Congres International
de Criminologie de Paris en 1950. Cette Fiche nous a
servi également pour établir la partie statistique
de notre Rapport personnel sur les "Formes de Vols
chez les Récidivistes" lors du 3-eme Congres de Londres
en 19395,
En ce qui concerne notre enquete actuelle sur
les délits sexuels, cette Fiche groupe sous le titre
générique d'Attentats aux moeurs tous les délits de
cette nature. Pour operer leur discrimination selon
le code pénal, nous avons dfi recourir au relevé des
condamnations figurant sur chaque observation clinique
et provenant des actes d'accusation contenus au dos-
sier. Voici ces résultats:

-9

45% des sujets examines sont des delinquants primaires.
65% sont des récidivistes doit uniquement de delits
sexuels, so1t de delits autres, tels que: vols,
trafics coups et blessures meurtres.
Par ordre de grandeur les delits constates sont les
suivants:

Attentats a la Pudeur. 82% dont:

l1'Inceste . ......ciiccneococeoconaenonsoonanoans 55%
l1'attentat a la pudeur sur filles mineures .... 21%
" moon " " garcons mineurs .... 6%
Souteneurs .......... s e e n e e e e 8%
Viols ...... e e e et e e a e %
Outrages publiques a la pudeur .........c0c..00. 3%

I1 en résulte que la majorité des délits sexuels
masculins sont 1'inceste et 1'attentat a la pudeur.A
tres peud'exceptions pres.les auteurs forment une po-
pul ation rurale et sont des sujets al cooliques.
Par contre, le souteneur sévit dans des quar-
tiers réservés des grandes villes. I1 possede gene-
ral ement un casier judiciaire trés charge ou rare-
ment sa carriere de souteneur est mentionnéeLes
délits pour outrage publique ala pudeur apparaissent
aussi bien dans les villages que dans les villes et
toujours les auteurs recherchent les endroits isolés
a la tombée de la nuit.
Parmi les résul tats nombreux fournis parla fiche
individuelle, nous devons procéder a un choix capable de
déceler les principaux facteurs, tout en respectant les
exigences du Congres sur le volume des rapports.

C - 3: Ageala premiere Condamnation.-

Moins de 15 ans.......14% 30 a 35 ans....... 6%
15 a 18 " 20% 35 " 40 " ....... 9%
18 " 21 " 12% 40 " 50 " ....... 20%
21 " 25 N e 15% 50 " 60 " ....... 1%

25 v 30 " .. 7%

. 3 -

C - 68: Nature delal-ere infraction.-

Rébellion,outrages a agents de 1a force publique.

Vagabondage, mendicité ..........ccccca0eeo
Attentat aux moeurs .. .....ccceocccescoocesaoo
Crimes contre les enfants .......c000¢c¢000%

NOIS 9 e 0o ° e € © 0 © © © © e e O e @ 0 ¢ ¢ @€ 0 & g ¢ a o 0O ¢ 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0o O

Coups et blessures .....cccoceseceooasacooo

Meurtres " 0o e © 0o O © ©6 0 e e @ o e g 0 & @& ¢ © © O e & © 0o 0 0 0o O 0o 0o 0 ©° o
Aut'res 4 0 e 9 ©0 & ¢ © &4 e o6 e 0 @ ¢ a o 6 e @€ 0 @& ¢ 0o 0 0 0 ©06 6 0o 6 0o 0 0 0 o0 9

o

a

[]

o

C -~ 70: Mobiles déterminant cette l1-ere infraction.-

Intéret matériel ......ccccccooa00co000000aca
Passionnel ..,...c.cc0ccoc0o0acccoccocoonccoosssa
Vengeance ....o.ocococcoocooccssnssoocoocosooo
Etat d'ivresse ou d'inconscience ....c.ocoo00 -~
Elimination de témoins genants .....ccc00va
Autres .. ..coccco00o0esecocococccooacacoocoacancaas
Renseignements concernant la famille d

C - 5: Situation des auteurs entre eux.-

o

Union légitime .......coccccco00000aco0asscs
Dissociée par maladie, déces ou absence ...
Dissociée par mésentente .....cccc0c0ceaoens
Séparation des parents .......cccc00000a0000
Remariage apres déces ...cocceoecccooccoocaco
" aprés divorce .....c.cccccccc0ccccoc s
Concublnage .. .o.:cccoococeeccsaaccaccaccaascos
Unions de passage cccoocoecovocccocacasceocsas
Enfant abandonné .......cccce0cc0s0c000000

C - 8 Composition de la famille.-

Présence au foyer de grands-parents .......
" d'autres parents ...cccocccoco0sccoscoco0en
" d'un concubln ......cc.00 000000 cacaaca
" un ou plusieurs enfants d'autres lits ..

o

o

o

Présence de concubin et enf .d'autres lits
" gr.-par.,concub.,, enf. d'autres lits
Pas de tiers aux foyer .........cec.c0.
Foyer différent de celui des p. etm ..

C - 11. Epoque de la dissociation év

4 -

O 2 o 0 O o a O

Avant que 1'intéressé ait
" " " u
" " 1" "
1" 1" Al LAl
" n " "

Avant la naissance ......

Q

eu

a o

Pas de renseignements ......

C - 9: Ambiance

18 ans .

15 "
12 "
10 "

famili

Famille unie. vie agréable

" unie par habitude ........
Vie familiale de fag¢ade ....
Vie désagréable, mésentente

Vie difficile, scenes ...
" tres diff. violences ..
" impossible ..........
Pas de vie de famille ...

o o

J o

o n

e o

C - 10: Niveau social et économique. -

Paysans .......cc0e00000.

Petits empl., petits comm.
Ouvriers qual. ........c...

Manoeuvres .. .. ..c0c000a4s

~

Miseére, chomage ..........

-5 -

Antécédents pathologiques de la famille;

Arrieration. convuls. des fr.
Méningites, atteint. syst. nerv.
Psychop. ......c0cnineoaaisn..

Dél inquance des fr., et s. .....
Coleres, brutalités du pere ...
Alcoolisme du pP. . cnvvmon ..

L4l

0

(a3

Psychop., Arrt. Epilepsie du p.

Alcoolisme de la mere .... e e
Psychop. Arrier.
Inconduite de la m. .

¢ ¢ o0 0 o0 o ¢© (L 5] (o]

Renseignements concernant

[

0

(o

[ad

~

o

L3 ©

o

0

épilep. de la m,

[a]

n

o

0

o

et soeurs.

[l (4]

e

O A

Convulsions, eépilepsie ........
Tuberculose .........ccocnoncnn.
Syphilis .. ...ceneevonncooncon.
Traumatismes graves ...........
Antécédents psychlatrlques o a o
Alcoolisme .......cncionreeanoa
Troubles endocriniens .........
Tics, bégaiement ..............
Syndrﬁmes neurol . divers .....,
Vie sexuelle: avec prostltuées
L1aisons .....ccocecnerocomonnos
Impuissance, absence de bes ...
Precocité. besoins excessifs ..
Tend., relations homosexuelles

Niveau scolaire:
Notions scol.,

[pf

recus au C.E P.
baccal ., étud. univ,
" d'intellig. : normale .......0000.

Bien doué
intellig. inf.

illettrés ......

arriération imp.

[

0O 0 O o o ©& e o0 O

a la n,

o]

-]

[

médiocr.

o

o

- b
Tendances caracterielles dominantes. -

Instabili1té ... ... oeccuconnconiononancoosnceconnn 11%
Hyperemotiviteé . .......couoencennancoescnaananseo 0%
Asthénie, tend. depressives .....covo-ccennnn-aos 15%
Hy pomanie, eXcCite o.vvvnocrinnnnnccecassnanasananes 0%
SChiZO ... uiesnnonannsannnannonosannneananannno 1%
Epileptoides ....-.0n00unoencoonneoncoecsssosascas 18%
Pervers .......cc:2000a05000s0cc00c00cs0c00naosecc 0%
Déséquilibre .........0nnuvossocacooosonssnosnsee 0%
Equilibre caract. ..o.u.vucsnsoceosasvosssusonsoos 34%

C - 58: Mode de vie:
Indépendante depuis 1'age de 20 ans ......co0000. 12%
" " "M 1T M iiecesne.. 16%
" avant "M 4T " e eeaae-e. 48%
Vie familiale persistante .......co.00c000r20a0000 19%
C ~ 56 Conditions des milieux de vie:

Changement de milieu au cours de la 1-re enfance., 20%
" entre 7 ans a la puberté .......cc000. 395%
" apres la puberté .........cccc000000000 17%

Dans le cadre restreint de cette étude il nous
est impossible d'y faire figurer d'autres 1indices
recueillis, pas plus que les corrélations résultant
de 1a confrontation des principaux d'entre eux,
Nous espérons que la simple énumération des quelques
facteurs exprimée en pourcentages permette deja un
apercu concret de leur valeur respective dansle dé-
terminisme de la délinquance sexuelle,
Nous concluerons en indiquant quels sont a notre
avis les avantages et les limites de cette méthode de
travail,qui est la ndtre depuis douze ans. - L'obser-
vation clinique du détenu se réveéle comme irremplaca-

7 -

ble pour toute investigation criminologique.Elle nous
apporte la genese du delit ses motivations profondes,
conscientes ou 1lnconsclentes. ains1 que ses origines
sociales et leur repercussion sur la formation de la
personnalité.Cette patiente étude prel iminaire conduit
a preciser la valeur symbolique du délit. a fixer le
degré et la gravite des mécanismes de défense et de
comfensation mis en oeuvre par chaque sujet.Tous ces
élémentsde diagnostic mettent sur la voie du traite-
ment individuel qu’'il conviendrait d’'entreprendre,
— Nous considérons comme une ] 1mite de notre investi-
gation le fait de n'avoir pu encore prendre contact
avec ]1'entourage des sujets examinés. -
Enfin, les donnees statistiques recueillies par
cette voie semblent gagner en ampleur et en précision
et peuvent contribuer aun fonds de documentation cri-
minologique utilisable par des chercheurs de toutes
disciplines.

8 -

S UMMARY

Clinical observation of the prisoner 1s an i1n-
valuable asset to all c¢riminological i1nvestigation.
It provides us with the genetics of the offence: the
deeper motives.conscious or unconscious that incited
1t 1ts soclial origins and thei1r repercassions upon
the moulding of the personalsity. This patient prelt.
minary study leads to specification of the symbolical
value of the offence. assessment of the degree and
gravity of the machinery of defence and balance that
1s set 1n motion by each offender.All these elements
of diagnosis pave the way for individual treatment of
the appropriate kind.We consider that a limit 1s set
to our investigation by the fact of our being unable
to contact the social environments of the offenders
examined. |
Lastly, the statistical data collected through
this channel seem to gain in fullness and precision
and may help to build up a stock of docﬁmentary ma -
terial that will be(ﬂ?service‘m)investigation 1n all

the fields of competency concerned.

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS

~ THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

2

11

INCREASE IN MARRIED OFFENDERS

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands).

INCREASE IN MARRIED OFFENDERS

by

Paripurnanand Varma,K President.
All India Crime Prevention
Society,Lucknow, India

Some time ago, the Social Defence Section of
the United Nations published interesting statistics
showing sexual delinquency in important countries
0f the world. According to those figures France had
largest number of sexual 1lapses. United States of
America second, United Kingdom third and Egypt had
lowest figures, per million population. No figures
were avallable for India. .
Among big nations, according to my estimation
of statistics, India has perhaps the lowest number
of sexual lapses but with rapid growth of modern
India and its industrialisation, such cases are mul-
tiplying and increasing with alarming rapidity. This
1s perhaps the reward of modernisation- because in
modern civilized state of affaires, compact family
life is the first casuality. Indian family life pos-
Sesses certain un-rivalled and peculiar compactness.
But now we have civil marriage Act, Divorce Act,
Immoral Traffic Acts ect., and who knows whether
these new measures are going to exert any healthy or
unheal thy influence on Society.

RESCUE WORK

In the biggest State under Indian Union, i.e.,
in the State of Uttar Pradesh, called U.P., we have
now 12 district Rescue Homes and Shel ter Homes and
After Care Services under the Social and Moral
Hygiene. From seven big districts in the year 198 the
number of rescued women was 319. The Stategof Bombay

-9 -

and Madras have perhaps the best service for the
treatment and cure of delinquent. particularly
sexually delinquent girls. In one Rescue Home 1n
Madras city, the number of married girls was 70 p.c.
and another striking fact was that 90 p.c. of the
inmates were from higher strata of 1i1fe, belonging
to higher castes.
This raises a very important 1issue. In the
Third International Congress on Criminology. held
in London 1in September., 1955, a very 1interesting
paper was produced on habitual offenders. On an
analysis of female habitual offenders in France, 1t
was shown that the number of widow habituals was
only 3, unmarried girls 73, married 129, divorced
or deserted 89. Children married women 129. 65 Habi-
tuals had more +than four children. In India, we
would have taken these figures with great condes-
cension, feeling quite secure about our own country,
But, things are changing fast here too.
Excluding the States of Orissa, Madhya Pradesh,
West Bengal and Assam, in the Indian Union, the to-
tal number of convicts lodged 1in prisons,at the
end of the year 1958 was 1,996,586 in the 2,996 prisons
of all classifications. The most alarming thing
about this huge prison population is that the ratio
of married prisoners to unmarried is rapidly increa-
sing., It may be due to economic factors, broken
homes, unhappy married 1ife, sexual lust or changing
of marriage responsibilities. Whatever it is, there
in no gainsaying the fact that it is a severe warning
to the States about the shape of things to come.
Extensive analysis of such a trend i1s needed.
Speaking about married or unmarried male and
female prisoners, it is surprising that big states
like Bombay, Madras and Rajasthan do not maintain
any statistics about married- unmarried prisoners.
Figures available are in themselves quite 1llustra-
tive, The old concept that a married 1ife gives
greater stability to human living appears to be er-

roneous in modern times.

MARRIED VERSUS UNMARRIED

Total convicts in Married convicts

State Prison Houses of both sexes
1. Uttar Pradesh 86 .453 46 .789
2. Madras The Ratiois 5,75
married to 1 un-
married female
only
3. Mysore 8707 5.565
(exchiding 13,318
unspecified)
4. Kerala 24,363 8,005

Figures for other States are not available. It
may be interesting to note the acceleration of the
decrease in the percentage of female convicts to
male convicts: -

1958
State Total Convicts Female Convicts
1. Bombay 13,578 nearly 3,000
2. Kerala 15,994 nearly 5,000
3. Punjab 14,546 97
4. Mysore 26,173 1,417
O. Madhya Pradesh 5,163 12
6. Delhi 6,072 107

- 4 -

MARITAL STATE

I have given above that many prisons do not
maintain figures regarding marital state of the
prisoners., But, the State of Uttar Pradesh has most
valuable 1nformation to give in this respect. In
1958, the position was, for convicts only:

Married 46, 189
Unmarried 18,146
Widows 173
Widowers 4,530
Prostitutes 4

Among the female convicts, the percentage of
married is alarmingly higher. Out of 97 female con-
victs 1n Punjab State, only five were unmarried.
The rest were married. In Delhi State prison, out
of 107 female <convicts in 1958 95 were married,
four unmarried and the rest were juvenlles.
In a recently released Report on the Administra-
tion of Police of Himachal Pradesh. a small State
in India. out of a total of 1893 cases registered by
the Police during 1959, there were 36 cases of
traffic in women, an 1increase of 12 over the year
1958. In all there were 61 such cases in the courts
1in the year 1959. out of which 20 were acquitted and
only four convicted.

ARE THEY HABITUAL

A pertinent question may be asked- why 1s there
an evident decrease 1in the percentage of female
prisoners in India. Criminologists in India are

- 5 -

trying to find out the causes for this decrease.
One obvious reason appears to be the improvement
in economic condition and greater facilities for
female education 1in Free India. But the ratio of
married to unmarried has certainly increased.
Kerala 1s one of the most advanced states in our
country from the point of 1literacy. Nearly 65 p.c.
of the population 1is literate there. In 1957 the
ratio of married to wunmarried prisoners there was
5301: 3420. In 1958 as we have given above. it
rose to be 8005 to 4992
Another question may be asked- 1s it not a
fact that the increase in the number of married
Prisoners may be due to the increase in the number
of habituals in prisons. This is also not a fact.
The +total number of convicts in all the prisons in
India in the year 1950 was 3,44.804. Out of these
the number of habituals who were in prisons due to
their 1nability to find sureties for good behaviour,
was 3 671 only. In 1953 the total number of convicts
in Indian prisons was 3.75.,607 out of which the
number of habituals who had failed to find sureties
for good behaviour and consequently lodged in prisons
rose to 6.592. But, things have changed since 1953.
In the State of West Bengal, which is one of the
most advanced states 1in our country. in 1952. total
habitual convicts numbered 8 053 +that 1is only
18.3 p.c.. In 1958. this figure came down to 2.848,
1.r., only 3.4 p.c. of the total prison population.
In the State of Uttar Pradesh. the following was
the position of the habituals -

Year Total Admission Habituals P.C.of Habituals

1956 56,661 2,622 5,07
1957 58,401 3.269 5.66
1958 69,002 2. 597 3 73

- 6 —

According to another statistical data, total
prison population in India 1in the year 1952 was
409,456 out of which the number of those who had
been to prison more than once was 11,468, more than
twice- 5169 and more three times- 7850, 1.e., total
27,481, which means 7.0 p.c. only of the total
prison population in India.

IS SEXUAL DELINQUENCY INCREASING

Having analysed the figures given above we are
faced with the poser-is sexual delinquency 1n-
creasing in our country? Is India also fast loosing
its grip on married life or married stability? It
will take some time when criminologists could answer
this question.

.7 .
RESUME

LA DELINQUANCE SEXUELLE AUGMENTE-T-ELLE *?

Apres avoir analysé les chiffres mentionnés ci-
dessus,nous devons répondre a une questioh embarras—
Sante: la délinquance sexuelle augmente-t-elle dans
notre pays? 1'Inde se libere-t-elle aussi rapidement
de 1'idée, du principe,d'une vie de mariage ou de la
stabilité dans lemariage? I1 faudra quelque temps aux

Criminologues pour trouver une réponse.

QUATRIEME CONGRES INTERNATIONAL DE
CRIMINOLOGIE

~ LA HAYE 1960 -

TRAVAUX PREPARATOIRES

I1

LES DELITS CONTRE LES MOEURS/DELITS
SEXUELS

Secrétariat du Congrés, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,

La Haye (Pays - Bas)

" LES DELITS CONTRE LES MOEURS DELITS SEXUELS
Un aperg¢u historique et de droit pénal comparé

Par Dr Janko Dj. Tahovic,
prof. de Droit Pénal a la Facul té
de Droit de Belgrade,Yougoslavie.

S'il estun groupe d'infractions dont 1'incrimi-
nation et larépression aient subi a travers les siecles
Plus d'influences de diverses conditions historiques
et socio-culturelles, c'est bien le groupe de délits
Sexuel s, c'est—-a-dire le groupe de délits d'attentats
aux moeurs 1).L'incrimination et la répression de ces
délits posaient toujours devant tous les législateurs,
aujourd'hui de meéme, bien de probleémes dont la
résolution dépend de beaucoup de facteurs, parmi
lesquels 1les conditions socio-culturelles sont sans
doute les plus importantes. La question se pose
en premier lieu de savoir ce qul est1'objet de protec-
tion pénale chez ces délits.Est ce la morale indivi-
duelle, qui doit déterminer les devoirs des hommes
énvers eux-meémes,ou bien la morale sociale, qui doit
déeterminer les devoirs des hommes envers les autres?
Par conséquent, quel est le but principal de 1'inter-
vention de 1la 1loi pénale dans cette matitre: de
moraliser 1'individu et dele contraindre hvivre d'une
maniere conforme “la dignité humaine en réprimant ses
Propres passions, ou bien de conserver la moralité
Publique comme base de toute société? Autrement dit,
veut-onpar cette incrimination et répression prévenir
les vices moraux comme tels,ou bien veut on prévenir
les maux sociaux qui peuvent provenir de ces Vvices
moraux, troublant et compromettant le bon ordre dans
la société comme dans la famille 2)?
C'est sous ces deux aspects et dans cette double
tendance que 1'évolution des délits d'attentats aux

moeurs s'est déroul é depuis les premitres lois pénales,

- 9 _

surtout depuis 1'avenement du christianisme, jusqu'a
nos jours c'est— a-dire jusqu'aux codes pénaux
contemporains.

] Chez 1les peuples anciens et dans 1les autres
législations jusqu' & la moitié du XVIII® siecle,
l'incrimination et la répression de ces délits avait
pour but en premier lieude réprimer les actes sexuels
qui constitualient des vices aux yeux delaloi morale,
on peut meme dire, des peéchés moraux. Ce que la loi
pénale voulait réprimer,c'étaitla luxure dans la vie
sexuelle comme telle,autrement dit toute conjonction
sexuelle, toute habitude charnelle illicite.Ces vices
moraux et ces pechés étaient réprimés et punis avec une
sévérité excessive.La loi pénale allait méme jusqu'a
punir le fait de 1'habitude charnelle illicite,de la
peine capitale, Un bien grand nombre de dispositions
de toute 10i pénale dans cette époque etaient consacrées
aux diverses formes de luxurie, parmi lesquelles on
peut citer, par exemple,les délits de fornication, de
concubinage,de stupre,de mariage clandestin,du rapt,.
du viol, de 1'adultere, de 1'inceste, de polygamie,
de crimes contre nature,etc.Presque tousles législa—
teurs dans cette époque étaient unanimes dans 1'appreé-
ciation de ces délits.On frappait presque uniformément
ces délits des peines les plus séveres. I1 suffit de
citer seul ement quelques exemples pour illustrer toute
la bizarrerie et la sévérité de ces 1égislations en
ce qui concerne la pénalité de ces délits,

1. La bigamie., Les Romains frapperent la bigamie
(binae nuptiae) d'abord d'infamie, mais Justinien a
exagéré la pénalité pour ce délit jusqu' a prononcer
la peine demort.La Caroline pronong¢ait aussi la peine
de mort contre les époux en bigamie. Le droit commun
all emand prescrivait pour la bigamiela peine du glaive,
Lalégislation etla jurisprudence de 1'ancienne France,
anal oguement du resteala législation et & la juris-
prudence des autres pays de ce temps, réprimait tres

-3 -

séverement la pluralité de mariages. On peut trouver
des arreéts qui ont porté pour ce délit la peine de
mort.La peine ordinaire pour ce crime était pour les
hommes 1a condamnation aux galeres,et pour les femmes
le bannissement 4 temps ou 4 perpétuité, Les personnes
coupables de ce crime étaient préalablement attachées
au carcan,les hommes avec deux quenouilles,les femmes
avec deux chapeaux 3).

2., L'adultere. L'incrimination de violation de la
foi conjugale était connue presque dans toutes les
législations. Mais dans les 1égislations anclennes,
% cause de l1'inégalité entre la femme et le mari,
1'adul tere ne pouvait @étre commis que par la femme.
A Rome au commencement, 1'adultere ressortait du
tribunal domestique etlemari était 1'unique arbitre
de sortde la femme coupable.D'ordinaire la peine pour
la femme coupable était le bannissement.La loi Julia
a déclaré 1'adultere pour un crime public avecla peine
de 1a relégation contre la femme et son complice.
Constantin remplagca la peine de la relégation par la
peine de mort. Justinien tout emn affirmant la peine
de mort contre le complice, prescrivit que la femme
coupable de 1'adultere devait @tre d'abord fustigée
et ensuite enfermée dans un monastere d'ou le mari
pouvait la retirer dans les deux années apres la dé-
tention; dans le cas ou le mari ne voulait pas la
retirer, elle devait prendre le voile. I1 faut noter
cependant que d'apres le droit canonique,le mari est
de méme coupable de 1'adultere "eadem a viro, quae
ab uxore debetur castitas;christianareligio adulterim
1n utroque sexu pari ratione condemnat". La Carolina
a acceptéle concept du droit canonique et punit aussi
1'infidélité du mari 4).

3. Les crimes contre nature. L'ancien droit se
caractérise surtout par une sévérité particuliere en
ce qul concerne la pénalité pourles actes d'inversions
oude perversions del'instinct sexuel Sodomia ratione

- 4 -

sexus et sodomia ratione generis, dans toutes les
formes, étaient frappées presque dans toutes les ancien-
nes législations de peine de mort. Il ne s'agissait
pas seulement, dans ces actes,d'aberrations pathologi-
ques ou de vices moraux,mais bien de crimes monstrueux .
En droit romain on peut citer +tout d'abord Lex
Scatinia sur la monstruosa venus,plus tard Lex Julia
de adulterium. Enfin, le droit impérial prévoyait la
peine de mort pour tous les actes:"ubi sexus perdidit
locum,ubi venus mutaturin al teriam formam". Carolina
pronongalit pour ces vices la peine du feu. Le droit
commun allemand appliquaitlapeine du feu & labestia-
lité;de méme il étend 1'incrimination sur toutes les
formes de la sodomia contra ordinem naturae, c'est -
a-dire a toutesrelations sexuelles contre nature entre
hommes et femmes,ensuite & 1'onanisme,d la souillure
des cadavres,etc. D'apres 1'ancien droit frangais,le
coupable de sodomie suivant 1'usage ordinaire était
chatré, Pour 1la premiere fois, le coupable devrait
perdre les testicules,pourla seconde fois,les parties
naturelles,et pour la troisieme fois, il était brul é
vif 5), Plus tard, les sodomistes étaient brulés en
place de greve, et comme on disait " & 1'exemple du
chatiment que la justice divine enavait tiré", Et il
y a peu de temps encore, on pendait les coupables de
ce crime en Angleterre et en Amérique. 6),

4, L'inceste, Enfin, il faut mentionner encore ce
crime qui était tres connudans1l'ancien droit et puni
ordinairement de peines assez séveres. Il est peu de
probléemes qui aient été davantage discutés que celui
de savoir si 1'inceste (c'est-a-dire les relations
sexuelles entre personnes qui ne peuvent se marier &
raison de leur parenté ou de leur alli1ance) devait
eétre puni et dans quelles limites. Le droit romain
faisait distinctiondel'incestus juris gentium, entre
ascendants et descendants, et 1'incestus juris civilis,
entre collatéraux et alliés. Le droit canonigque
distinguaitl'incestusjurisdivinietlfincestusjuris

-5

humani.L'ancien droit frang¢ais et les autres anciennes
legislations distinguaient de méme plusieurs formes
de ce delit. L'inceste en ligne directe etait puni
d*ordinaire de la peine du feu. L'inceste en ligne
collaterale etait puni aussi de mort. A 1l'egard
des incestes entre des parents autres que des freres
et soeurs, la peine variait suivant la proximite des
degres. 7).

II. Les legislations modernes prevoient et punissent
de méme les diverses infractions contre les moeurs,
c'est-a-direles delits sexuels.Mais les codes modernes
s'inspirent des idees tout a fait differentes dans
l'incrimination et dans la reéepression de ces délits,
Une reaction contre l'intrusion exageree de la 1loi
pPénale dans le domaine de la morale individuelle peut
€tre deja notée dans 1 a secondemoitie du XVIIIe siecle.
Cependant. ce n'est qu'au XIXe siecle qu'on trouve
dans les codes pénaux des tendances et des conceptions
nouvelles en ce qui concerne 1'incrimination et 1la
repression des delits sexuels., Sous 1'influence des
nouvelles conditions historiques et socio-cul turelles,
une evolution evidente s'est produite al'egard de la
comprehension et de 1'appréciation de ces délits.,
L'idee fondamentale de cette évolution se trouve tout
d*abord dans la conception moderne que la repression
des vices moraux n'appartient pas seulement a la loi
Penal e mais aussi aux autres facteurs sociaux, parmi
lesquels on souligne de plus en plus le rdle d'opi-
nion publique et de reprimande publique dans la pré-
vention et dans la repression des vices moraux.
D'autre part, dans les sociétés modernes 1'idée a
Prevalu que la loi penale ne doit pas punir tous les
actes qui constituent des vices dans le domaine de la
vie sexuelle. Seules. les actes qui representent des
atteintes alaliberte sexuelleou a la pudeur publique
peuvent donner lieu &4 1'intervention de laloi pénale.
Les codes penaux modernes n'interviennent pas contre
les vices moraux qui restent en principe dans 1le

- 6 —

domaine de 1a conscience et de ladignité individuelles;
ces vices peuvent constituer des crimes ou délits
seulement dans les cas ouils sont accompagnés de cer-
taines autres circonstances importantes du point de
vue de 1aloi pénale.Les codes sont a4 peu pres d'accord
que les actes—attentats auxmoeurs peuvent &¢tre frappes
de peine seulement s'ils sont accompagnés de circon-
stances suivantes: s'ils sont commis a 1'aide de
violence; s'ils sont commis a 1'égard des personnes
qui ne sont pas capables a émettre un consentement
valable:s'ils sont commis publiquement et constituent
de cette fagon des outrages & la pudeur publique; et
enfin, si ces actes représentent une excitation a la
débauche ou donnent des facilités a la prostitution,
D'apres quelques lois on punit de méme les actes qui
constituent une violation de la foi conjugale. 8)
Néanmoins, si nous examinons les 1législations
contemporalnes, nous pouvons remarquer quel ques
différences évidentes, meme quelques particulaprités
interessantes en ce qui concerne l1'incrimination des
actes contre les moeurs, surtout en ce qui concerne
la penalite des auteurs de ces delits. Les codes
pénaux européens seront 1'objet de cet examen,surtout
ceux qui sont traduits et publies par le Centre Fran-
¢ais de droit comparé. 9).Nous allons exposer ci-apres
seul ement quel ques délits,notamment ceux qui sont les
plus interessants a ce point de vue.

1. La bigamie, Leslégislations modernes montrent me
double évolution en ce qui concerne ce delit, d'une
part au point de vue du concept, d'autre part au point
de vue de 1a peine prévue pour ce déelit. L'ancien droit
considérait d'ordinairelabigamie comme une forme de
1'adultere,en exigeant pourla constitution du delit.
la consommation des rapports sexuels.Les codes modernes
ne considerentla bigamie que comme abus de la forma-
1ité,du ritus nuptialis. D'autre part, les legisla-
tions modernes semontrent beaucoup moins rigoureuses
a 1'égard delapénalité de ce délit, La peine prévue

T -

contre ce delit est d'ordinaire la privation de
liberté. Presque tous les codes punissent la bigamie
seulement s1 elle est commise 1intentionnellement,
tandis que l1e Code pénal danois punit aussi sile delit
est commis par une grave neégligence (1'art.208 al. 2).
On trouve dans le Code penal finlandais une autre
particuliarite,quli punitnon seulement la bigamie mais
aussi le fait de la promesse, des fiancailles, et,
meme les rapports sexuels entre personnes fiancées avant
le mariage bigamique/Chapitre XIX, 1'art. 6/.

2, L'adul tere. L'évolution actuelle dudroit positif
a 1'egard de ce delit, peut etre caractérisee par des
considérations suivantes, En premier lieu on voit une
tendence a faire disparaitre oua attenuer la difference
autrefois faite entre 1 'adultere dela femme et celul
du mari,soit a 1'égardde 1'incrimination de ce fait,
soital'egardde la pénalite dudelit, En second lieu,
les peines pour ce délit, autrefois tres séveres,
aujourd'hui tendent & s'abaisser ou a semodifier.Enfin,
la tendancela plus moderne va & supprimer la sanction
pénalede 1 'adultere,se contentant de 1a seule sanction
civile pour 1'adultere, c'est-a-dire, de celle du
divorce aux torts et griefs de 1'époux qui a commis
1'adul tere. D'apres cette opinion, toutes les peines
prononcées contrel 'adul tere sont inutiles et insuffi-
santes.Les dangers du scandale et 1es inconvénients de
la poursuite,dépassent les préjudices du delit., Meéme
la peine contre 1'adultere n'a aucun effet préventif;
elle ne suffit pas a emptcher la commission de 1'adul-
tere chez ceux que n'arreétent pas des considérations
plus élevées. 10).I1 faut mentionner que FERRI aussi,
parmi l esmoyens préventifs qu'il appelait substituts
de la peine, a préconisé le divorce contre 1'adultere.
11).D'ailleurs,meéme dans les 1égislations qui aujourd'
hui répriment pénalement 1'adul tere, ce délit est de
caractere demi-privé,parceque,le pouvoir de la partie
lésée,en matiere d'adultere,s'étend d'ordinaire jusqu'
a empecher la poursuite. Les Codes pénaux, comme par

- 8 -

exemple: danois, groenlandais, espagnol, yougoslave,
bulgare, ne connaissent pas le délit de 1'adultere,
En Angleterre de méme 1'adultere est du ressort de la
justice civile, il ne constitue pas un délit pénal,
mais un délit civil. Les Codespénaux, comme par exem-—
ple:allemand, suisse, grec, considerent comme délits,
1'adul tere de la femme et celui du mari.Quel ques codes,
par exemple allemand et suisse, punissent 1'adultere
seul ement 4 condition que le divorce ou la séparation
de corps ait été prononcé a raison d'adultere de la
part d'un époux.
Quel ques autres codes, cependant, punissent encore
seulement 1'adultere de la femme, tandis que 1la
violation de la foi conjugale de la part du mari est
punie comme délit de concubinage, mais seulement &
certaines conditions. Telle est la situation, par
exemple, dans 1les Codes pénaux: francais, belge et
italien.D'apres le Code pénal frangais ?1'art. 336 &
339) et le Code pénal belge (1'art. 387 % 389), 1la
femme adul tere et son complic¢e sont punis d'emprisonne—
ment & deux ans, tandis que le mari n'est coupable
pour concubinage que pour le fait d'avoir entretenu
une concubine dans la maison conjugale, et 1la peine
est dans ce cas pour le mari d'apres la loi belge un
emprisonnement & un an, et d'aprés la loi frangaise,
une amende.D'apres le Code pénal italien (1'art., 559
et 560), 1a femme adultere et son complice sont con-
damnés & réclusion jusqu'a deux ans, tandis que le
mari peut @tre condamné seulement s'il entretient une
concubine dans la maison conjugale ou ailleurs d'une
maniere notoire.

3. L'inceste. On peut remarquer deux tendances dans
les 1égislations contemporaines en ce qui concerne le
commerce 1llicite entre les personnes liées par des
rapports de parenté ou d'alliance.Un groupe de 1égisla-
tions incriminent 1'inceste, mais elles different a
1'égard des degrés de parenté entre lesquels les re-
lations sexuelles sont punies, de méme & 1'égard des

-9 -

peines qui sont prévues pour ce délit. Les autres
législations, cependant, considérent que ni le mariage
incestueux, ni les rapports incestueux en dehors du
mariage ne doivent @tre spécialement incriminés. Ces
actes,dit-on,par eux-mémes n'offensent aucun droit
particulier ou général. En les incriminant,et en les
punissant, on met en lumieére, par des recherches in-
discretes,des turpitudes et des hontes dont la révé-
lation méme est une cause de scandale,
On peut noterles Codes p&naux frangais et belge
corme exemples de législations qui n'incriminent pas
les actes de 1'inceste. Le Code pénal frangais, dans
l1'art., 331 al. 2,punit seulement 1'attentat a la pu-
deur commis par wun ascendant sur la personne d'un
mineur et non émancipé par le mariage. De meme, 1le
Code pénal belge, dans 1'art. 372 al. 2, prévoit et
punit 1'attentat a l1a pudeur commis par tout ascendant
sur la personne ou & 1'aide de personne d'un mineur et
non émancipé par le mariage. Mais ce qu'on punit par
ces dispositions,ce n'est pas autantle fait de 1'in-
ceste, mais plutdt 1'abus d'autorité, employé par un
ascendant envers son descendant dans le but de satis-
faire ses passions sexuelles. D'autre part, 1'objet
d'incrimination n'est pas ici seulement 1'inceste-
c'est-a-dire 1'acte sexuel - mais tout attentat a la
pudeur, c'est-a—dire tout acte libidineux d'un ascen-
dant avec son descendant. 12).
Les autres codes pénaux,comme nous 1'avons noté
ci-dessus, répriment pénalement 1'irceste,mais ils
different en ce qui concerne les degrés de parenté
entre lesquels le commerce charnel est puni, de méme
en ce qui concerne les peines prévues pour ces rela-
tions illicites. Quelques codes punissent les actes
sexuels seulement entre les parents en ligne directe
ou avec freres ou soeurs (par exemple,les Code pénaux:
yougoslave, suisse). Le Code pénal espagnol, dans
l'art, 435,punitle délit de stupre seulement avec sa
soeur ou sa descendante, méme majeure de vingt-trois
ans.En Angleterre,the punishment of Incest Act, punit

- 10 -

d'un emprisonnement jusqu'a sept ans. 1le commerce
charnel (carnal knowledge) entre grand-pere et petite-
fille, entre pere et fille, entre mere et fils, et
entre frere et soeur. La loi criminelle de Groen-
land (Chapitre XV, 1'art. 49) prévoit et punit comme
inceste non seulement le commerce charnel et autres
rapports sexuels, malis aussi un contrat de mariage
avec un parent en ligne ascendante ou descendante
ou aves frere ou soeur.Le Code peénal grec,dans 1'art.
345, prévoit et punit 1'inceste (1'acte sexuel) entre
les parents en ligne ascendante et descendante et
entre freres et soeurs, tandis que 1'art. 346 prevoit
et punit tout autre acte 1mpudique commis entre les
mémes personnes. Le Code penal italien (1'art. 564 )
incrimine de méme 1'inceste avec un descendant ou un
ascendant ou bien avec sa soeur ou son frere, mais
seulement lorsque 1'inceste est commis de telle maniere
a provoquer un scandale publiec.
Enfin, il faut noter qu'il y a encore des codes
peénaux qui connaissent plusieurs formes du delit de
l'inceste, entre autres. 1les anciennes formes de
l'incestus juris gentium et l'incestus juris civilis,
c'est—a-dire 1'inceste entre les parents et l'inceste
entreles alliés.Le Code penal allemand., par exemple.
prévoit et punit de différentes peines, le commerce
charnel entre ascendants et descendants,entre freres
et soeurs, ensuite entre allies en ligne ascendante
et descendante, lorsque les liens matrimoniaux qui
ont créé 1'alliance subsistant au moment del'infrac-
tion (1'art, 173). Le Code pénal autrichien, prévoit
dans 1'art. 131, le crime de 1'inceste, commis entre
parents de ligne ascendante et descendante, tandis
que 1'article 501 prévoit et punit comme contravention
les relations sexuelles entre freres et soeurs, ensui te
avec les conjoints des peres et meres, des enfants ou
des freres et soeurs. Le Code pénal bulgare incrimine
les relations sexuelles entre ascendants et descendants,
entre parents dememe lignée jusqu'au troisieme degré,
ou entre parents par alliance jusqu'au deuxieme degre

- 11 -

inclus (1'art, 174). Notons,enfin, le Code pénal fin
landais qui connait de méme plusieurs formes de
1'inceste,prévues dans le Chapitre XX, 1'art. 1 & 5,
Entre autre,ce Code punit aussi les relations sexuelles
avec la femme, le mari, la veuve ou le veulf de son
enfant ou d'un autre de ses descendants, avec 1'enfant
ou le descendant de son conjoint, ensulte méme les
relations sexuelles entre deux personnes alors que
1'une est 1'ex-épouse ou 1'ex—-époux d'un frere ou
d'une soeur de 1'autre oude 1'unde leurs descendants,

4, Inversions et perversions sexuelles.On a beaucoup
discuté dans tous les paysla question de savoir s'il
faut prévoir et réprimer par la loi pénale les atten-
tats & la pudeur qui semanifestent par des actes se-
xuels antiphysiologiques.La question est délicate et
on peut dire qu'elle est encore en discussion. 13).
Les legislations contemporaines de méme ne sont pas
unanimes 4 1'egard de l'incrimination et de la pénalité
de ces actes.On peut y apercevoir des tendances dif-
ferentes.Un groupe de codes pénaux punissent ceux qui
se rendent coupables de sodomie et de bestialité, en
prévoyant de diverses formes de ces délits. Mais il y
a de méme des codes qui s'inspirent d'une idée tout
a fait contraire,dont le motif fondamental se trouve
dans la conception moderne que la répression des vices
sexuelles appartient a la loi morale et & 1'opinion
publique et non a la loi pénale. Quelques écrivains
soulignent de plus que cette cenception est due
aujourd'hui peut-etre 4 une appréciationplus clémente
du probléemedes dépravations sexuelles en général dans
les sociétés modernes. D'apres ces législations, les
diverse "péchés contre nature" ne deviennent crimes
ou delit que lorsqu'ils constituent en méme temps
soit un outrage public & la pudeur, soit un attentat
aux moeurs commis avec violance ou sous d'autres cir-
constances qui caractérisent les autres infractions
contre les moeurs,
Les actes de sodomie et de bestialité ne sont

- 19 -

pas incrimines comme infractions particulieres, par
exemple dans les Codes penaux: francails, bel ge,
espagnol . italien de méme ni dans la loi criminelle
pour Le Groenl and,Quel ques codes incriminent seulement
la debauche entreles personnes du sexe masculin, par
exemplele Code penal yougoslave et allemand. Le droit
anglais punit aussi les actes contre nature (unnatural
offences) commis seulement entre 1les hommes. Les
autres codes punissent les actes de debauche entre
toutes les personnes de meme sexe. Le Code penal bul -
gare par exemple dans l'art. 176, incrimine les rap-
ports sexuels oulasatisfactiondelapassion sexuelle
d'unemaniere oud'une autre entre personnes du meme sexe,
punit comme crime les attentats aux moeurs avec des
personnes dumeme sexe (1'art. 129 b).La situation est
la meme dans le Code penal finlandais, qui dans le
Chapitre XX. 1'art. 12, prevoit comme delit, le fait
des personnes de méme sexe qui se livrent ensemble a
des actes impudiques. Enfin. 11 y a des codes qui ne
punissent les actes sexuels contre nature que s'1ls
sont commis dans certaines conditions. Le Code pénal
suisse par exemple punit dans 1'art, 194 al. 3, celul
qui fait métier de commettre des actes contraires a la
pudeur avec des personnes duméme sexe., Le Code pénal
islandais,dans l'art. 207,punit celul qul reg¢oit une
retribution pour commettre des actes contraires aux
moeurs avec une personne duméme sexe. De meéme le Code
penal grec, dans l'art. 374, incrimine les actes im-
pudiques contre nature commis dans un but de lucre ou
par profession.
La bestialite n'est punie que d'apres quelques
codes penaux contemporains.Cette perversion est punie
par exemple.parle droit anglais,et les Codes penaux:
allemand. autrichien, finlandais,

5, L'excitation a la débauche, proxénetisme et 1la
prostitution.La répression des actes de ceux qui fa-
vorisent la débauche était aussi mobile et variable
a travers des siécles suivant les diverses conditions

- 13 -

historiques et socio-culturelles.L'excitation d'autrui
soit & la corruption soit a la prostitution était
considerée dans les législations anciennes comme acte
de complicité et d'ordinaire punie d'une peine plus
grave que le délit principal. Les législations con-
temporaines regardent les actes d'excitation a la
débauche comme des délits"sul generis"qui peuvent
¢tre poursuivis et punis indépendamment des mémes actes
de débauche., Mais les législations particulieres dif-
ferent en ce qui concerne 1l'incrimination et la péna-
1ité de ces actes. On peut apercevoir deux tendances
et deux systémes. Dans certains pays, 1'excitation a
la débauche et le proxénétisme sont considerés comme
délits seulement lorsqu'ils concernentles mineurs et
les personnes plus oumoins incapables de se défendre
contre les actes d'excitation a la débauche. Le but
principal de la répression d'apres ce systeme n'est
pas autant de punir 1'immoralité de ces actes mais
plutdt de protéger la jeunesse et les autres personnes
inexpérimentées contre les excitation al'immoralité.
D'aprés le deuxieme systeme, cependant, 1'excitation
a la débauche et le proxénétisme constituent un délit
particulier contrelamoralité publique et les moeurs,
Le seul faitd' avoir favoriser 1la débauche et la
prostitution sans épard a 1'age, 1'expérience ou
la moralité antérieure des personnes dont la débauche
a été facilitée,tombe sousle coup de la loi penale.
Cette derniere tendance a prévalu surtout apresla der
niere guerre mondiale.Les conséquances de la guerre,
spécialement 1es bouleversements éoonomiques et sociaux,
débilitent toujours la moralité publique en général,
et surtout la moralité dans 1le domaine de la vie
sexuelle. L'expérience démontre partout que ce sont
les conditions qui favorisent et facilitentle plus les
diverses formes de la débauche, du honteux commerce
et de la prostitution. C'est pour cela que la répres-
sion de ces actes contre les moeurs est devenue apres
la guerre presque dans tous les pays plus extensive et
plus rigoureuse.

- 14 -

En ce qui concerne les incriminations particulibdres

des actes del'excitation 41a débauche,nous n'expose-
rons ci-apres que quelques exemples qui sont les plus
intéressants & cet égard.

10

20

30

La prostitution est prévue comme délit, par exemple.
dans le Code pénal finland s dont 1'art, 10 du
Chapitre XX,punit toute femme qui aura été trouvée
dans une maisonde débauche ou qui se livre publi-
quement de toute autre maniere & la prostitution.
Aujourd'hui cette disposition est remplacée par la
loi sur le vagabondage de 1936.
La tenue d'une maison de tolérance ou d'une
établissement similaire est considérée comme délit
d'apres plusieurs codes pénaux, par exempl e d'apres
les Codes pénaux: allemand,belge,bulgare, finlan-
dais, frangais, suisse, de meéme dans le droit
anglais (keeping a disorderly house).
I1 faut noter encore que dans quel ques codes on punit
de meme comme délit particulier 1'exploitation de
gain déshonneéte d'une femme adonnée & laprostitution
c'est-a~-direle délit des souteneurs. Les disposi-
tions surce délit se trouvent par exemple dans les
Codes pénaux allemand, belge, danois, francais,
grec, 1talien, suisse, etc,

NOTES:

1)

Sur 1'évolution d'infractions contre les moeurs,
voir surtout: A. Chauveau- Faustin Hélie. Théorie
du Code Pénal, 6€ éd. Paris, 1887-1908, T.IV. pp.
221-244; R. Garraud, Traité Théorique et Pratique
du Droit Pénal Francais, 3¢ éd. Paris, 1924, T.V,
pp. 430 - 452; Mittermaier, Vergleichende Darstel -
lung des Deutschen und Ausléndischen Strafrechts,
Berlin 1908, Bes. T.IV, 1; Fr. v. Liszt-Eberhard
Schmidt, Lehrbuch des Deutschen Strafrechts, 23€
éd.,Berlin 1921,8.103; Vincenzo Manzini, Trattato
di Diritto penale Italiano, Torino, 1936, Vol.
VII. pp. 242-490; Giuseppe Maggiore, Principi
di Diritto penale, 2 éd. Bologna 1938, Vol. II:

- 15 -

Parte speciale, pp. 461-466; Max Rottenberg, Der
Sittlichkeitsverbrecher und seine Strafrechtliche
Behandlung, Winterhur, Verlag P.G. Keller, 1957;
Radzinowicz, L.,/Ed./ 1957. "Sexual Offences": A
Report of the Cambridge Department of Criminal
Science, London: Macmillan,
2) Garraud, op.cit. pp. 431-432.
3) Chauveau-Hélie, op. cit. pp.407-425; Garraud, op.
cit. pp. 605-625; Liszt-Schmidt, op. cit. 8. 115;
Manzini, op. cit. pp. 587-610.
4) Garraud, op. cit. pp.565-604; Chauveau-Hélie, op.
cit. pp. 341-406; Liszt-Schmidt, op. cit, 8, 116;
Manzini, op. cit. 620-678.
5) Les autres anciens peuples connaissaient aussi la
peine de castration pour les auteurs des délits
sexuels, par exemple, 1'ancien droit d'Inde, d'As-
syrie,d'Egypte, etc. Voir; Ernst Seelig, Lehrbuch
der Kriminologie, 28 éd.Graz,1951,p.316, note 330.
6) Garraud, op. cit. pp. 439-446; Chauveau-Faustin
Hélie, op. cit. p. 224; Liszt-Schmidt, op. cit.S.
110; Manzini, op. cit. pp. 250-256.
7) Garraud, op. cit.490-492; Chauveau-Hélie, op.cit,
pP-224; Liszt-Schmidt. op.cit, 8 111; Manzini, op.
cit. pp. 680-698.
8) Garraud. op cit pp. 433-434.
9) Les Codes Pédaux Européens. publiés par le Centre
FFrancais de droit comparé, Paris T.L.-II1.
10) Garraud, op. cit. p. 570-573.
11) E. IF'erri. Sociologia criminale, Quinta edizione,
Torino, 1929, Vol. Primo; pp. 520-524.
12) Garraud, op. cit. p. 489.
13) Pour une discussion récente surle probleme de dé-
lits contre 1la nature. voir les articles publiés
dans 1a Revue; The British Journal of Delinquency,
Vol .1X, No. 1: 1. Wolfenden Committée's Recommen-
dations with regard to Homosexual Offences, et 2°
Francois Lafitte, Homosexuality and the Law, the
Wol fenden Report in Historical Perspective,

- 16 -
SUMMARY

There 1s a small number of criminal offences
whose evolution was, and still 1is to-day. as much
influenced by different historical and social-cul tural
conditions as 1s the evolution and actual repression
of sexual offences.,
The principal problem in the study of these
of fences and in their repression is to determine what
is themain purpose of their repression and punishment,
and also what is their object of protection.Are they
the individual morals or the social ones? Consequently,
the punishment of these offences ought tomoralize the
men and to force them to restrain their own passions,
or to protect the public morality as the base of every
society? In other words, the repression of these of-
fences ought either to prevent the moral vices as such,
or to prevent the social evils and troubles which may
be caused by these moral vices,
The whole evolution of these crimes and their
repression 1n all the comtemporary penal codes are
marked by these two tendencies and viewpoints,
In the early period of human evolution and in the
ancient legislations the idea prevailed that all acts
of sexual lewdness and also all similar moral vices
and sins must be regarded as crimes and punished very
severely. Almost for all sexual offences capital
punishment was applied and this punishment, for every
sexual crime, was executed in different ways, for
instance: by swords,by hanging,by burning, etc. This
can be seen best by studying especially the evolution
of following crimes,for instance: of bigamy, adul tery,
1ncest and unnatural crimes.The subject of study here
are particularly the Roman law and the old German and
French 1aw.
The modern legislations punish also a number of
sexual offences. But, the fundamental idea of the
contemporary codes is that the repression of = sexual
vices belongs not only to the criminal 1aw but also to

- 17 -

the other social forces, for instance, also to the
public opinion and public reprimand. Furthermore, the
sexual vices to-day, are punished not because of
themselves, but especially if they constitute the
assault against individual sexual freedom or against
public morals. And finally, in all modern laws the
punishment for sexual offences is much reduced in
comparision to that in the ancient legislations.
Nevertheless;1n spite of these similar and common
viewpolints, there are many differences in contemporary
legislations both in the 1incrimination and in the
penalty of sexual offences. The aim of this short
comparative examination is to 1indicate both these
similarities and differences in the modern criminal
laws concerning sexual offences,especially with regard
to some more interesting sexual crimes,for instance:
bigamy, adultery. incest. unnatural sexual acts and
encouragement of prostitution. The subject of this
examination are the European penal codes, especially
those which are published by the French Center for
Comparative Law in Paris,including also the criminal
law of England.

QUATRIEME CONGRES INTERNATIONAI DE
CRIMINOILOGIE

- LA HAYE 1960 -

TRAVAUX PREPARATOIRES

2

I1

LES DELITS SEXUELS

Sccrétariat du Congres, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,

I.a Hayc (Pays - Bas)

LES DELITS SEXUELS

par

Dr. Giselle Galy, Psychiatre
16 rue Spontini,
Paris XVI

Depuis 1956 nous poursuivons une enquete medico-
pPsychologique et sociale sur des délinquants sexuels
ayant passé par le Centre National de Fresnes. Le
matériel recueilli représente 350 observations indivi-
duelles et concerne les délits suivants.
Outrages publics ala pudeur,Vagabondage spécial,
Excitation de mineurs 3 la débauche, Exhibitionnisme,
Viols avec ou sans violence.Attentats aux moeurs sur
filles et garg¢ons mineurs.
Disons toutde suite quele plus grand nombre des
délits concerne 1'attentat aux moeurs et représente
environ 82% des cas.
A tres peu d'exceptions pres,ils surviennent en
milieu rural.Lemilieu social des délinquants comprend
avant tout des fermiers, des ouvriers agricoles, des
Cul tivateurs, cantonniers, garde-barrieres. Toujours
€N milieu rural: un médecin, 2 instituteurs, 3 curés
de campagne et 2 petits employés.
D'unemaniere générale,les délits sexuels semblent
Plus difficiles b déceler que d'autres, sauf les cas
d? Viol et de violence.Il apparait,en effet, que les
Mineurs victimes d'attentats s'en plaignent tres rare-
ment. Les dénonciations proviennent de tiers.
. A cause du secret qui entoure ces agissements,
11 est permis de penser que 1eur nombre est peu en
rapport avec les délits poursuivis. D'autre part,les
dénonciateurs n'ont rienvuou presque,mais procedent
Par interprétationde certains faits et les choses vont
d'autant plus vite que la mésentente regne entre les
deux parties.On est souvent étonné par laminceur des

i‘?il’ments figurant au dossier ainsi que par leur fragi-
1le.

- 9 _

Les causes auxquelles ces délits semblent im-
putables par moitié a des états pathologiques, en
accordant a ce terme sa valeur ethymologique et non
sa conception courante de maladie mentale du criterium
asilaire, — L'autre moitié des cas ressortie des
anomalies inhérentes aumode de vie dans les campagnes
frangcaises. L'intrication des deux sortes de causes
se trouve d'ailleurs souvent réaliseée.

Quel ques caractéristiques des facteurs
sociaux & la campagne

1. La dispersionet]'isolement des habitations: on
nous a signalé des distances de 6 a 10 km & pied
avant d'atteindre le moindre moyen de communication.
A cela s'ajoutent les intempéries par pluies ou en-
neigement rendant les chemins inpratiquables pendant
plusieurs mois de 1'année.

2. I1 ressort de notre enquete qu'il existe une
grande opposition entre les facteurs sociaux
perturbant la vie de famille urbaine et celle des
campagnes., En effet,le mal dont souffre les citadins
serait d&t & la dispersion des familles, cela de par
leur li1eu de travail,leurs centres d'intéret,la sol-
licitation de nombreuses distractions,etc. Le résul-
tat en est quela famille se retrouve a 1'occasion de
certains repas et se sépare en hate sitdot apres,d'ou
moindre cohésion sinon détachement total.
Le milieurural semble souffrir d'unmal inverse:
la viede famille y est trop restreinte.Elle se réduit
le plus souvent au pere, h la mere et aux enfants.
Les besoins du travail, les occasions d'installation
éloignees du lieu d'origine font que le mari et 1la
femme perdent souvent contact avec les leurs, puisque
1'art épistolaire ne se cultive pas dans nos campagnes,
les liens petit a petit disparaissent.Ainsi réduite,
la famille se replie de ©plus en plus sur elle-méme.

- 3 -

Il en résulte une sorte de blocage, rendant pres-
que 1mpossible les rapports avec les tiers et excluant
les amitiés.Méme lorsque la famille habite un village,
elle n'a pas tendance a frayer avec les voisins,
Voici quelques propos recueillis a ce sujet "On reste
chez soi,on finit par vivre comme les b@tes."..."cela

ne se fait pas d'aller les uns chez les autres'"; "on
a bien assez a faire chez soi" ou "le soir on est
fatigué,on fait la vaisselle et on se couche"; "moi,

Je suis pret & rendre service a tout 1le monde, mais
Je n'aime pas que l'on vienne chez moi; &, ¢a, non".
Et "est ce qu'ils ont besoinde savoir ce qui se passe
chez moi?"
Le champ visuel se retrécit de plus en plus pour
Ne plus comprendre que 1'intimité familiale. A tres
breve échéance on s'adressedes reproches, des scenes
éclatent, des bagarres, & propos de motifs de plus
en plus sérieux. L'isolement crée 1'ennui qui, a son
tour. devient angoisse. Tous signalent des épisodes
de "cafard". C'est alors que 1'on a de plus en plus
recours a 1'alcool,

3, Le probléme du logement a la campagne: d'apres
notre enquéte, il ressort que ce probleme se
Présente sous un aspect particulidrement navrant,
Hormis ]les régions qui furent détruites lors des bom-
bardements de la dernitre guerre, 1'habitat rural en
est reste a la formule du moyen-age., Ces familles,
grace a 1'alcool,sont tres prolifiques; le nombre de
Pieces pour 8 a 10 personnes et plus se compose d'une
Ou deux piéces et cuisine. Souvent on apprend que la
maison était tellement vieille,qu'elle s'est effondrée
un beau jour.Alors lamunicipalité les aurait relogés
S01t dans une ancienne carriere,soit dans une grotte.
Sur dix enfants,il a en a deux ou trois qui survivent,
Les lits de ces familles sont utilisés par4 a 5 per-—
sonnes a la fois. Si un des enfants est malade, les
pParents le prennent dans leur lit, cela quelque fut
son age.Le médecinn'est pas appel é "sauf ala derniere

- 4 -

extreme", comme nous le déclara 1'un des détenus.
Lorque la femme se trouve a 1'hdopital pour un de ses
nombreux accouchements ou pour maladie grave,le pere
partage le 11t uniquement avec ses enfants.A la faveur
du clair - obscure qui regne dans le demi sommeil de
1'ébrieux,biende situations trouvent leur explication.
Parfois la mere décede et c'est la fille ainée
qul tient lieu de mere...et d'épouse. "Je ne voulais
pas d'une étrangere dans la maison",

4, Le rdledes croyances dans lamentalité paysanne:
Si 1'on hésite 1longtemps pour avoir recours au
medecin, par contre on s'adresse souvent au "sorcier".
C'est un personnage fort redouté, car si, mieux que
le médecinil s'entend & vous guérir de vos maladies,
11 peut quand il le veut vous en octroyer et des plus
singulieres. Tous les malheurs qui peuvent s'abattre
sur une famille viennent du pouvoir du sorcier.
L'ambivalence de ce personnage fait que "1'on ne peut
Jjamais vivre tranquille",
Un détenu nous décrivit des douleurs graves dont
11 aurait souffert, probablement une sciatique, dont
le sorcier réussitale soulager.Mais par la suite il
devint hostile et lui dit un jour: "tu es fier de ta
famille,eh bien,tu ne le seras pas longtemps". C'est
a cette sorte de "sort" qu'il lui jeta que serait df
l'activité incestueuse dont il se rendit coupable.
Le cadre 1imité qui fut fixé & ce rapport ne
permét pas un expo$e détaillé de notre enquete, qui
fera 1'objet d'un travail wultérieur. Mais d'ores et
déja il semble que la sanction, méme séwere, ne peut
résoudre a elle seule le probleme de la délinquance
sexuelle.
Tout un programme d'hygiéne et de prophylaxie
reste amettre en place pour sortir de 1'impasse actu—
elle une population qui, apres tout est égale, sinon
supérieure,a la population totale des grands centres.
La récidive de ces délits prouve amplement qu'une
campagne sérieuse doit 2tre entreprise pour apporter

un changement.
Le retour du détenu sexuel dans son foyer et dans
son village semble poser moins de problémes que pour
le: meurtrier ou méme pour le voleur. Tout dépend si,
en dehors de son délit, il est réputé comme un etre
paisible ou comme tyran familial,brutal et impulsif.
En prison, c'est cette catégorie de détenus qui regoivent
le plus de courrier de leur famille.Méme dénoncés par
leur femmes, celles—ci sont prttes b reprendre la vie
en commun.Certaines s'accusent d'etre cause, par leur
mal adie ou par leur attidude,des déreglements sexuels
du mari .
En prison ils forment une sorte "d'élite", sont
bien vus et ont des postes de confiance.

- 6 -

S UMMARY

Our medico-psychological and social enquiry 1into
sexual offencesis based on 350 detailed observations
relating to prisoners detained in the National Observa-
tion Centre of Fresnes, the population of which in-
stitution consists exclusively of males.Some of these
offences, such as special cases of vagrancy, proselyti-
zing and incitement of young persons to debauchery.
seem to be peculiar to urban centres.But the majority
of the offences encountered are rape and especially
outrages against the sense of decency of young persons.
girls and boys, which category accounts for some 82%
of the total number.
Indecent assaults seem to be a specifically rural
offence. We have here drawn attention to a certain
number of social factors entailed by rural life which
are conducive to the mass occurrence of this form of
delinquency in country places. Owing to the 1limited
scope of this report it has not been possible to deal
with individual factors, but a complete enquiry will
be published in due course.
The real remedy for sexual delinquency in rural
districts i1s of the prophylactic order,
It furthermore follows from our enquiry that a

sexual offender meets with a better reception by his

a2

family on his discharge from prison than any other
category of offender, provided he is not reputed to

be quick-tempered or violent,

FOURTH INTERNATIONAI. CRIMINOLOGICAIL. CONGRESS

~ THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

2

I1

SOCIO-CULTURAL CONTEMPORARY
DISTORTIONS RESPONSIBLE FOR
ERRATIC SEXUAL BEHAVIOR

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands).

SOCIO-CULTURAL CONTEMPORARY DISTORTIONS RESPONSIBLE
FOR ERRATI C SEXUAL BEHAVIOR

by

Dr, Hector J. Ritey
Medical Director
New York Mental Health Clinic
New York, U.S A.

The so-called liberalizationof sex 1s recurrent
1n history.After a long period of formal puritanism,
the past hal f-century has provided it with a veneer of
social and psychological explanation which gives 1t
the appearance of a step forward. But in fact there
1s a change of label rather than a change of content.
Al though the sexual taboos of the nineteenth
century are - or should be - buried in history, many
Contemporaries are still fighting them as if nothing
had changed since. It is an objective fact that pre-
marital sexual experience for young women is no longer
met with the contemptuous attitude of an unforgivable
sin, which brings disgrace to the whole family. It
1S also an objective fact that the tolerating indul gence
for girls of so-called medium or lower classes, for
whom some sexual experience 1s conceded, while girls
of the so-called upper class would not consider it
beforemarri age,1s now looked upon only as a p1cturesque
f?ature of the nineteenth century French and English
literature. Nevertheless, it happens only too often
thét criticism reflecting on the present sexual mores
brings some retort as emotionally loaded as i1n defense
of political convictions.Inmany people's minds, there
1S no al ternative except the present unsettled habits
Or a return to the compulsive repression of past
generations.This overloaded emotional atmosphere sug-
gests that the advocates of uncontrolled sexual freedom
are fighting their own temptation to revert to the
Compul sive extreme of prohibitions and taboos, the only
alternative they are able to consider.

- 9 .

Judging both from the individual standpoint as
evidenced 1n sexual neuroses which are today as fre-
quent and severe as at the time when sexual repression
was a real fact,and from the angle of social effects
of sexual habits, which are not improved either one
would say that both attitudes and set of customs are
out of step with the psychological reality. A happy
medium would be an even poorer way out It is a quali-
tative and not a quantitative change which i1s required-
Itis the attitude toward sex which causes the unrest,
and not the amount of experience. As 1t stands now
the attitude is fundamentally unchanged from the past
century
The fact that restrictive sexual education was
pushed to the compulsive exaggeration of an intransigent
attitude in sexual ethics is as much amistake as the
11lusion that the total removal of such restriction
will free human emotionality Two wrongs do not make
a right and the rigid taboo of sexual morality
pathological asevery rigid attitude - is not going
to be destroyed by another form of compulsiveness.
namely the compulsive necessity of sexual experience
as a step toward adjustment.
Compul siveness and duty are the keynotes of the
wrong attitude toward sex,whether they are expressed
through forcible repressionor through sexual freedom
as 1ts own goal.
The taboo of repression whereby sex without
marriage 1s viewed as amistake or a sin. thus focali-
sing the emphasis on facts and not on psychological
causes,when applied with compulsive conformism 1eads
to:(l)compulsiveness to 1gnore,sidetrack, or indulge
1n wild day-dreams, the sexual impulses at the normal
psychological time;(2)compuhuvenessix)release sexual
1mpul ses on order,following a marriage which, in the
social atmosphere of such taboos, is often bound to
occur when the elders are satisfied that the social
and financial requirements for sincere happiness are
met ,From there on,sexis as much amatter of compulsive

-3 -

duty as weekly attendance at religious services, and
tragically enough with as li1ttle 1nner content.We do
not have to dig 1nto remote history to find how this
atmosphere reflected on children, Because this taboo
applied strictly to women and loosely to men, male
envy on the part of women was a secondary by-product
the objectof envy being the tllusi1on that the partner
did not have to exhaust the best of his energy 1n day-
dreaming -Nevertheless 6 the taboo was so well entrenched
that 1t could be violated only with i1ntense production
of guilt, which 1n turn alternated the two secondary
Pl easures of punishing the enviromment and indulging
In self-pity.
The taboo of sexual freedom,often hinging on the
magic of the word "adjustment” (adjustment to what
would be hard to define with accuracy). in other in-
Stances just accepted as the line of lesser resistance,
where 1mitation plays the main role., leads to (1) an
amount of rationalization, with compulsiveness to
Substitute 1ntellectual control for emotional drive.
80 that the psychosomatic performance of sex loses 1its
spontaneity. or (2) conversely the passive action of
belng carried by compulsive i1mi1tation, where both 1n-
tellect and emotion are sidetracked or forcibly satisfied
With slogans or magic expectation. The rationalized.
rather than felt pattern of expectation for a deeply
longed-for search for unity, 1s compromised by com-
Pulsiveness to seek an extended number of short-lived
€Xperiences, short because disappointing and disap-
Pointing because short, The compulsive duty to reach
happiness through release causes one to compromise as
much as possible the impact of the actual experience.
to make it fit with the previously day-dreamed pattern.
Sometimes psychoneurosis,becausemore acceptable today
than in past decades, is a short cut. In any case,
adjustment is duty and sexual release is compulsion.
Boredomvﬁiﬁlmasculinitygaszulunrewanﬁngly vulnerable
lncrease of responsibility,is the consequence,leaving
the couple without leadership, because the female has

- 4 -

to cope with her own disappointment, too. Children
pay the toll as they did when repression was the ac-
cepted taboo.
As 1n past centuries, today, too, some couples
occasionally break all the taboos and reach the neces-
sary sense of unity.But they do so only at the price
of ignoring forcible repression as well as freedom for
1ts own sake.They must repudiate as well a fundamen-
tally unnatural distortion with i1ts long sequence of
superimposed secondary distortions,as the egotism of
a magnified sense of power and individual accomplish-
ment which 1ntellectualizes narcissism, leaving it
alive as the only possible refuge against disappointment.
And, when i1t has magnified 1t to the point of addic-
tion, 1t has cut at the roots the quest for search of
unity through love,which is the incentive toward the
mature approach to sex,
Whatever 1ts label a taboo is nothing but the
crystallization of compulsion. and of its measer 1n-
tellectual justification, whichh i1s conformisn. The
real di1fference 1lies betwecen taboo and non-taboo,
Clinical evidence teaches that ncurotic developnents
from the disappointment of early sexual expericnces,
when sought only as an outlet for the rational 1dea of
a necessary step toward adjustment, are as {requent
and severe as neurotic developments{from lack of sex
or from forcible repression of sexual drives.
The analogy be pushed even further The same
anxious groping in the dark 1s duplicated,even 1 1t
1s longing for a different goal. Instead of facing
repression of sexual desires through a compulsive
acceptance of ethical principles, we are confronted
with an equally compulsive display of a fictitious
Pl easure,which, as an objective fact, exists only in
very few instances. More often than not, youngsters
who experience sex because they think that it is the
step toward adjustment, keep a mask of fictitious
gratification until they break down under the impact
of frustration, made more acute by the pretension of

- 5 -

happiness or by the fear that someone else's display
of happiness may instead be sincere. The frustration
1s pushed to the level of despair by the expectation,
too often repeated and rationalized, that actual sexual
experience 1s the over-all cure that will carry the
magic of adjustment.When the youngster realizes that
the basic problems are untouched, despair may follow
due to the sensation that the longed-for cure failed
and nothing else is left to turn to. What follows 1is
a neurotic condition characterized either by disgust
toward sexor by defiant sel fdestructive promiscuity.
The 1dea of sex as amere achievement for personal
satisfaction or for i1ndividual adjustment has become
so much a part of our way of 1life that in the mind of
too many people it is accepted as the only natural
approach to the problem of sex. Consequently, it 1n-
volves the necessity of avoiding conception or inter-
rupting 1t as an unavoidable measure of social defense-
Procreation, the physiolocical ~oal of sex,is changed
Into an undesirable comuplication of the process. now
distorted into pointin~ to a ¢i T erent goal
If at least the ;o0al wcrc tnity through under-
standing some valuable result would still be attained.
But the experience of the past decades,where sex has
become increasingly free, has proved the opposite.
Sexual freedom has increased manifold the instances
of immature approach to sex.What is worse, distorted
?ationalizations, through misunderstanding of sound
ldeas, through having created a thousandfold more
frustration than release, through having kept alive
tbrough adul thood and full maturity the day-dreaming
vVision of "next time will be the real one",6 thus
Protracting adol escence to the threshold of old age,
and through the unrestricted popularization of con-
traceptives,sexual freedom is responsible for having
crystallized sex at an adolescent level in millions
Of People who otherwise would not necessarily have
missed their psychological sexual maturity.
Sexuality is kept at an adolescent level by the

abuse of contraceptives. The adolescent conception
of sex as an achievement through expression of power
1s made to last as long as sex as a search for complete
uni ty with another personis either ignored or made to
be a secondary and not lasting achievement. Defense
of the species 13 1oo remote to be even considered,
Sex 30 conceilved does not entail responsibility., It
perpetuates forever the concept of sex as 1t emerges
in adolescent day-dreams. personal gratification
sense of power, and some jJjustification for using
another human being as a tool .The adolescent projects
the responsibility of the outcome of sex 1nto the
futare.,The adult who also for reasons other: than sex
wants to remaln on the adolescent level sidetracks
the future forever by the use of contraceptives. The
incentive for growth into adul thood 1s lost.The line
of lesser resistance consists 1tn sliding along the
~easy pathof self perpetuating lack of responsibility.
Soon the pattern extends to fields other than sex be-
cause 1t gratifies the soothing laziness of avoliding
adal thood.
The sanction of the extremely extended use of
contraceptives would not have occurred 1 f the conscilous
expl anation for 1t - avoiding procreationunder trying
clrcuams tances avoiding puatting a girl 1n a clumsy
sequence of events,and 1 1mi1ting the excessive 1ncrease
in population - were the only valuable ones. Its
popularity 1s essentially due to the much deeper and
more substantial need to give sanction through alibi
to the perpetuationof an 1mmature conception of sex.
This explains also 1ts being sanctioned by people who
do not and never will have to use contraceptives,
Maybe 1in contrast to the sexual mania of a
decaying world, the example is already coming from
those young and dynamic countries where the youngsters
focus their spontaneous attention on many other con-
structive goals than sex as an outlet for their energy.
their aggressiveness and their need for power. Those
are made means to some constructive goal which reaches

~ 7 -

beyond the individual range When the aim of education
1s to create a set of non-individualized i1nterests as
the basic values of life the pitfall of sex as its
own goal has less chance te develop,6and sex does not
become the main root of mental pathology.
Overemphasis on sexis a characteristic of peoples
on the historical decline The dynamic constructive
drive 1s diminished, and consequently sex as an ex-
pression of power and individual achievement fills a
gap. Under such circumstances, any attempt to keep
sex withinits teleological 11m1ts necessarily becomes
repression and,as a consequence,carries all the well
known pathology from sexual repression. In young and
dynamic peoples. the objective developments may be
abstinence or any other manifestation that we are
accustomed to ascribe to sexual repression. but the
psychological connotation of forcible repression 1s
missing,or reduced to a minimum. To them, practising
sex only as a complement to a much deeper emotional
tie and 1n many cases postponing sexual experience
until marriage doesnot carry the pathological symptoms
of repression as 1ts natural consequence. In contrast
1n many countries the pathological developments from
Sexual repression were considered as inherent to human
nature and not as peculiarities of historical condi-
tions,
The real starting point of sexual pathology is
Over-concentration of attentionon sex. repression is
1ts corollary.

- 8 -

RESUME

Les actuelles habitudes sexuelles, libérées des
tabous répressifs du dix-neuvieme siecle, n'ont pas
délivré les nouvelles générations des symptomes attri-
buables a la pathologie sexuelle qui caractérisaient
les générations précédentes. La répression a éteé
rempl acée par la liberté sexuelle,mais toujours avec
les mémes corrélations coercitives.
La criminalité sexuelle,considérée comme une ex-
croissance de mauvaise adaptation sexuelle indivi-
duelle, n'a pas diminue. Ce que les deux systemes de
préceptes moraux ont de commun, c'est le caractere
coercitif de leurs tabous. Le but a change, mais
1'essentiel est resté le méme. Ce qui est la conse-
quence de la fausse conception qui comprend la sexua-
lite comme ne visant que la satisfaction personnelle,
La cause profonde des états sexuels pathologiques et
du comportement sexuel irrégulier estla concentration

exagéréede l'attentiona l'égard dela chose sexuelle.

FOURTH INTERNATIONAIL CRIMINOLOGICAIL CONGRESS

_ THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

2

I1

SOME OBSERVATIONS ON SEX OFFENCES
IN ISRAEL

Sccretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Nctherlands).

SOME OBSERVATIONS ON SEX OFFENCES IN ISRAEL

by

David Reifen
Juvenile Court Judge
Tel-Aviv (Israel)

Scope of Problem:

Whenever newspapers report about a sex offence
having been committed, there 1is a strong reaction
felt towards this type of offence. Public opinion 1s
aroused, and an uneasy feeling makes itself felt.This
reactionis even more conspicuous if children are the
victims of such offences. Obviously,many people have
heard of a case, or have read in different papers
about the same case,and thus an impression is formed
that this type of offence is rather widespread.Hence
the demand for heavier punishment, which; so 1t 1is
assumed, may be a deterrent to further offences.
There is an additional factor which has to be
taken into account in Israel. A large percentage of
the present population has come from a rigorous and
inhibiting cultural background, and has been trans-
planted into a free society, patterned according to
customs and values prevalent in the Western World.
Temptations in the new environment are much greater
than in the previous one. Within a rigid, almost
hermetically closed and inhibiting environment it 1s
much easier to keep sexual desires, inclinations and
passions under control .Matters become much different
and more difficult in a free society,and particularly
if the various cultures are undergoing a change of
values. Under these conditions latent tendencies may
mani fest themselves more easily,and controls tend to
be more ineffective. This may result - among others
in large numbers of sex offenders.
In fact,however, sex offences in Israel are not
widespread. Police statistics from 1955 and 1956
(latest available) reveal that of all investigated

- 9 _

complaints, 2% of all criminal offences during 1956
were connected with an offence against morality, and
in 1955 there were 1.7% only.These figures represent
the genuine cases, 1.e. 1n which the complaint was
substantiated after investigation.Yet,a considerable
number has to be deducted from these figures because
they relate to offences against morality, and not
strictly to sex offences. They include for instance
offences such as: living on the earnings of a prosti-
tute, soliciting for immoral purposes, keeping of a
brothal, etc. 1.,e. offences, which 1n some way or
another are connected with illegal and immoral sex
activity, but are not sex offences in the meaning of
this discussion.At a reasonable guess one could state
that sex offences proper do amount to only half of
the above given figures,
I'urther evidence can be seen from figures of
convicted persons. In 1955, of all convictions, 1.6%
were against people charged with offences against
morality.In 1956, these convictions dropped to 1.3%.
These figures do also include all types of offences
against morality.
When we consider separately juvenile offenders,
we find a similar picture, namely, sex delinquency
among juvenile offenders is on a very small scale.
This we can see from the records of the Juvenile Court
and the Juvenile Probation Service. Over the last
three years, of all juvenile delinquents aged up to
16 years, 1.1% were charged with having committed a
sex offence, mostly a kind of indecent act. During
previous years figures were still smaller. These are
interesting facts, particularly in a complicated and
heterogemouws society such as Israel.

Characteristic Aspects of Sex Offenders:

It 1s regarded a sine qua non that victims to
a criminal offence complain about it to the police.
This is the first reaction, and the best thing they

- 3 —

can do to apprehend the offender. On the other hand,
victims to sex offences are hesitant to lodge a com-
plaint because of the negative reflection this may
have on their character. A married woman may decide
to conceal the matter lest her husband may become
suspicious as to her own part in the committed offence;
a young and unmarried woman may be afraid to spoil
her good name and her chances to marry if i1t should
become known that she was involved in a sex offence.
Guilt feelings seem also to be at work, which deter-
mine a certain kind of behaviour.
These and similar considerations are at work and
make people think twice before they lodge a complaint,
because they fear that disclosuremay have unpleasant
repercussions for them.These motivations are not un-
known to the sex offender, particularly so the habitual
one.They take it into account- to their own advantage.
Youth Examiners 1n Israel relate that children
who were victims to a sex offence withhold often in-
formation because the offender threatened them to
retaliate if they disclose the happening. This is a
real fear for many children which prompts them even
to yield to further acts, and to conceal them as far
as possible.Thus we can see that there exists a kind
of bond between the sex offender and his victim,which
does not exist in other types of offences.The victim
takes sides with the offender, as it were, and helps
him to avoid being apprehended.
Characteristic of sex offenders i1s that they take
great pain to ensure that they are not seen while
committing the offence, but for the Exhibitionists.
Itis also our experience i1n Israel that delinquents,
who would usually plan with their accomplices when
and how to commit an offence, do not tend to do so
while committing a sex offence. (During War-time
matters may be different). There is hardly a case
known in which offenders committed together a sex
of fence. Yet, there are offenders who boast of having
committed a rape.0n investigation it often transpires

~ 4 -

that this is a made up story, and based on wishful
thinking.It can safely be assumed that such disclosure
is 1in line with +their own need to affirm their
potency - to themselves and to others.
However, 1if a <child is the victim of a sex
offence, this is always Lkept a secret even from
intimate accomplices. On this score sex offenders
never boast and inhibitions are effective. It is an
interesting feature that even hard-boiled offenders
have an aversion towards a sex offence if committed
against a child.
Investigation of 871 children under 14 years,who
became victim to a sex offence revealed that the
offenders used very primitive methods in order to get
at their victims. They promised them small gifts,
gave them sweets,or even just talked nicely to them.
Particularly the latter point seems of great importance.
It can be guessed that it was this approach which
swayed the issue in many cases. These children may
not have been accustomed to be kindly treated at
their homes. It is this tactic which is generally
practised by seducers, to be friendly and polite to
would-be victims, which is surely to yield "expected
results.
Evidently, with many children there was also
what might be called passive acceptance, with others
some sort of provocation was decisive.In most of the
871 cases where children became victims to an indecent
act, there was some sex play, but no sex relations
proper. Among them was hardly a case of rape. Yet,
among boys some of them became victims to an act of
sodomy.
It 1is my impression that the sex offenders who
comnitted these offences were not out to have sex
relations proper, but rather to have sex experience
short of sex relations. These offenders would pre-
sumably look out especially for children_victims.
It may be a typical outlet of their personality make-

up.

- 5 —

It is perhaps not sufficiently realised to what
extent small children may get involved as victims to
a sex offence. According to our material, girls were
victims inmore than 70% of offences committed against
children. 0f all children involved, 60% were in age
group of 5-10 years, and 12% were less than 5 years
old. Sometimes these small children do not perceive
and understand properly what has been done to them.

Some Aspects of Victims:

Since we have enacted the "Law of Evidence
Revision (Protection of Children) Law, 5715-1955",
which came into force on 20th September 1955, we are
able to gather material about sex offenders who com—
mitted offences against children under 14 years. xX)
From our Police statistics we could infer that about
half of all complaints lodged regarding sex offences
were concerned with children under 14 years. In all
these instances Youth Examiners especlally assigned
to investigate these children,collected most valuable
data about victims, and, in many instances, about
offenders as well. We have almostno suchmaterial to
inform us about sex offences committed against adults.
In these cases the story of the circumstances of the
offence might be more distorted than among children.
Adults have more to hide, and the information is not
always reliable.
It seems appropriate to distinguish between sex
offences committed against children from those com—
mitted against adults. We have also to differentiate
between sex offenders who are aggressive, i.e, who
are committing the sex offence on somebody else - to
those who are of a more passive nature, for instance

xX) see: Journal of Criminal Law, Criminology, and
Police Science,Vol.49,No.3, Sept.-0ct.1958.; British
Journal of Psychiatric Social Work, Vol.4, 1958,No.3.

- 6 -

the Exhibitionista.Obviously, in both cases there is
a difference if the sex offence was of a serious type
like rape or attempted rape, or an indecent act of
some kind or another.However,in relation to children
the dividing line cannot so sharply be drawn as among
adults. It can be assumed that for a child even an
attempted rape would always result 1n a traumatic
experience. But there is sufficient evidence to show
that an indecent act committed against a child has
often much the same results., This will depend on
previous life experience of the victim,on the perso-
nality make-up of the child,on the attitude of parents
to the offence,on the age of the child, and last not
least - on the type of the indecent act,i.e.if force
was used or not,

Treatment Methods:

In foregoing remarks it has already been mentioned
that 1t 1s rather difficult to apprehend sex offenders
and consequently also to bring them to trial.In Israel,
for a person to be convicted of having committed a sex
offence, there must be corroborating evidence. This
1s 1n accordance with Anglo-Saxon judicial methods
as applied to sex offences, which are also applied
in Israel. It is a safeguard against mischievous
false,imaginary or revengeful accusations.The dangers
of vindictive feelings particularly in this field,
which is generally emotionally charged - overtly or
concealed - should by no means be overlooked.
About one-third of sex offenders who committed
an offence against children wunder 14 years, were
brought to court for trial. In roughly 50% of cases
no court proceedings could be started, because the
offender was not apprehended or else, no corrobo-
rating evidence was available.It should also be men-
tioned here that of those brought to court, about
10% were acquitted by various courts,including Courts
of Appeal. In all these cases it was found that the

offender should have the privilege of the benefit
of the doubt.This principle, to acquit the offender
when there 1is even the slightest doubt, is adhered
to very strictly in Israel.
We could observe a few interesting features in
relation to sentences; 40% of those convicted received
a prison sentence, the great majority of them,however,
under six months; and another 35% recelvedzlsuspended
sentence. It was noted that sentences in the latter
group were more severe than 1in the former. About
10% of offenders were put on Probation. In relation
to Probation it should be mentioned that a Probation
Order can only be made, if a report by a Probation
Officer was first handed in to the Court. This is a
fairly new law of ours, aiming to secure as far as
possible the appropriate cases for Probation.

RESUME

Dans ce mémoire sont exposés quel ques—-uns des
aspects des attentats aux moeurs en Israel.
L'auteur {fait remarquer que les changements
d'ordre culturel qui ne cessent de se produire dans
1'hétérogene société israélite sont susceptibles
d'entrainer un certain relachement des défenses (ou
des 1nhibitions psychlques) et des contrf)les° Or,les
statistiques policieres montrent que jusqu' hmalntemnt
les attentats aux moeurs ne constituent qu'une menue
fraction du nombre total des crimes.
Chez les victimes des attentats & la pudeur la
tendance parait exister de vouloir Trenoncer & la
présentation d'une plainte, ceci pour cause de la

- 8 -

peur qu une telle plainte pourrait se répercuter sur
la part prise par la victime elle-méme.
Les enfants hésitent souvent de révéler ce qui
s'est passé ©parce qu'ils craignent leurs parents
ainsi que l1'offenseur.
Les auteurs des attentats aux moeurs s'efforcent
de garder secret leur penchant a ce genre d'offenses
et n'en parlent pas pas meéme a leurs complices
intimes avec qui 11ls se concertent dans le but de
commettre d'autres attentats; ceci est toujours le
cas lorsqu‘il s'agit d'impliquer - comme victimes -
des enfants.
La plupart des attentats commis contre les enfants
de moins de 14 ans sont de 1'ordre des actes indécents;
rares sont les cas rapportés de viol ou de sodomie.
Le groupe principal d'enfants-victimes est celuil
des fillettes de 5 & 10 ans; 1'effet d'une pareille
offense est souvent préjudiciable a 1la future santé
mentale de 1" enfant et & son développement général.
Les méthodes de traitement en cas d'attentats
aux moeurs sont surtout de 1'ordre des pelnes
d'emprisonnement pour wune courte durée (de moins de
6 mois) ou des condamnations avec sursis; 10% des
offenseurs de ce genre sont mis sous la surveillance
de 1'Autorité Publique.
Une nouvelle Loi - entrée en vigueur en Israél au
cours de 1'année 1955 - vise la protection des enfants
de moins de 14 ans impliqués dans des affaires de
moeurs ,Cette innovation quasi révolutionnaire a déja
fait preuve d'une grande valeur.

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS

~ THE HAGUE 1960 —

PREPARATORY PAPERS

2

I1

THE CHILD AS VICTIM

Secretariat of the Congress, -14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands).

THE CHILD AS VICTIM *)

by

Dr. D,Arn. van Krevelen
Lecturer on Child Psychiatry
at the State University at Leijden,
Medical Superintendent of the
Pedological Clinic "Curium" Leijden.

The child asavictim of an adult s offence.This
1s an antithesis which only seems to be an indisputable
truism. Because the child has also taken part 1n the
interaction which preceded the adult's offence. In
many cases the question arises as to how great a part
the child has playedin the circumstance which led up
to the offence.Sometimes the child unwittingly arouses
emotions in the adult which lead the latter to commit
an offence. This can also be a result of some streak
In the child's character and these cases are particu-
larly interesting from a psychiatric viewpoint.Roughly
Speaking,we can discern two distinct categories, one
1s formed by the typeof child which repels those with
whom it comes into contact and the other type of child
which is the victim of its own personal appeal.
The interaction is,as a rule, of a very compli-
cated character. The following is probably a classic
example of the interaction which takes place between
an adult and the child which repels him.

When a young child is struck i1t raises its hands
to defend its face. It is struck again and after a
time.it grows accustomed to the fact that it will be
struck and comesto expect it.This attitude reflects
in 1ts movements and behaviour,both of which will be
typical of that particular type of child:onemay cringe,
the other raise his hands in a premature gesture of

“Am—

*) One of the so—called May-lectures at the Institute
for Criminology at Utrecht,

- 2 -

defence. The "opponent"™ will react to this with in-
creased aggression _be 1t an adult or a child. Ten to
one this typeof child will be knocked about more than
the out-going type of child.

The two sexes react very differently to this be-
haviour. By this, I do not mean to say that aggres-
ston towards a defenceless individual is "vicious".
without any reservation, But rationally speaking and
in the opinion of a maternal type of woman. i1t is
exactly that., As a general rule a man 1s repelled by
the defenceless. Aggressive feelings are aroused, 1t
1s not manly and his masculinity is offended. Muiss
CLEMENS SCHRONER' s 1) remarks are very 1interesting
with regard to this.,She says that a baby's relations
with 1ts father are more often disturbed than with
1ts mother,
Several explanations for this are given. LEO
BERTIMEIER 2) refers to the father s rivalry who
transfers his juvenile aggression towardshis brothers
and sisters to his baby not having outgrown his own
Juvenile state, MICHEL's 3) explanation seems to me
more 1mportant at any rate more general......: the
maternal i1nstinct 1s a natural emotion while the pa-
ternal i1nstinct is a special sort of adoption. Added
to this. the steadily growing paternal instinct 1s
counteracted by a masculinity which 1s developing at
the same time. This can make the masculinity more
paternal ,but paternatism alsomore virile DEBESSE 4).
It isawell known fact that a father when faced with
his new born baby, feels slightly out of his element,
while the same baby moves the mother to tenderness,
The 1nfant's cries move the mother s heart but only
irritate the father.,At this stage the father has not
yet had a chance to feel a sense of rivalry.PLOSZ 5)
gives examples of the indifference shown by fathers,
in the first few months after their baby's birth, among
primitive people.

A boy of 13 was put on probation, This was an

- 3 -

only child,born after a difficult confinement.He had
been put in an incubator and his development was re-~-
tarded. As a baby, he cried a great deal, and his
father,a short-tempered man,would hit him.This child
grew up with amorbid fear of his quick-tempered father.
a man who otherwise is a kind-hearted fellow. Even
worse, the boy has developed a cringing attitude to-
wards any adult, who, in his opinion holds any sort
of authority.
Al though this attitude arouses amaternal instinct
In a woman, I know from experience that it can be
repellent.Therefore,I can well imagine that it irri-
tates the father.
The question is,has this boy been ruaned by what
can be called cruelty, or has it simply become more
and more evident that there is a total lack of charac-
ter in the child. The thing which repelled the father
originally,

What type of child is it which may have a repel-
lent effect on the people in its immediate sarroundings?
What type of child has, in a manner of speaking. a
Predisposition for mental or physical cruel ty? General -
1zing,I should say the following: the child which is
not an integral part of its parent's plan of living,
runs the risk of ill-treatment. Don't these g roaps
fall under this heading? the illegitimate child born
out of wedlock. unwanted children. the children who
do not conform to the image created for them by their
Parents., This last group includes deformed children
puny and ugly children,those afflicted with a disease,
weak -minded and below average,or in comparison,K below
the expected standard,or those of which the character
does not reach this standard, difficult children in
short,all children who do not come up to expectations.
Itisvery interesting to note,as mentioned by CLIMENS
SCHRONER 1) that two victims of mental cruelty were
children of whom the mothers thought that they were
given the wrong child at the maternity home.

- 4 -

The number of 1llegitimate or deformed children
among cruelty victims 1s considerable.(15% 1n material
collected by CLEMENS SCHRONER 1) and 25%of the child-
ren examined by HILDEGARD HETZER 6°) ). Further-more,
this percentage cannot be disregarded even when the
fact is taken tnto account that to a certain extent,
these two groaps of children overlap. One thinks un-
consciously of the abandonment or downright marder
by primitive peoples of 1llegitimate or deformed
children PLOSZ 5). Even though this practice may
survive 1n cruelty cases 1n our civilization. we are
impressed by the complicated human incentives, when
an attempt 1s made to analyse the phenomenon for
example. guilt complex. a desire for punishment self-
aggression and aggression towardsother adults on the
part of the: offender resulting i1n cruelty to the chi1ld,

An 1llegitimate child.a girl of 13 who had spent
the first ei1ght years of her life in a Children s
Home was exposed to serious cruelty from her mother.
The mother admitted that she could stand very little
from her daughter, because the child habitually lied
to her. The mother decided to test the child s trust-
worthiness in the following manner She made the child
promise to get dressed within ten minutes. K a promise
which the child could not possibly keep then arrived
on the dot,to checkif the girl had kept her promise.,
She knew of course that she would find that the girl
had broken her word. The punishments to which the
child was subjected were barbaric; she was ducked
1in a tub of 1cy water. made to run round an unheated
room 1n freezing weather half undressed.In her fury,
the mother threatened to throw her daughter out of a
top floor window.
Now for the psychological background of this
aggression. The mother had had a boy friend who was
not accepted by her family.They decided to force the
1ssue by confronting the family with a "fait accompli".
However, when the girl was pregnant, the man let her

5 -

down, he couldn't face the consequences. This man
became a lie personified to the mother and via hum.
her child a 1living reminder of his treachery; a lie
became an atrocity to the mother. She developed an
unconscious desire to be confronted by deceit, and
her child provided her with ample opportunity. She
could force her to make promises which she could not
possi1blyY keep.
The tragedy was deepened by the fact that the
mother felt impelled tolie to the growing child with
regard to her origin,
And so,via the child she punished the faithless
traitor who ruined her own life and at the same time.
she did a penance for the lie which she had to live
day after day herself.CLIMENS SCHRONER 1)found that
20% of her cases were so-called "difficult" children.
but added that the children concerned were called
difficult by the offender. The fact that about one
fifth of these children are bed-wetters is character-
1stic., To the doctor bed-wetting i1s an illness but
to the parents of such children it 1s a nuisance and
" Immoral"”., This must be punished and sometimes the
Punishment can be classed as i1lltreatment CLIMENS
SCHRONER 1) records the case of a four year old boy,
who still wets his bed. His mother orders an older
brother to thrash him continually until he has eaten
his own motion. This reminds me of a practice which
was applied in olden days. whereby a child suffering
from this complaint was made to eat a rusk which had
been soaked in its own urine. From methods of treat-
ment for enuresis which have been recommended in the
course of time, 1t can be gathered that this treat-
ment 1f of a punitive character 1f not downright
111-treatment.
However thin the dividing line between therapy-
treatment and 1ll-treatment may be very often just
as easy 1s the step between well meant measures
taken to ensure a sound training and ill-treatment.
To mention an example, if the parents or guardians

-6 -

are possessed by a feeling of 1mpotence.Any treatment
which humiliates a child or subjects i1t toareallsat-
ion of its own helplessness,l regard as a border-lme
case, It 1s obvious that ambitious parents tend to
ask too much of their children. If they overstep the
mark in their demands, their methods will bear a strong
resemblance to cruelty. An excellent example of this
is a case,reported by LESLIE, G. HOUSDEN 7).of a girl
three years old who was whipped soundly by her
parents when it was discovered that she could not
spell the word, fox. One must therefore assume that
this girl suffered in other ways at the hands of her
parents., al though there 1is no mention made of it in
the case description.One can speak of downright cruel-
ty when the offender not only causes the child in
question to suffer but shows signs of sadistic be-
haviour in other circumstances.In my opinion a similar
case s rare and I have only encountered one.
This case 18 of great interest because i1t con-
cerns a stepfather who himself had had a difficult
youth .He joined up, as military life appealed to him
and became a Regular sergeant.During the occupation,
he joined the police which resulted in his detention
in a Dutch internment camp, after the liberation. He
recounts with obvious pleasure. the "i1ll-treatment"
which he suffered according to him. 1n this camp.
During his visit to me he delighted i1in showing me a
hideous wound on his arm. He confided that he wanted
to join the police again. but in a special branch as
his interests lay i1n opium hashish and abortion. In
his spare time he constructed daggers and scimitars
of which he had a collection of about forty. adorning
the walls of the room.When a trip to the Zoo was un-
dertaken he carried several swords just in case the
bears should escape. According to his wife he 13 un-
controlled. quick tempered and unpredictable in the
home and he works off all his pent wup emotions on
his fifteen year old stepson. This boy 1s the eldest
of three children from the woman's first marriage.

-7 -

He once threw a gravy boat at the child's head, with-
out any provocation.lle is also absolutely intolerant
of his own small son. In romping with the children,
he 1s vicious.He distrusts his wife and threatens to
stab her. The stepson's work at school is under par,
a fact which infuriates his stepfather.The boy's in-
tractability and impudence annoy him intensely. The
school has made no complaint of the child's general beha-
viour or the manner in whichhemixes with his school-
fellows.
Examination has shown that this boy, in actual
fact of a very sensitive character ,has put up a bar-
rier as a defence against the attacks which he has
grown to expect from his stepfather. In actuel fact,
all these accusations can be reduced to an i1ntensified
reaction to puberty and only when the stepfather's
terrorisation is taken into consideration. can they
be seenin their proper perspective.The only redeeming
feature was the stepfather's detailed and pressing
request for a foster home for his stepson.

Mental cruelty to children leads to mental in-
Jury and this,as opposed to physical cruelty, is not
S0 1mmediately obvious., CLEMENS SCHRONER 1) Another
difficulty is that the victim cannot escape from a
compulsion to keep the trouble hidden from the outside
world, and this can be a prolonged affair. In recon-
structing what happens,we find that the child's wond
image, formed for it by its parents, collapses. This
happens, for instance, when the child is deprived of
some thing upon which it depends, GISELA VON LEVETZOW 8)
cites a tragic example wherein a child's pet rabbit
18 beaten to death and the child made to put the dead
rabbit beside it in bed,
What should be a source of security to the child
1s suddenly taken away or,even worse, becomes a source
of insecurity. The child is thrown back on its own
resources,1t is attacked and threatened by those with
whom it has a natural bond.This,in my opinion,is the

- 8 -

main factor of child cruelty, of which parents are
guilty.The child cannot get away from the situation,
nelther in reality nor emotionally.
The interaction between offender and victim con-
tinues,
The victim is imprisoned in the clutches of the
offender and there he stays.even when the actual si-
tuation belongs to the past. The child still carries
the remains of 1ts broken image. The most immediate
consequence,especially when the cruelty has also been
of a physical type. is fear. It can be manifested as
such, but can also take the form of shyness of a chro-
nic type, a lack of faith in adults in general or a
contributory cause of the "sealed lips" attitude, so
often encountered., °
This fear can also manifest itself in a variety
of symptoms: lack of appetite, bed-wetting and other
dirty habits whimpering and snivelling, nightmares.
And so begins the vicious circle. The child who"won't"
eat, the child with “dirty" habits, the "snivellers",
all these children are troubl esome and arouse feelings
of trritation repulsion.
This fear must be fought and what better weapon
than one's own aggression? But this aggression 1s
answered by aggression in the adult., and no wonder!
Another result of cruelty 1s the f u g u e ,
the child tries to find security., 1t 1looks for
safety. But where? It has to fall back on the very
persons who have robbed it of security. This 1s not
only reality, but an invincible lack of freedom. The
child cannot escape from the situation. The fugue 1is
a reaction caused by panic,1t gets the child nowhere
1t doesnot bring the longed for security and provokes
adul ts to aggression. Its only advantage lies in the
fact that it works as an alarm signal .But the question
1s,whether 1t 1snot too late,the fugue remains, even
in surroundings which would appear to offer security,
because the surroundings which should offer security
were responsible for the child's loss of faith 1n its

small world.
Another reaction to cruelty is an extreme devotion
to those responsible for the victim's upbringing. It
seems that the child reasons, consciously, that it
must cajole its parents into returningits lost securi-
ty. Excessive devotion can arise from a very varied
number of reasons.Sometimes it is a child's -‘expression
of despair, a scared attemp at adjustment. Excessive
devotion in an older child is the voiceof its feeling
of guilt,which becomes very obvious in cases of pseudo- .
educational cruelty. Another driving force in this
over affectionate victim is the need to belie the reali-
ty of the situationin which it finds itself.The child
behaves as if the unpleasant situation simply does
not exist. It is being nice....how could anyone want
to harm it? Lastly,excessive devotion can be a cover
for pseudo-devotion.A false adjustment is developed.
The inner life is violated, it becomes meaningl ess.
Another symbolic emotional disorderisa s a d o -
masochi1stiec attachment between the offen-
der and the victim. It has reached the stage where
one cannot live without the other. The child cannot
escape from this situation and strange as it may seem,
1t needs it as it needs its daily bread. It extracts
Pleasure from the unpleasantness. It looks for the
baiting and humiliation.It places itselfin all sorts
of gsituations where it can become the butt for its
tormentors taunts,
The child will reproduce the original incident during
contact with a brother, friend or playmate, I am of
the opinion that repudlatlonlfsnot enough in itself,
to create a pathological character,but that this form
of cruelty can be a contributory cause to the creation
of a true masochist,
One outcome of great importance, however, is
aggressionin all its varied forms whether or not ac-
companied by fear,as a forerunner to fear, or resul-
ting from fear. The child which is a v1ct1m to this,
will find other victims, it will vent its pent up

10

emotions on 1nanimate objects. It will turn on creatu-
res more helpless than 1tself, such as animals or
other smail children, It will try to provoke those
responsible for 1ts loss of security by means of petty
theft destructiveness and that sort of thing. The
victim will wait until the time comes whenit no lon-
ger feels helpless., As an adult it will re enact the
experiences which have caused its own misery, 1dent1-
fying 1tself with the victims thereby becoming one
of them. This has led EUSTAGE CHESSER 9) to make the
grave prediction that the development of an individual
who has been subjected to cruelty in youth.is impalred
to such a degree that the i1ndividual will not be f1t-
ted for parenthood.

Before dealing with the second groupof children,
those who are the victimof their own personal charm.I
feel that I should point out that the distinction be-
tween the aforementioned two categories 1s not so
great as my grouping would suggest. Attraction and
repulsion often go hand in hand as will be recognized
1n those cases of mental cruelty where the adult plays
a sort of cat and mouse game with the child for exam-
ple promising the child something which 1t will not
get Here one notes that the accent falls on repulsion
The child provokes an ambivalent emotional reaction
in the adult.
Sex appeal 1s not always attractive and certainly
not in one s own child. Even less if the adult con-
cerned 1s not attracted by the opposite sex.

I have in mind the case of a five year old girl who
was definitely hostile towards her mother but did
everything in her power to win her father’'s affection,.
This repelled her father lle was 1rritated by the child
who. 1n his words. "looks at me with an expressim
more fitted to a mature woman of twenty., a thing 1
cannot appreciate 1n any child of my own"., This 1s an
1llustration of a child's provocation, even 1f. as
in this case. 1t 18 not reciprocated. partly because

- 11 -

the father was a homosexual.

A remarkable example of the blending of attrac-
tion and repulsion 1s noted 1in those cases where the
assault has been ameans of expressing aggression to-
wards the child or via the child,6 towards the marriage
partner.

This 1s clearly indicated in the case of a step-
father who interfered with his eleven year old step-
daughter because he discovered that his wife was golng
out with other men.When under the influence of al cohol
he had sexual relations with the girl by then twelve
years old. This was accompanted by the threat: "There.
now you'il have my baby!"This man had already served
a six weeks prison sentence for cruelty to a seven
year old girl.

It i's also interesting tonote that those posses-
sed of an erotic appeal are 30 often threatened with
the worst type of aggression. namely muarder. 1f they
attempt to evade or escape the sexual relation.l have
encountered a number of girls, in my contart with 1n-
cest vietims, of whom the father or stepfather has
threatened a murderous beating 1n the event of the
slightest betrayal or refusal to participate in 1nde-
cent relations.I shall return later to the fact that
1t has repeatedly been shown that it ts not the act
of incest i1tself which produces a damaging effect but
the threats which accompany i1t whereby the father and
men 1n general become terrifying aggressors. The father-
1mage is distorted so that 1t differs very 11ttle from
that of the cruel father, It i1s obvious that 1t 1s
fear of exposure that prompts the father to pledge his
daughter to silence. While the girl places a blind
faith 1in his judgment and accepts him as a sexual
partner, this pledge 1s not necessary. Incest in its
simplest form. 1s merely a continuation and refine-
ment of the caresses the girl receives as a toddler.
With this in mind it is not hard to believe that at

- 12 -

the start she accepts her father's claim that "Fathers
always do this with their daughters". The father =
attraction for the girl and her own sense of rivalry
to her mother will guarantee that she will not con-
fide in the latter.Complications arise when the girl
confides in a friend and hears the truth. Or perhaps
her interest in boys is aroused and she then finds
that her father does everything 1n his power to stop
her contact with them. Complications also arise when
father and daughter disagree about something or 1f
there 1s a chance of pregnancy.

An only daughter. 15 years of age ana the eldest
of three came tomy consulting rooms with her mother,
The visit was a result of the continual unpleasantness
between father and daughter which arose from his ob-
jections to her going out with boys. After the libe-
ration this man had returned from Germany.His dauaghter
was then s1x years old and he saw her more or less
“or the first time.A remark passed at the time.shows
that even then she had a strong attraction for him.
The father showed the child a great deal of affection
and according to the mother. romped with her 1n a
way which was indecent.
The girl's menstruation started when she was thirteen
and shortly after this her father took advantage of
the mother's absence to have sexual i1ntercourse with
his daughter.This situation continued until the girl
began to feel the burden of her father's attachment,
She was not allowed to stand by the window because
she would attract attention from the boys who passed,
she was not allowed to talk to her girl friend. because
in all probability their conversation would be about
boys. She was not allowed to go out 1n the evening
let alone with boys, In a word, her father watched
over her as a jealous lover. Once. her father gave
her a hiding and then she threatened to expose him.
This led to his confession. Both the mother and the
father are of the opinion that the girl 1s in danger

- 13 -

as a vresult of her provocative manner. The mother
considers that the girl would certainly have the 1m-
pudence to "take a man away from his wife". She says
of her husband that he 1s "girl crazy".
The father claims that his daughter i1nvited him
after a talk with a girl friend. She repeated this
conversation to her father "Would you dare to ask
your father?" to which the tather answered "and what
did you say?" "“Not I?" the girl told him. "A few
days later 1t happened! “"added the father by way of
explanation.Examination of the child shows her to be
physically mature sensual and of a not very intelli
gent type whose only 1nterests are finery superficial
pleasure and boys.This helps to clarify the 1nterac-
tion between the childish, sensual father and his
carefree daughter And what role does the mother play?
It strikes us.that 1t took her nearly a year to decide
to ask for help. If this gives the 1mpression that
she accepted the situation. this impression is further
born out by the manner in which she relates the de-
tails as 1f one might 1magine 1t had li1ttle interest
for her.The motive for her attitude could be summed
up as follows: "Rather +this, than that my husband
should go to strange women!'".
A searching talk with the father showed that the
wlfe was unable to give him the sort of love he needed.
He callshis wife hard and unfeeling.In his daughter's
cordial nature he finds recompense for what his wife
denies him.He has become his daughter s jealous lover,
a slave to her favours, afraid of any boy who might
take his daughter away from him.

This case 1s a classic example of the triangle
in a family; the man who. feeling that his wife de-
prives him of his rights turns to the sprightly
daughter if only for this reason: a daughter who re-
gards the father as anatural partner in sexual 1nter-
course and feels drawn to him by some obscure compul-
sion; and finally the woman who shuts her eyes to

- 14 -

the act of incest to save her marriage, partly to
cover her own guilt and partly as a result of sound
reasoning,

The study of twenty five cases of 1ncest has
convinced me that the root of the cause of each case
differs. Each case should be judged in view of the
matual interaction between the members of the family.
As a rule 1t is the relationship between the parents
and that of each parent to the child,which i1s i1mpor-
tant ,Sometimes other children are concerned. That 1s
the case when the father has sexual relations with
more than one daughter and the daughters regard each
other as rivals.

The mother's vrole is the most constant. It is a
remarkable part that she plays 1n the realisation of
this i1ncestuous relationship. The example which has
been given shows that the mother can accept the re-
lations between her husband and daughter.In only two
of the twelve cases of incestuous relations between
a father and daughter. did the mother lodge a com-
plaint., As opposed to this. eight out of fourteen
mothers lodged a complaint against incestuous step-
fathers. This would seem to indicate that it 1s hard
for a mother to protect her child against 1i1ts own
father. The situation is even more 1ironic when the
mother helps to promote 1ncestuous relations by allow-
ing the victim to sleepin the same bed as her father,.
She herself takes a separate bed, sometimes even a
separate room, Sometimes. albeit wunwillingly. 1 get
the 1impression that the mother forces her dauaghter
on the father in order that she herself may be spared
hi1s sexual advances. And so the question must arise
as to whether the root of the trouble lies where one
would the least expect 1t: in a deranged mother and
child relationship.
The psychiatrist is repeatedly faced with the
problem as to which of the persons concerned i1s the
actual victim., I have so often noticed that experts

15 -~

who have examined the father 1n such a case have been
impressed by his i1mmaturity. childishness and help-
lessness. 1 have read more than one case history 1in
which 1t transpires that a man after a long and vain
search for love and support decides that he can find
refuge in a relationship with hi1s daughter When the
situation comes to light he 1s a broken man robbed
of all security and he is faced with a problem to
which the only answer seems to be suicide. Those who
attempts to delve into the life historyofone of these
perverted fathers (who although adult are 1in actual
fact juvenile) are disinclined to place the entire
responsibility on them for their very reprehensible
actions,

The opinion of the victims themselves 1s some-
times rather the same as this. For example.

I have in mind three girls from one family, all
of whom have been 1nterfered with by the stepfather.
Their mother sexually frigid towards her husband.
illtreated her <children beating them putting them
outside the door with no clothes on. This woman sent
her eldest daughter to her husband s bed while she
herself slept in another bed.These children met only
with hostility from their mother, The woman did lodge
a complaint but not for the benefit of her daughters.
The reason was that she felt she had been slighted.
The girls relate everything which their stepfather
has done. without the slightest prevarication. They
like him very much they have never regarded his ad-
vances as unpleasant rather the contrary. After all.
he was the only person who was kind to them.
When delving into the tragic circvumstances which
may have led the offender to his act. we must not
lose sight of the fact that children must be protected
against this very act At this point, a reminder 1n
connection with this fact does not seem to me to be
out of place for the following reason. In the inter-
est of the prisoner's rehabilitation.it 1s sometimes

- 16 -

considered advisable to allow the offender to live
under the same roof as the victim again, in spite of
the dangers attached +to this situation. Keeping 1n
mind the change of relationship which has taken place
between the victim and the man who has served his
prison sentence, it is not hard to realize that the
child is in danger of the man's vengeance. for now
they face each other as betrayed victim and his be-
trayer. It may not always be necessary to keep the
adult offender and juvenile victim apart permanently,
but I do think that a great deal of caution is needed
in their re-union.

I have in mind a stepfather who,after the failure
of his first marriage, took vengeance on his ex-wife
by means of transferring it to the woman he then mar-
ried and her fourteen year old daughter. He admits
sexual assault on the latter in order to strike at
the mother towards whom he had an aversion. When the
daughter asked her mother for help. the woman tried
in vain,to protect her young daughter.When the step-
father noticed this,he started taunting the woman and
threatened to go on strike if she didn't stop inter-
fering. Under threat,this child was forced to suffer
sexual interference for six months.The complaint was
finally lodged, only when the father threatened to
murder the girl, her small brother and her mother if
they did not all cooperate in the bringing about of
a proper sexual relation.This was the last straw for
the mother, who then lodged her complaint.
This offender had a very suspicious past. As a
boy he had spent a long time in a remand home. As a
youngster he had already shown sadistic tendencies.
The childrenof his first marriage had been abominably
1ll1-treated.While divorce proceedings were going on,
he assaulted his wife. He had been put in a psychia-
tric home several times., Investigation showed what
terror the girl had suffered and the fear she had ex-
perienced.The psychiatrist who had handled the man's

- 17 -

case had given warning that the offender must be kept
strictly separated from the girl. In spite of this
warning,in the interest of the man's rehabilitation,
he was sent home after his sentence. Only after the
stepfather had made several attempts to rape the child.
was she. by means of an application, placed in a Home
as being i1n need of care and attention. There was a
breach between mother and daughter, K because the latter
bl amed her mother for allowing her stepfather to re-
turn to the home.

It is hardly necessary to point out that the
after-effects on the child victim of incest depend
on whether or not the act was accompanied by aggres-
sion. In the type of case mentioned above. the effect
on the child will be comparable with that of cruelty
as the act of incest was of a sadistic character. The
gravity of the threats which sometimes accompany in-
cestuous relations should not be underestimated.There
are also the threats that the offender utters in
prison which also terrorize the <child and keep her
in a state of nervous anxiety.

I have in mind the case of a child.under super-
vision in my clinic, who was in a state of constant
fear that her stepfather,when discharged from prison,
would come straight to the clinic and murder her.

Apart from the fear, which can be very violent,
a definite aggression towards the mother can be seen.
The child feels that the mother has deserted 1t,even
abandoned it. An older girl will realize that her
mother has put her husband before herself and when
this involves a stepfather, and not her own father,
the wound will be almost unbearable.

The immediate effects of 1ncest in which the
sadistic element is absent, are less startling. But
this does not mean they are any the less 1mportant.
On the one side they affect character development and
on the other give rise to conflicts. Girls of 12 and

.18 -

13 are most usually involved in cases of incest.These
girls are either approaching or just starting Ppuber-
scence which means that they will have experienced
sexual relations very early, a thing which, in our
civilisation can lead to promiscuity. 1 cannot be
certain of this theory, but I have encountered one
case which has bearing on it. It involves a girl who
had been i1nterfered with by her mother's lover since
her tenth year. By the time she was fifteen she had
a reputation for easy virtue. among the boys in the
nelghbourhood,
Another point is,the relation towards the part-
ner-in-incest. The father image 1is distorted. He is
no longer her superior but her equal. The father
1s sometimes even submissive and has become an
ingratiating 1inferior. He has lost authority with
his daughter and this will in time, find expression
in the daughter's impudence to the father. She will
learn to wind him round her little finger and to ex-
tract certain advantages in exchange for her favours;
special gifts and perhaps even little outings with
boys of her own age,all of which must be kept secret
from the mother., The trouble starts when the father
suddenly assumes the role of jealous lover (a report
on sach a case has already been given). This often
leads to exposure of the whole affair. The father
could have been the Ideal-Ego image had he not lost
the girl‘s respect and her character development will
be impaired by this loss. Inner conflicts arise from
.an awareness of her +treachery towards her mother in
taking her father's affection and this conflict will
be equally due to a feeling of having betrayed the
father when the affair has been exposed. I have the
impression that the father's attraction for the girl
carries more weight than the realisation that she has
betrayed her mother. Besides, I have already pointed
out that as a rule, the mother does not oppose the
incestuous relationship, if it happens to suit her
purpose., Furthermore.,the father in question will not

19 -

hesi1tate to emphasize the fact that he has not time
for hi1is wife which fact must necessarily ease the
girl's conscience with regard to her mother.
Afar more 1mportant factori1s the child's feeling
of guilt concerning the father who has been sent to
gaol on her account. (I published a report on this
question, some years ago 10)).It can be assumed that
the father's arrest and the subsequent separation
arouse a feeling of guilt which does more harm than
the act of incest 1tself.This guilt complex concern-
ing her father, results 1n the girl taking all the
blame both on her father s behalf and her own. This
1s because the aftermath of i1ncest does more damage
than the actual offence for 1t 1s often a fact that
the daughter has 1f unconsciously. desired the re-
lationship as much as her father.
I mentioned at the beginning an uncomplicated
interaction 1in which the child "cried before 1t was
hurt" and as a result of this action. provoked the
adult to renewed aggression. It must have occurred
to the reader that I passed over the 1nitial blows
without further reference and it 1s these blows after
all, which are the very cause of the guilt complex.
Admittedly I tried further on, to atone for this om-
mission by pointing out that children who repel and
provoke their parents in this way are the ones who
do not conform to the pattern of their parent s lives,
Still further on I tried to give an impression of the
doubtful chance of these children ever reaching a
fully matured character, and I drew attention to the
fact that they run the risk of growing up into the
same type of parents as their own.Their own children
will not fit into the pattern of their life and so
the vicious circle begins,
Several different interpretations canbe offered
concerning this.One 1s to emphasize that today s of-
fenders are yesterday's victims., On the other hand,
1f taking the future 1nto account.one might emphasize
the enormity of the offence 1tself. when 1t is known

. 920 -

that 1t will have such far reaching effects on the
future generation., Finally the question of cause and
effect can be shelved and one can concentrate on the
actual situation, the relationship of the child and
adul t today .,
For this purpose.1t wouldbe advisable to return
to the problem of the child which is a victim of i1ts
own charm for a moment. . This child was not beaten but
caressed. It grew accustomed to these caresses and
sexual tnterference and accepted them with childish
tnnocence,at first Later on however, they are accep-
ted with repugnance and quite often, with pleasure.
Too little is known about the damaging effect on fu
ture generations.In any case 1t is not clear whether
today's offenders are 1n general.the victim of their
own experilences in youth. As far as the viectims are
concerned and once again, speaking generally,one has
the 1mpression that later devel opment is not radically
damaged.This means that we can rightly limit ourselves
to handling the actual situation,
I have already mentioned that the root of the
problem 1n child cruelty as faras the victim 1s con-
cerned 1s the destruction of the child's i1mage of 1ts
parents and adalts i1n general. The same applies to
the child which i1savictimof indecent assault.Adults
represent authority and protection to a child and it
counts on this by virtue of the natural relationship
which should exist between parents and their children,
"M1t einem sol chen Verhal tnis zwischen Eltern und Kind
sind sexuelle Handlungen vollkommen unvereinbar. Die
Aatoritat wird untergraben. das Vertrauen gebrochen"
BAX 11). The 1mage which the child has formed of
1ts parents has been violated.The problem which faces
us 18 how to protect this parent image. I believe
that there is but one answer to this: interaction be-
tween parent and child must be improved, a healthy
relationship must be achieved.People must be preven-
ted from entering tnto matrimony before they have
learned to understand each other and to realize their

- 91 -

individual and mutual responsibilities Parents must

reali1ze that they carry the great responstbility of
the child‘s physical and mental wel fare. When expec-
ting the child both parents must realize that they
will have to accept their child "for better and for
worse" when 1t 1s born.

HOUSDEN 12) has quite rightly made adistinction
between biological parenthood and parentcraft which
means being a true parent.creating a happy atmosphere
for the child,an "affair of the spirit" 1 sometimes
think that we are threatened with failure on amatter
of great importance, these days. That 1s the question
of preparation for parenthood: sexual education. But
preparation for parentcraft demands even more 1t
means "how to enjoy married and family life free from
sex—-obsession". Parentcraft (s the mental attitude
in the family circle. It can nay 1ttt must be taught
at school and after leaving school to future and young
parents Tn England it 1s taught to parents in prison
those who to all 1ntents and purposes are failures,
There should be a sound system of parent education
as to the true meaning of their parental obligations
1in this country. That 1s., 1f preventative steps are
to be taken.

I close with a quotation from Housden s programme
for the prevention of cruelty to children.It 1s the sux-
teenth and last paragraph: "Almost too much has been
written of the freedom of the individual and too lit-
tle of the fate of those who are the result of that
freedom.If men and women have the right of biological
ful filment, what of the rights of those who are 1its
products?"

- 929 -

RESUME

L auteur commence par souligner 1l'importance de
l1'interaction que de la part de son milieu l'enfant
subi1t avant de devenirla victime du délinquant adul-
te. Il distingue deux groupes dont 1'un comprend les
enfants repoussant leur entourage et 1'autre ceux qui
au contraire sont les victimes de leur force attrac-
tive. Entre ces deux catégories le contraste n'est
pas bien défini: attraction et répulsion se donnent
souvent la main.
Le groupe des enfants exercant une force répulsive
sur leur entourage comprend tous ceux qui ne forment
pas une partie 1ntégrante du plan de vie de leurs
parents: les enfants naturels et extra-conjugaux, les
enfants non-desires et ceuxd’'un autre lit,les enfants
differant beaucoupde 1'image formée par les parents,
donc les enfants contrefaits,chétifs, affectés d'une
maladie chronique, faibles d'esprit, peu doués ou
relativement trop peu doués,les enfants dontle carac-
tere ne correspond pas aux grandes esperances des
parents, ceux qui sont difficiles a élever.,bref: tou-
tes les "tuiles", Ces enfants risquent d'2tre mal
traites corporellement et/ou psychiquement, Comme les
consequences des outrages psychiques sont considérés:
1 angoisse visible ou cachée, 1'agression, la fugue,
1'exces d'attachement.la sujétion d'ordre sado-maso-
chiste, autrement dit: les deformations de caractere,
Comme des exemples d'enfants-victimes de leur
charme 1'auteur cite les relations incestueuses aux-
quelles 1 aggression donne souvent une nuance speciale,
L 'auteur a etudié 25 cas d'inceste et il conclut
que chaque cas merite d'@tre jugé a la lumiere de la
mutuelle interaction existant entre les membres de la
famille. Ce qui., chez 1'avenement de la relation in-
cestueuse, est le plus constant, c'est le role joué
par la mere.En sealement 2 des 12 cas d'inceste entre
pere et fille, la mere avait déposé une plainte, Par

23

contre, 8 sur 14 meres denoncerent le beau-pere 1n-
cestueux. Ce qul porte a vrolre que cen:-est pas sans
faire de la peine a la mere que de protéger 1 enfant
contre son propre pere.
On est amené a chercher 1'origine de 1'1nceste
dans une relation troublée de mere a enfant,
Ici le psychiatre se trouve fréquemment place
devant le probleme d avoir a determiner laquelle des
dramatis personae 1nteressees est de fairt la victime.
L'expert qui examine le pere est frappé par le fait
que celuil-ci parait ne pas avotr atteint sa maturite
il remarque sa naiveté son 1ncapacite de se defendre
sol-meéme, en un mot sa detresse
Cec1 peut avolr des consequen: es juridiques etant
donnée la circonstance que 1 1ntéret du reclassement
du delinquant parait parfors exiger que 1 auteur dua
delit et la victime se retrouvent de nouveau sous le
meme toi1t cecl1 avec tous les dangers pour 1 ' enfant
que cela comporte, ou l'on ne doit pas oublier que
parfoisla relation entrele delinquant (adulte) et la
victime(juvénlle)parait - aux yeux du premier -~ etre
renversee.
Pour 1'enfant les suites de 1 inceste dependent
du degré de l1'agression additionnelle. St 1'inceste
a un cote sadique., les suttes correspondent a celles
des sévices subies. Quant aux consequences pour la
formation du caractere ouvn n'en sait pas beaucoup
lorsqu'i1l s'agit d un cas d inceste ne comprenant pas
un élément composant d’'ordre sadique.
Chez un des cas qui furent observes par 1 auteur.
c'etalt dejaen bas age quela jeune fille en question
s'adonna a la promiscuité.Les conflits qui chez 1'en-
fant surgissent se rapportent en partie a des senti-
ments de cul pabilité vis-a-visde la mere ceci d autant
molns distinctement quelamere a plus activement con-
tribué a favoriser la realisation de la relation 1n-
cestueuse. Cette relation fait dua tort aux rapports
avec le pere parcequ'elle produirt 1'eliminationde son
autorite et aussi de li1nstance-du-moi1-1deal qu en vertu

- 924 -

de son prestige il aurait pu représenter pour la jeune
fille,
Mais ce qui 1mporte bien plus.c'est le sentiment
d'avoir fauté qu‘éprouve 1'enfant quandle pere échoue
en prison (voir: Tijdschrift voor Strafrecht - Revue
de Droit pénal - 63, 1954, 132: Problemes autour de
l'inceste).Le fait d'@tre séparé du pere détenu fait
naitrve un sentiment de culpabilité qui laisse des
traces bien plus profondes que ne le fait 1:inceste
comme tel.
En accentuant 1 importancedel'interaction ayant
precéde les sévices respectivement 1 'inceste.l'auteur
tire la conclusion quela prévention des actes bl ama-
bles dont 1'enfant devient la victime est dans une
vigilance perpetuelle a fin d'assurer,dans la mesure
du possible,l'etabl issement et le maintien d'une saine
interaction. L'auteur estime que 1'éclaircissement
donné aux parents et aux futurs parents. en vue de
1'exercice correct de leur "parentcraft" (influence
parentale), puisse etre une mesure préventive par
excellence.

Extrait de: "Het kind als slachtoffer"(L'Enfant vic-
time ) ,Nederlands Tijdschrift voor Criminologie (Revue
Néerlandaise de Criminologie), 15e Année. no. 5, Oc-
tobre 1959, pages 139-154,

1)

- 95 _

REFERENCES

Bertha L.F.Clemens Schroner, Psychische kindermis-
handeling, Martinus Nijhoff, fs-Gravenhage 1956,

2) L. Bartemeier, The contribution of the father to

3)

the mental health of the family. Amer.J.Psychiat.
110, 1953, 277.
Elechel Das Vaterprobl em heute1115021010glscher
H1ns1cht Seine Bedeutung fiir die Tiefenpsycholo-
gie, Psyche 8, 1954, 161.

4) M.Debesse,Le sentiment paternel dans 1a psychol o-

5)
6)
7)
8)

9)
10)

11)

12)

gie masculine,]l 'Ecole des Parents, 1953-54,No.2, 3.
H.Plosz,Das Kind in Brauch und Sitte der Volker,
Th, Grieben's Verl., Leipzig 1911.
Hildegard Hetzer.Psychologi sche Beguachtung misz-
handel ter Kinder,Z.f.angew.Psychol .50,1936, 209.
Leslie G. Housden, The Prevention of Cruelty to
Children, London 1955.
GiselavonLevetzow,Die seelische Kindermiszhand-
lung, Heidelberg 1934,
E. Chesser, Cruelty to Children, London 1951,
D.Arn. van Krevelen, Problemen rondom de incest,
T.v.Strafr, 63, 1954. 132.
J.Bax,Das Inzestproblem,Folia psychiatr. neurol.
neurochir. neerl., 61, 1958, 328.
Leslie G. Housden, The Teaching of Parentcraft,
London 1951. |

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS

~ THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

2

I1

THE NONVIOLENT SEX OFFENDER COMPARED
WITH CERTAIN OTHER PRISONER TYPES

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands)

THE NONVIOLENT SEX OFFENDER COMPARED WITH
CERTAIN OTHER PRISONER TYPES 1)

by

Norman S. Hayner
University of Washington
Seattl e, Washington, U.S.A.

Parole board members will often comment that an
offender "follows a pattern". By this they mean that
among prisoners who have committed a given variety of
Crime, there may be repetition of a key personality
trait, or a general likeness in the relationship to
the family or community from which the prisoners come,
Or a similarity in the role they play in the society
of captives.
During the time that the writer was interviewing
men "within prison walls", five patterns seemed to
€merge most frequently. 2) The present paper gives
Special attention to the personal and social charac-
teristics that appeared to be associated with one of
these prisoner types, the nonviolent sex offender.
In 1957 an unpublished tentative report gave the

1) This paper is an aspect of a 1larger study which
has been accepted for publicationin full, late in
1960 or early in 1961,by the American Sociological
Review.
2) Throughout the course of the five years when the
author was a member of the Washington State Board
of Prison Terms and Paroles he interviewed more
than six thousand prisoners.With each of these he
talked on an average of two occasions. Prior to
board hearings at the prisons the case records of
men to be interviewed had been carefully studied.
These included an admission summary prepared by a
Professional staff. Often in addition there had
been office conferences with interested parties.

- 9 -

following 1informal hunches about traits that were
thought on the basis of experience to be associated
with the so-cglled "rapo":
The occasional prisoner: who shows a clear-cut
pattern for violent rapeisnot included in the 1n-
mate epithet "rapo".This term applies to the non-
violent sex offender who abuses children carnally
or takes indecent liberties with them. The "rapo"
usually comes from a low-standard background,both
economically and morally,and is slightly less than
average in intel ligence,but has a good work record.
As part of the picture there is often an unsatis-
factory sex relation with the wife,frequently there
are psychological barriers preventing contact with
other mature females, and there are children available
and friendly in the home or neighborhood. Al though
usually non-criminal in identification,he has pro-
bably been engaging in the deviant sex behavior for
a considerable period of time. A man who has had
intercourse or has taken indecent 1liberties with
his daughters,orwith any little girl for that mat-
ter,1s despised even more by convicts than by people
outside.He often turns to religion. As a result,a
major challenge to any energetic prison chaplain
1s to make the religious program so vital that it
appeals to "self-respecting cons" as well as to
"rapos". Al though usually classed in prison as a
"ding",or outcast, the "rapo" occasionally plays the
pro—administration,anticon role of "square john",
W.T., for example, pleaded guilty to carnal
knowledge of his older daughter on three specific
dates. Actually he had had intercourse with her
from the time she was eleven to age sixteen 1nclusive.
Just prior to his arrest he was starting in on his
fourteen-year-old daughter.Sex relations with his
wife had been unsatisfactory.When arrested he was
operating a small, independent logging outfit, In
contrast to many "rapos",he is exceptionally high
in computational and clerical interest and is plan-

- 3 -

ning to take high school courses while in prison,
He seems to be playing the role of "square john"
in the institution and gave us the common "rapo"
lament: "All the 1inmates talk about 1is crime!"
For the purposes of identifying the "rapo" ope-
rationally and studying each prisoner so identified
to determine the presence or absence of the hypothesi-
zed traits, he was defined as the nonviolent sex of-
fender who abuses children under the age of sixteen.
The offense for which he was serving time must have
been carnal knowledge,incest, or indecent liberties.
One conviction of this type was enough, but there
should be no record of any other type of felony.
The other offender types studied were themore or
less skilled con forger; the alcoholic forger who writes
worthless checks during periods of heavy drinking; the
So0-called "heavy", a property offender older than
twenty-five whose crimes were characterized by a wil-
lingness to use force as in armed robbery; and the
"graduate",a property offender twenty-five or younger
wWith two prior commitments to juvenile institutions.
In the search for offender types 1,691 male sen-
tence cases (January 1, 1955 to June 30,1957) from the
confidential files of the Washington State Board of
Prison Terms and Paroles in Olympia were examined.All
offenders who satisfied any of the five sets of iden-
tifying characteristics(339 individuals) were selec-—
ted for special study. In addition, a sample of the
residual group, 198 in all, was chosen as a control.
After the offender types and controls had been
Selected, each case record was studied to determine
the frequency with which any of the characteristics
assumed to be present were actually present.In spite
Or a rather complete case file, certain items, such
as the presence of psychological barriers preventing
fontact with mature females other than wife for the
rapo”, were not available; and other items, like
degree of identification wi th religious activities for
the "rapo", were recorded so infrequently that they

were not hel pful .
Earmarks used to identify various characteristics
thought to be associated with the non-violent sex of -
fender are listed below:
A good outside work record was indicated when
an inmate had held a job for two years or more,
his employer was willing to rehire, or both. The
alleged"low moral background"was checked by asking
the question: Was a memberof theman's family (parent,
sibling,or other relative)a delinquent,a gambler,
a pimp,or a prostitute?An unsatisfactory sex rela-
tion withhis wife from the inmate's standpoint was
either revealed in his own statement abouthis crime
or had been reported, sometimes with tears, to a mem-
ber of the professional staff.A prisoner waslisted
as playing the role of "ding" if study of his file
disclosed two of the following earmarks: evidence '
of low status among inmates, indication of being
shunned or outcast, extreme religious activity in
prison; behavior irrational or unpredictable.

Major Findings

A comparison of the italicized percentages in
Table 1 with thosein the same row that are not ital-
1cized will suggest the extent +to which hunches re-
garding associated characteristics were supported by
study of the records. 2)

2) Themedian chronological age for each offender type
was: for the con forger, 39; for +the alcoholic
forger, 37; for the "rapo", 41; for the "heavy",
33; for the "graduate",20; and for the control | 26,
As to race; the "rapos" and the "graduates" were
simil ar to the residual group which was 8 per cent
Negro and 4 per cent Indian. However, almost all
forgers were white(there was one Negro con forger
and one Indian alcoholic forger),and one of every
four "heavies" was a Negro.

TABLE 1

CHARACTERISTICS ASSOCIATED WITH FIVE OFFENDER TYPES
AND WITH A SAMPLE OF THE RESIDUAL GROUP*

——

Con Alcoholic "Rapo" "Heavy" "Graduate" Residual
forger forger
CHARACTERISTICS N = 49 N - 73 N = 54 N = 66 N - 97 N = 198
*
Num- Per Num- Per Num- Per Num- Per Num- Per Num- Per
ber cent ber cent ber cent ber cent ber cent ber cent
A. Personality Traits
1. Dcpendent* 13 26.5 55 75.3 25 46.3 11 16.7 9 9.3 43 21.7
2. "Anti-social reaction" 26 53.1 11 15.1 9 16.7 50 75.5 81 83.5 59 29.8
3. Ability to rationalize* 24 49.0 6 8.2 3 5.6 12 18.2 10 10.3 13 6.6
4. 1C 120 or above 18 36.7 16 21.9 4 7.4 16 24.2 13 13. 4 29 14,6
5. Educ. achicvement 10th grade or above* 36 73.5 26 35.6 10 18.5 21 31.8 18 18.6 60 30.3
B. Family and Community Relations
6. Member of family delinquent 3 6.1 6 8.2 3 S.6 16 24,2 28 28.9 16 8.1
7. Unsatisfactory sex lifc* 3 6.1 2.7 24 44.4 3.0 2 2.1 8 4.0
8. Good outside work record* 6 12,2 12 16. 4 30 S5.5 7 10.6 8 8.2 36 18. 2
9. Lowecr-lower socio. -econ. status 12 24.5 24 32.9 35 64.8 33 50.0 55 56.7 75 37.9
10. Lower-middle socio. -econ. status 20 40.8 26 35.6 3 5.6 4 6.1 11 11.3 40 20, 2
C. Role Played in Prison
1i. "Qutlaw'*» 1 2.0 0 0.0 ) 0.0 8 12,1 28 28.8 5 2.5
12. Escape or attempted escape 12 24,5 5 6.8 o 0.0 20 30.3 20 20.6 S 2.5
13. "Right guy''** 27 55 1 4 630 3 5.6 54 81.8 61 62.9 62 31.3
14. Shuns self-improvement~ - 23 47 0 43 58 9 6 11,1 52 78.8 62 63.9 87 43.9
15. "Politician'* 19 3 - 9 23 1 1.9 1 1.5 0 0.0 9 4.5
16. "Square john"* 0 ; 16 21. Y 29 53 7 1 1.5 2 2.1 86 43, 4
17. "Ding"* ! 11, 19 35 2 2 3.0 5 5.1 10 5.1
D. Seriousness as Judged by Board
18. Minimum sent, 7£ yrs. Or more > 12 BEE 6 8.2 12 22 2 33 50.0 18 18.6 23 11.6

Both types and sample were selccted from 1;691 Washington St.ite .entence cmi, January 1, 1955, to Junc 30, 1957,

Hypothesized characteristic or sclected carmark significantly diffcrent from the other types and from the residual at the 1 per cent level.

Significantly differcnt at the S per cent level.

- 6 -

In addition to themajor hypothesized traits which also
have been placed in 1talics. certain earmarks that
proved to be i1ndependently differentiating have been
included. Table 1 shows, too, whether or not chi-
squares 1ndicate that an hypothesized characteristic
or selected earmark 1is signiflicantly different from
the other types and from the residual at the 5 per
cent level or better.
The "rapo" came from a lower-lower socio-economlc
status more frequently than the others, but the
"graduate" and the "heavy" were close to him 1n this
respect. On the item. member of family delinquent,
the "rapo" and the con forger had low percentages,
while the "graduate" and "heavy" had high rates. If
this 1s an adequate index, then the "rapo". in com-
parison with the others, does not have a "low moral
background"”. The median I§ for the "rapo" i1s 93.5;
for the con forger, 113.5; for the others, including
the control, 104 . 1. The "vrapo" has the lowest per-
centage of those with IQ 120 or above and the highest
for IQ 59 or below, but the differences are small.
He has a significantly better outside work record
than any of the other offender typesor the residual.
Al though more than twice as many "rapos" as controls
were married the former wecre much more likely to
consider their sex lives unsatisfactory.The connection
between this fact and their carnal abuse of young
childreni1s obvious.In prison the "rapo", to an extent
much greater than for the other types or the residual,
1s forced to play the role of "ding" but many of them
do turn out to be "square johns" .
It will be noted that the con forger plays the
role of "politician" (one who manipulates 1nmates and
staff)three times as frequently as the alcoholic for-
ger and more than ei1ght times as of ten as the control .
There 1s also the unanticipated finding that the con
forger vanked high in "antt-social reaction” and
highest of all 1n the earmark,ability to rationalize
hi1s behavior so that i1t appears warranted . reasonable

and justified,
The al coholi1c forger was significantlymore depen-
dent in personality than the other inmates. 3)
Psychologically speaking, he leaned heavily on his
mother in 31,5 per cent of the cases, on his wife 1n
27,4 per cent. In contrast, the "rapo" was dependent
on his wife 1n 27,8 per cent of the cases, on his
mother in 14,8 per cent,Both forgers came from lower-
middle socio-economic backgrounds to a greater extent
than the other types or the control.
In accordance with the hunch that came out of
parole board experience,the "heavy" 1s more apt than
others to act the part of "right guy" (pro-con, anti-
administration) in prison. It will be noted that the
"heavy" is clearly a greater escape risk than the
"rapo", the residual,or the alcoholic forger, but is
only somewhat more of a hazard in this respect than
the "graduate" or the con forger.It is understandable
however, that the Board of Prison Terms and Paroles,
regcarded the "heavy's" behawior, with its threat of
force,as serious and was more prone for him,than for
other prisoners, to set a minimum sentence of seven
and one half years or longer,
The "graduate", as expected, ranked highest in
"anti-social reaction". He was in fact, highest in
four of the six identificationitems: alwaysin trouble,
frequently callous and hedonistic.shows marked emot-
lonal 1mmaturity. lacks judgment. The "heavy" was,
however not far behind both 1n "anti-social reaction"
and in each of the four earmarks. It 1s well known
that such traits make for high resistance to treat
ment and a low percentage of success on parole. The

T —————————

3) A post-doctoral study of the alcoholic¢ offender by
Jean Garneau using parole board files shows no sig-
nificant difference 1n the extent of dependency

between al coholi¢ forgers and alcoholic burglars
or thieves,

- 8 -

frequency with which the "graduate" plays the role
of "outlaw" (social rebel) in the prison community
1s clearly indicated. 4)
Not counting the hunches on which the data needed
for checking were either unavailable or inadequately
available, nine of +the hypothesized associated
characteristics were significantly supported by study
of the records and five were not.
With four hypothesized characteristics verified
at the one per cent 1level, the "rapo" is the most
clear-cut of the five types.He combines anon-criminal
background and a good work record with what to him is
an unsatisfactory adult sex relation. His abuse of
young children has made himan outcast from conventional
soclety and has often earned for him in prison the
low status of "ding". But he is the only one of the
five types with a better-than-average prospect for
making a success on parole. The other four in fact,
are in the highest risk group of offenders from the
standpoint of parole violation.
Valid generalizations about all criminals or even
a substantial proportionaredifficult to make.Selec-
ted offender types,however, such as those studied in
this project, show distinctive personality traits,
family and community backgrounds,and roles played in
prison. In brief, if attention is given to specific
kinds of offenders, significant generalizations are
possible.

4) Like the other terms wused here to describe roles
in prison, the word "outlaw" is an inmate epithet
at Washington State Penitentary.

Chez les prisonniers qul ont commls un certain
genre de crime, il peut y avoir une répétition d'un
trait de personnalité,une certaine ressemblance dans
leurs relations familiales ou sociales, ou encore
dans le 1rdle qu'ils jouent dans le groupe social
restreint de 1la prison., Nous avons parlé ici des
traits de la personnalité et des caractéristiques
sociales qui paraissent associés(avecla commi ssion) aux
(d')actes sexuels non aggressifs envers des enfants,
Certaines intuitions au sujet de ce groupe, que nous
nommons "rapo", furent étudiées chez 1,291 prisonniers
de 1'Etat de Washington. Ce groupe, ainsi que quatre
.autres catégories de criminels, fut soigneusement
choisi, et 339 individus firent 1'objet d'une étude
intensive. Un groupe contrdle de 198 prisonniers fut
aussi utilisé. De ces cinq catégories, le "rapo" fut
celui qui montra les traits les plus définis. Son
orientation est non-criminelle,il est un travailleur
consciencieux, mais souffre de mésentente mésadapta-
tion sexuelle.
Parce qu'il moleste les enfants, il est rejeté
non seulement par 1la société en général, mais aussi
Par le groupe de prisonniers,qui lui donnent un status

inférieur et le qualifient de "ding". Le "rapo" est

- 10 -

cependant celui qui ales meilleures chances de succes
lorsqu'il est 1ibéré conditionnellement,
Pour ce qui est des autres catégories, il fut
intéressant de constater qu'en prison, ces individus
jouent souvent un role specifique.Celui qui fait des
faux cheques réussit facilement & convaincre et a
manipuler ses victimes pour en arriver a ses fins;
en prison, il est qualifié de "politicien" pour 1la
meme raison. Le groupe de "heavy" (lourd, brutal)
comprend les voleurs dangereux, semi-professionnels,
et ils semontrent anti-administration et tout-a-fait
rangés du cote des prisonniers; c'est 1le rdle du
"right guy". Le "graduate" (gradué) est un voleur de
moins de 25 ans, qui a déja été incarcéré dans une
institution de juvéniles, et qui montre une réaction
anti-sociale définie, joue le rdle de rebelle("outlaw"),
alors que 1le faussaire alcoolique, qui émet des
chéeques durant des beuveries prolongées, a une per-
sonnalité dépendante, s'identifie avec 1'administra-
tion ("square john") mais souvent aussi avec le rdle
de "right guy".
I1 est difficile de généraliser au sujet de ces
catégories de criminels.Nous avons indiqué cependant
que certaines catégories, telles celles du "rapo" et
du faussalire, jouent des rdoles définis en prison, et
qu'ils ont une histoire familiale et sociale, et des

traits de personnalité qui leur sont propres.

FOURTH INTERNATIONAIL CRIMINOLOGICAIL CONGRESS

~ THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

3

I1

THEFT IN DEPARTMENT STORES

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands).

THEFT IN DEPARTMENT STORES

by

Dr. Wolfgang Doleisch
Ministerialrat im
Bundesministerium
fir Justiz,
Wien (OSTERREICH)

I. Forms of larceny from department stores.
II. To what extent are these thefts known to the po-
lice?

ITI. what measures of prevention are to be recommended?

General. Larceny from department stores as such does
not,1n Austrian law, form a separate offence
such as, for example, burglary. It is therefore not
Possible to obtain figures by way of criminal statistics.
The data for this investigation was obtained mainly
from leading officials of the big Viennese department
Stores.In order to complete this information the au-
thor has had interviews with a number of inmates in
an Austrian prison for women. These women were all
Sentenced for having stolen from department stores.
Some data could also be extracted by the study of the
files relating to such offences. Finally, the author
§°Pes that he may have succeeded in reconciling his
Investigations with those of an experienced official
of the Vienna police force.

Remarks concerning I

If we consider as alarceny from department sto-
res, all those offences which imply a loss for the
Proprietors of these department stores then larceny
from clients of such a store may be excluded. Experience

- 9 -

shows that "shoplifting" and "pocket picking" are two
completely separate types of criminal activities. 1)
Thefts which result inaloss to the proprietors
of the department store may be committed by the fol-
lowing:

a. By those who come from outside as clients of the
department store.

b, By employees of the department store, and
C. By clients and employees jointly.

Of these three categories (b) is not of particu-
lar interest sinceit is not something that is typical
for department stores only. Thefts committed jointly
by employees and clients are comparatively rare but
may 1nvolve considerable sums.This category too,will
not be considered further in this report.What follows
18 exclusively concerned with shoplifting as defined
in (a) above.
The manner in which shoplifting offences are com-
mitted depends on the place where the offence occurs
and on the organization of the department store. It
1s therefore not possible to enter into the different
techniques involved in a short report,

1) Typical of this commonly held point of view is the
explanation which was given by a professional wo-
man shoplifter for this curious division.This shop-
li1fter denied hotly that she would ever pick poc-
kets, indeed she despises pickpockets ever since
the time when her mother had her purse stolen - a
purse which contained the money for the rent - the
theft of which caused considerable hardship. But
if you stole from a department store then "they"
would not really find themselves in difficulties.
This showed clearly the lessening moral resistance
viz-a-viz proprietors.

- 3 -

The author would divide shoplifting into three
categories: -

Occasional shoplifting.
The persistent shoplifter,

C, The professional shoplifter,

As regards the occasional shoplifter,she (or he)
Seldom enters a department store with a deliberste
intention of stealing,but seduced by the look of the
goods that may be displayed in a haphazard manner she
may take a single article. In such cases, articles
may be stolen for which the offender has no use what-
ever,
Avarice and pleasure in possession may be leading
motives in such acts of shoplifting.,
The persistent shoplifter,by contrast,seeks op-
Portunities for stealing.Frequently, these are thieves
who succeeded so well in their first exploit that they
steal again and finally do not have enough will-power
to cease.
As for the professional shoplifter she steals in
order to keep herself,Professionals operate often in
two's sometimes alsoin larger groups but hardly ever
singly. They steal those objects which represent the
greatest value such as cloth, silk, leather attaché
cases; electric razors, coats (fur) and overcoats.
The technique of shoplifting is often extremely in-
genious., The professional shoplifter sells what she
has stolen to a fence, or she pawns the goods or has
them sold by public auctions. Occasionally stolen
goods are sold by offering them from door to door.
The comradeship amongst professional thieves
shows itself by such acts as drawing the attention
°f a colleague to a useful opportunity, for example,
the carelessness of a shop assistant or the time du-
ring which the floor detective takes his lunch. Ex-
Perienced shoplifters prefer the time of the lunch-

- 4 -

hour sinceit is at this time the number of assistants
is generally lower.
Real need is seldom,if ever, the cause of shop-
lifting.Possibly this was otherwise in the last years
of the war when the lack of consumer goods was very
pronounced,Statistics concerning thefts from a large
department store in Vienna covering the last 37 years,
show that in 1941 the number of thefts was 117 per
cent higher than in 1937 and in 1943 99 per cent.
On the other hand, the thief may well experience a
desire to steal additional objects she could not pur-
chase out of the income she possesses but which she
would not like to do without, such as nylons, cosme-
tics, perfumes, chocolates, jewelry.
The following categories may be distinguished ac-
cording to the reaction on being caught.

a. A small number of those caught do not seem to
mind.This type accepts arrest as a business risk.
Mostly these are professional shoplifters.

b. A number are greatly upset by their arrest.They
may feel sick and even lose control over their
bodily functions. Even attempts at suicide are not
uncommon,

C. The largest proportion of arrested shoplifters
deny the theft even when the stolen articles are
found to be still in their possession. All sorts of
incredible excuses are offered: "The shop assistant
took so long in coming", "I wanted to pay the next
time", "I was in a great hurry", "I thought that my
sisterhad already paid","l only wanted to see whether
things are properly supervised here". Occasionally
there may be threats or force. A woman arrested for
shoplifting in a department store,for example,agreed
to an examination of her lodgings but ran away after
having locked upin her home the two officials of the
~department store who had come with her.

Sex and Age of Shoplifters

In accordance with the preponderance of female
clients of department stores,the proportion of arres-
ted shoplifters amongst women is higher than amongst
men.The actual percentage isnoted in different ways.
The average is about 80% to 85%.
Amongst those arrested all age groups are re-
presented but the proportion of youthful offende:s
1s considerable. This may be connected with the fa-t
that the youngsters are still clumsy and therefore
most often caught. Amongst male shoplifters, the
proportion of youngsters 1s overwhelming .Even children
between 10 and 14 who, according to Austrian law are
not punishable, may be found amongst those arrested
for shoplifting. The fact that such children are not
punishable 1s sometimes used by adults,who encourage
these children below the minimum age of criminal res-
ponsibility to commit the offence without risk.
It is particularly at Christmas time when the
department stores are specially decorated, or in the
autumn just before schools begin, that children go
to department stores, often in fairly large groups,
and there see objects which they would like for them-
selves but for the purchase of which they do not have
the money. Occasionally shoplifting within a group
of such children may be regarded as something of a
Proof of courage.He who has succeeded in one offence
will become more daring still .Amongst children there
may also be the desire to give presents to relations
or others who are in close contact with them or whom
they admire.

What is stolen?

As mentioned above, the professional shoplifter
steals those objects which represent the highest value.
Children prefer objects which may be used at school,

- 6 -

such as propelling pencils, fountain pens or quality
toys. Apart from this, everything may be stolen that
the department store displays and that may easily be
carried.

Extent of shoplifting

Apart from a few departments in which goods are
accounted for by numbers(for example, radios, refrigera-
tors,T.V. sets) it is a general rule in a department
store to control by value,not by numbers. At the in-
ventory the total value of the goods sold plus the
value of the goods unsold should equal the value ori-
ginal ly present.Mostly,there 1s a deficit however |,
which is even taken into consideration,within certain
limits, by the Income Tax authorities. This deficit
contains also loss through shoplifting.The exact pro-
portion to the total loss, is, however, not exactly
available.
The head of a department store in Vienna estima-
tes on the basis of careful calculations that only
about 10% of shoplifters are caught. The author is
not in a position to quote the exact figures since
the absolute value of the deficit without taking into
account the total turnover would produce amisleading
picture.

Remarks concerning 11

If the shoplifter who has been caught has money
on him thenhe will be asked to pay the purchase price
of the stolen articles, otherwise the articles will
be taken away from him. The police are, as a rule,
only notified if the quantity of stolen goods 1s con-
siderable or when the person caught is a professional
shoplifter or shows hersel f to be completely impenitent.
There is,however, a tendency nowadays to notify

- 7 -

the policein all cases since a greater degree of de-
terrence is expected from such a course of action.
The hesitations in notifying the police may be related
to the fact that many notifications would result in
an increased personnel having to deal with police and
court authorities and this would result in higher
costs.Shoplifters who are caught are,without except-
1on, forbidden the entry of the department store in
future.

Remarks concerning III

It may be said that shoplifting is part and parcel
of the risk of running a department store. All those
conditions which together make up the special atmos-
phere of a department store, also make possible and
facilitate shoplifting. "When no-one steals, no-one
dies". A preventive measure which would be sure to
make shoplifting completely 1impossible does, there-
fore,not exist. It is only possible to have recourse
to preventive measures which can diminish the number
of thefts.In order to prevent shoplifting,department
stores use above all, special detectives who are mostly
full time employees. These are employed either the
whole year round or only during the especially busy
times( for example in the period October to December).
Female detectives are less obvious in such cases.
It is of course out of the question, that a few pri-
vate detectives could insure the complete safety of
all the articles contained in the whole department
store; they must, therefore, try to recognize those
clients who enter the store with the intention of
shoplifting. The co-operation of shop assistants and
of the other personnel is also necessary.Even leading
officials of the department store have to keep their
eyes open.
Apart from the store detectives there are special
groups of criminal police that look in at the busiest

- 8 -

times. These are often aided by their special know-
ledge of professional thieves.
It follows from the above that it is not possible
to recommend really decisive measures which would re-
sult in considerable changes.A few possibilities may,
nevertheless,be mentioned, which may somewhat reduce
the i1ncidents of shoplifting.

1. The creation of special circumstances concerning
shoplifting which,similar to the theft of vehi-
cles, would reduce the legal gqualifying limits. (In
other words, the strengthening of penal sanctions).

2. More frequent notification to the police.

3. Bringing about a change in public opinion but
also 1n the vliews current amongst police and
court circles according to which the attractive dis-
play of goods in department stores actually entices
clients to steal .This point of view should be fought
against with all the means of mass communication which
are avallable such as press,radio and T.V. The argu-
ments should stress that the growing number of motor
vehicles does not excuse the stealing of motorcars
either, even though the element of enticement must
enter also,

4, The installation of special apparatus for super-
visionin department stores using the most modern
technical means (e.g. closed circuit T.V.) in order
to create the feeling amongst the clients that they
are being constantly watched.

9, The department store finally should only refrain
from notifying the police of an occasional shop-
lifter where the person caught agrees to the taking
of a photograph to be usedin the files of the depart-
ment store.This provision is based on the fear which
people experience, of having their particulars in a

- 9 _

file and particularly their photographs. Moreover,
such photographs can be wuseful for identification
purposes.

6. Obtaining the co-operation of school authorities
and women police 1in occasional searches of de-
partment stores at special times(for instance at the
beginning of term)in order to survey school children
and to protect them from committing offences,

- 10 -

RESUME

Au début, il est fait mention de ce que la sta-
tistique des crimes ne peut pas fournir d'éléments
d'appréciation quantal'importance des vols dans les
grands magasins, cette forme du vol ne correspondant
pas a une espece de ce délit prévue spécialement par
la loi pénale; en outre,de la totalité des vols dans
les grands magasins découverts, une partie seulement
est portée a la connaissance des autorités. Les ré-
sultats de 1'enquete sont donc basés,pour la majeure
partie, sur les communications regues des employeés
dirigeants des grands magasins viennois et sur des
conversations personelles avec des voleuses se trou-
vant en détention,
Dans la suite, une définition exacte du temme
"vols dans les grands magasins" au sens de 1'enquete
est donnée.
On distingue,quant au vol dans les grands maga-

sins, trois catégories de voleurs:

a. le voleur occasionnel,
b. le voleur persistant,

c. le voleur professionnel.

Un essai est fait de délimiter ces trois caté-
gories.

Les réactions des voleurs lors de leur découverte

- 11 -

sont traitées de maniere détaillée, dememel'dge et
le sexe des voleurs, la nature des objets voles et
leur valeur.
On peut constaterla tendance de s'adresser a la
police dans tous les cas,un tel comportement contri-
buant & une plus grande intimidation. L'activité des
détectives des grands magasins est également traitce,
Partant de 1'idée que les vols dans les grands
magasins ne pourront jamais @tre empéchés entierement,
a la fin une série de propositions est formulée, pro-
positions qui pourront éventuellement contribuer a

réduire & un minimum cette forme du vol.

FOURTH INTERNATIONAIL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS

~ THE HAGUE 1g6o0 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

3

I1

THEFT IN DEPARTMENT STORES

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,

The Hague (the Netherlands).

THEFT IN DEPARTMENT STORES

by

Dr. C.N. Peijster
Chief of Police
Vl aardingen (the Netherlands)

A. Introduction

The problem of department store thefts is as old
as department stores themselves.Since Boucicaut foun-
ded the "Bon Marché" store in Paris in 1852 this mo-
dern selling system has soared to great heights.With
the devel opment of large residential centres the num-
ber and size of department stores increased, and with
the growth of department stores the thefts committed
in these shopping palaces have shown a similarly in-
creading trend.This 1s easily understood,considering
that department store theft is inherent in the sel-
ling system of these stores;, which seek by every
available means to excite the desire of the public
for possession of the goods displayed. This system
will be referred to again later. For the present we
must devote some attention to the definition of the
terms used and to the degree in which the evil of de-
partment store theft figures in the total volume of
criminality.
We describe as a department store theft any stea-
ling of merchandise by the frequenter of a department
store to the detriment of the establishment. By this
definition so-called staff thefts are therefore ex-
cluded from our present field of study.Thefts commit-
ted by the members of the staff of department stores
have of course,in common with department store thefts
in general, the feature that the goods stolen belong
to the sales stock of the establishment. But the op-
portunity for theft that is open to.the employees of
department storesis not a specific feature of depart-
ment stores alone. On the contrary, it is a feature

- 9 _

that occurs 1in connection with thefts by employed
staff in general. The number of department store em-
ployees who lay hands on the property of the store 1s
usually small compared with the numbers of apprehended
department store thieves (in the Dutch statistical
material which I used formy survey,the figures showed
that during a period of four years 33 staff members
were arrested against 1062 department store thieves),
It should be borne in mind. however, that the total
losses sustained through thefts by individual staff
members are often considerable. (Thus, the total loss
caused by the 33 staff members apprehended during the
4 years covered bymy investigatory material amounted
al together to over Dfl 57.000,- against a total of
nearly Dfl 16,000.- caused by the 1062 department
store thieves arrested during the same years).
The social evil lurking in staff thefts finds
expression chiefly in the amount of the loss caused
to the injured party.In the case of thefts by people
frequenting the stores,the extent of the evil is in-
dicated mainly by the number of thieves. The average
number of frequenters of the department store surveyed
by me 1s estimated as from 20,000 to 25,000 persons
daily. The daily average number of staff members em-
ployed 1is 850.
It may therefore be stated that one store thief
to every 24,000 to 30,000 frequenters is apprehended
daily, whilst in the case of staff thieves 1 staff
member to every 100 1s caught thieving., However,there
1s little point 1n weighing up these figures against
each other considering the different nature of the
two classes of offenders and particularly the different
frequency and duration of contact which staff members
on the one hand and frequenterson the other hand have
with the store.
The question now arises as to what relation be-
tween the number of department store thieves bears
to the number of persons committing other indictable
offences. The available criminal statistics do not

- 3 -

offer much data for determining this share of depart-
ment store theft i1n the total volume of criminality.
On the basis of the material at my disposal 1t
canbe figured for the city of The Hague that the to-
tal number of department store thieves arrested by the
police during the year 1954 was: 10.8% of the total
number arrested for any misdemeanour. Obviously de-
partment store thefts are a by no means negligible
category among the offences to be dealt with by the
police of a large town,
During a recent visit to the Cologne police 1
was granted the use of some statistics relating to
that city; they are recorded i1n the table below.

Table 1: Statistics of department store theft crimi-
nality reported to the police in Cologne,as compared
with other thefts.

1957 1958
Cases Cases Cases Cases
reported cleared reported cleared
up up
Plain theft(incl. 15,021 2,817 16,799 3,145
dept.store thefts)
Qualified theft 5,258 926 6,086 1,046
Dept.store theft 323 529

As practically all department store thefts known
to the police have been cleared up,because as a rule
a theftis only reported after the detection and arrest
of the thief,the numbers of cases reported of depart-
ment store thefts could appropriately also be entered
in the column of "Cases cleared up".
On this basis department store theftsin Cologne
during the year 1958 comprise more than 12% of the
total number of cleared-up thefts. For The Hague the
corresponding percentage for 1954 is: nearly 10%. Of
the cleared-up cases of plain theft,department store

thefts in Cologne (during 1958) comprise nearly 17%.

-4 -

The evi]l of department store thefts has, more-
over, some speclal aspects:

1. Firstly.1n a comparatively large number of cases
department store thefts are found to have been
commltted by persons under age according to criminal
law, whom we may term "juvenile delinquents". In The
Hague a large annual number of juvenile delinquents
are i1nterrogated by the Juvenile's Police on account
of misdemeanours. The majority of these cases are
dealt with out of court.The percentage of shop thefts
under this category (hence a somewhat larger class
than department store thefts) averages roughly 30%.
There i1s no doubt that as far as juveniles are con-
cerned the trouble is particularly serious.

2. Department store theft 1is a form of offence to
which women are in general more addicted than
men. As will be seen from the figures to be given in
the further course of this report. the number of de-
partment store thieves of the female sex who are ap-
prehended is amultiple of the number of male thieves
apprehended, at any rate as far as persons over age
according to criminal law(whom we will term "adul ts")
are concerned.In the case of juveniles the proportion
1s reversed.If juveniles are included in the count and
if allowance is made for the fact that the number of
women frequenting department stores is a multiple of
the number of male customers(I think the ratio between
the numbers of male and female department store fre-
quenters may reasonably be estimated at 1 : 4), the
distribution of the sexes in this offence still proves
to be a statistically interesting phenomenon. at any rate
when viewed against the relative volume of all-round
male criminality as compared with female criminality
(in the Netherlands above 5men were convicted to every
one woman convicted during the year 1949).

3. The criminality quotient (i.e.the ratio between
the known number and the actual number of offen-

ces, the number of known offences being taken as
unity 1) ) is influenced by certain special factors.
One of these is that as a rule goods stolen from de-
partment stores are not "missed" until the thief has
been caught red-handed, or when seizure of the goods
by the police results in restoration of the stolen
property. Otherwise 1t i1s seldom that stolen store
property 1is missed.
It is evident that the statistical material 1is
influenced by the above-mentioned circumstance (to
which should of course be added the reluctance of the
store management to report the theft),
The statistics of bicycle thefts, to take an
example, will <certainly give a truer record of the
reality, Similarly, many victims of a bicycle thief
evidently do not consider 1t worth while to report
the theft. As a rule, however, they will undoubtedly
be aware of the loss of their property.

B. Typology (question 3a)

The drawing up of a classification of offenders
in the field of criminology is amatter of great dif-
ficulty, and this applies in no less a degree to de-
partment store thefts.l even think the latter present
still more diffi cul ty where classification 1s concerned.
The persons committing this offence are just as
varied 1n type as those committing plain theft in ge-
neral. The circumstances in department stores, the
temptation to which the public are exposed and es-
pecially the opportunities people have of stealing in
these establishments are such that persons of the
most divergent description,moved by the most diverse

1) It may be noted that in this definition of the cri-
minal quotient the term"known"means: having become
known to the authorities according to the criminal
statistics,

- 6 -

motives, are led to commit this offence,
That the "professional thief" also takes advan-
tage of the opportunity for theft 1n a department
store, is not surprising; that a department store tis
a field of operation for many a "pathological theft"
1s well known and also easily understood. that among
department store thieves there are numbers of occa-
sional offenders,in viewof the conditions 1n depart-
ment stores, is again easily accounted for. However,
there is a certain part of the last-mentioned cate-
gory that rendersitdifficult to gain an insight 1nto
department store thefts.But itis this very part that
makes the study of department store thefts so very
interesting. I mean the category of those who, while
being of good name and repute,yield to the temptation
in a department store and lay hands on the property
of the establishment.
The fact that many persons who have the name for
being honest and who rightly enjoy the utmost confi-
dence in their own environments, commit theft 1n a
department store, proves the relative nature of the
"well-developed sense of correctness" which we attri-
bute to them. Psycho-analysts seek to explain this
by the deeply rooted inclination in man to take things.
However this may be,it is an establi1shed fact that a
by no means negligible percentage of humanity are only
deterred from theft by fear of the consequences of
apprehension.The (practical) certainty of being able
to take something unnoticed, causes many to have no
misgivings about committing theft. Many people think
(rightly or wrongly )that they can find this certainty
in department stores and are thus led to take something
from the mass of goods displayed.
In viewof this particular category of offenders
I consider the study of the department store thief to
be of great importance in gaining an insight into the
theft phenomenon in general.
The class of offenders just mentioned belongs to a
much larger category of thieves who may be regarded as

-7 -

fully accountable for their act, they are thus offenders
who are fully aware of the reprehensible character of
their act,and for the sakeof convenience we may call
them "common thieves".They 1nclude,along with oppor-
tunistic offenders, K professional and habitual thieves.
Al though of course no sharp dividing line can be
drawn, there exists besides the category of "common
thieves" a category which I have described as "depart-
ment store thieves 1n a restricted sense".Their thefts
might be termed "pathological thefts".It is just this
category that has received the lion's shareof interest
in relevant literature.lf anywhere, 1t 1s in depart-
ment store thefts that psycho-pathological aspects
are generally discerned.
Kleptomania 1n particular, the act of stealing
under a constraining influence,has 1n this connection
received much attention.Several modern writers agree
that kleptomania 1s a very rare occurrence. The dif-
ferences of opinion which exist on this point are in
my view largely due to the divergent meanings which
are assigned to the term kleptomania.
Thus, Von Hentig is of opinion that kleptomania
does not occur in department stores.According to his
vision, when the kleptomaniac is under the influence
of certain states of constraint he takes objects from
relatives and friends, returning them again after the
state of restraint has passed. In addition, however,
Von Hentig speaks of "kleptophilia" , by which he
means "shortcircuit"actionsof less serious character
in which endogeneous factors do play a part but 1in
which the element of passion is much weaker than in
kleptomania. In the case of kleptophilia the theft
comes about only under the pressure of externals factors.
I think this view may help to account for the
differences of opinion as to the occurrence or non-
occurrence of kleptomaniac thefts in department stores.
Those who discovered kleptomania among department
store thieves generally had kleptophile persons 1n
mind. If we do not rank these offenders as kleptoma-

- 8 -

niacs, then 1t 1s certainly a fact that kleptomania
occurs very rarely 1n department stores,
Among 59 cases against department store delin-
quents which were received by the Public Prosecutor,
I found that 7 related to "kleptomaniacs". (According
to Von Hentig's line of thought we should in this
case read "kleptophiles" for "kleptomaniacs") 2).
Among suspects not handed over to the police the
percentage of kleptophiles 1s,1 believe, still grea-
ter, 1ndeed, the thefts which. i1ncomprehensible to
outsiders. are committed by women of good name and
repute. will be treated with lenience by the depart-
ment stores.
Lastly, 1t 1s deserving of mention that klep-
tophiles 1nclude a certain proportion of women who
are led to commit department store thefts during the
critical periods of a woman's life.Particular atten-
tion 18 pald to this class of offenders by Miss Val-
kis barrister-at-law.

C. Criminality quotient (question 3b)

That the criminal statistics can only portray a
part of the actual volume of crime, 1s easily ascer-
tainable in the caseof department store thefts.Thanks
to the co-operation of department store managements
we have at our disposal statistical material relating
tomany thefts committed in department stores which have
not been brought to the notice of the police or courts.
There are of course numerous cases of theft un-
known to the managements of the stores concerned.
Still, the statistics mentioned do throw light on the
"obscure aspects" of this sector.As a result we have
ourselves gained amuch better insight into the rele-

2) H.vonHentig.Zur Psychologieder Einzeldel ikte ( the
Psychology of Individual Offences)., I Diebstahl-
Einbruch-Raub (Theft, Burglary, Robbery) page 52.

vant criminality quotient,
The table below,borrowed frommy dissertation 3),

gives a record of the

tion of this

ascertained theft criminality
in a large Dutch department store and of the propor-
criminality that came to the knowledge
of the police.Only this last part finds 1ts way 1nto
the official criminal statistics.,

1) For this year no specification was available according to age and scx.

TABLE 2
Department store thieves apprehended in a large Dutch department store
during the period 1947-1955
Suspects handed over Percentage handed over
Persons apprchended . .
to the police to the police
Yecar . ] . _ ]
juveniles adults juveniles adults juventles adults
Totall__. Tot.l . r Total
Boy| Girl | Man| Woman Boy| Girl | Man| Woman Boy |Girl Man Woman
1947 1) 461 70 15,18
11948 1) 314 64 20, 38
1949 1) 273 88 32,23
1950 1) 207 42 20, 28
1951 30 31| 10 151 222 | 21 9 6 36 72170,0{ 29,01 60,0 23.8 | 32.43
1952 98| 40| 22| 111 271 63 | 23 |10 48 144 164 2| 57,5] «5.4| 43,2 | 53,13
1953 65| 19| 22 99 205 | 33 5 |15 29 82150,7| 26,3| 68,1] 29,2 | 40,0
1954 127 39| 25 | 110 301 | 65 21 |13 53 152 151,1] 53,8| 52,0 48,1 { 50,49
1955 135 33| 26 91 285 | 42 9 |14 39 104 |31,1] 27,2]| 53,8 42,8 | 36,49
Totaks 1947 upto
and incl. 1955 2539 818 32,21
Totals 1951 upt
ota “PYO 1 455] 162 |105 |562 1284 [224 | 67 |58 [20s 554 (49, 2| 41,3] 55,2 36,4 | 43,14
and incl. 1955 .
Totals 1951 upto
and inc. 1955 Males: 560 Females: 724 |Males: 282 Females: 722 [Males: 50,35 Females: 37,56
per sex

3) C.N. Peijstér, De onbekende misdaad (The Unknown
Crime),

page 145.

- 10 -

The average percentage which the cases notified
to the police comprised of the total of department
store thefts, according to the Dutch material which
I examined (viz.over 32% during 9 years)is identical
with the percentage that can be calculated on the
basis of recent figures furnished to me with regard
to department store thefts i1in Germany. 1 am here re-
ferring to the undermentioned total figures relating
to 38 department stores in different German towns.

————————

Table 3: Department store thefts in 38 department
stores 1n Germany.

———

1955 1956 1957 1958
ﬁgrsons apprehended 2583 2725 | 2417 2965

Number of these persons

handed over to the police 5173 1044 1051 1163

According to these figures over 35% of the of-
fenders were handed over to the police during this
period of four years.
It 1is clear,as we have already suggested above,
that only a fraction of the department store thefts
committed comes to the knowledge of the department
store managers. There is no doubt that a large num-
ber of thefts escape the notice of the department
store detective service.Their number is particularly
difficult to ascertain. It is not found possible to
calculate the numbers of thefts via the losses in
recelpts of department stores. The amounts of these
losses arise through the operation of a large number
of varying factors (breakages, deterioration, losses
in weighing out ,losses through drying out,unexpected
changes in price,differences in exchange rates after
purchase in foreign countries,errors in price calcu-
lations,errors in labelling, etc.). What part of the
losses should be ascribed to thefts, can merely be
estimated.

11 -
D. Prevention of department store thefts(question 3c¢)

In the Introduction we stated that department
store theft 1s inherent i1n the selling system of de-
partment stores. All our observations on the preven-
tionof department store thefts will be based on these
premises.
The principles underlying the sales technique 1n
department stores are essentially irreconcilable with
theft-preventingmeasures insofar as such measures aim
at suppressing the 1inclination to theft on the part
of department store frequenters. Important means em-
ployed by department stores to excite the purchasing
zest of the public, such as: attractive displays,
tasteful packing,large stocks and the possibility of
handling the goods, have also the effect of creating
or stimulating the inclination to theft, especially
1n viewof the comparativelylax supervisionof depart-
ment store frequenters.This 1nconvenience is insepa-
rably associated with the means employed.
This is tantamount to saying that the possibili-
ties of taking measures for the preventionof depart-
ment store thefts are considerably less than might
be supposed: the incentive to theft which - uninten-
tionally - emanates from the department stores them-
selves, the goods displayed. the general atmosphere
and the further conditions in these establishments.
cannot as a rule be eliminated.
We are therefore confronted withadifficult pro-
blem: after the incentive to theft has been aroused,
something has to be done to prevent this 1incentive
from having i1ts consequences.
The most potent means to this end is to exercise
as intensive a supervision as possible. Most large
department stores exercise this supervision in two
forms: by the sales staff and by inspectors speciali-
zing in this matter (establishment detectives).
As a stimulus to store assistants in the perfor-
mance a@f this task, premiums are often awarded. This

- 12 -

giving of premiums 1s andoubtedly ameans of increasing
the alertness of the staff in detecting department
store thieves.Repressive actioni1s certainly intensi-
fied tn this way. This means is, however.not without
1ts drawbacks: the store staff will as a result be
more inclined to defer the taking of preventive action.
1.e.to 1ntervene only after an offence has been com-
mitted K though earlier intervention by the giving of
a warning might have prevented the consummation of the
act .Moreover. during the time of peak activity 1n the
store when the need for supervisionis greatest, there
is the least opportunity for 1ts exercise,
Another drawback to this supervision by sales
staff 1s the fact that the assistants are not all
qualified for this work.Errors are easily made,6 as a
result of which bona fide customers are scared. This
scaring of bona fide customers is in fact the main
difficulty with nearly all supervisory measures.Such
measures should be as unvexatious as possible to well-
intending shoppers inorder to prevent them from shun-
ning the store,
This requirement of course soon sets a limit to
the intensity of supervisory measures. And there 1s
yet another, at least equally important limit to the
scope of supervision, and that 1s the 1imit set by
financial possibilities. It is to be feared that the
limits thus set to any system of supervision afford
little opportunity for i1ts intensification.
It has been suggested that supervisionin regard
to theft would be more effective if the inspection
staff were in uniform while performing their task. 1
do not believe that this would 1mprove matters, 1n
fact I think 1t would be detrimental rather than ad-
vantageous. Professional thieves would be able to
achieve their purpose with much greater ease after the
uniformed inspector had turned his back to them.In
my view one need not expect much enthusiasm for this
1dea on the part of department store managements: a
part of the c¢lientele would feel less at ease in an

- 13 -

atmosphere in which suspicion and supervisory measures
became too consplcuous.These people would henceforth
make their purchases in othermore "hospitable" shops.
In the Netherlands no use is made of modern tech-
nical inventions such as radio and television for the
purpose of tracking down department store thieves.
Radio contact with surveying detectives would certain-
ly be of benefit to the work of detection. The use
of television cameras installed in the store 1s very
much boosted in the United States. It seems to me
that the efficiency of observationof crowds of people
on a television screen is very small,The psychologi-
cal effect of this means is perhaps deserving of the
highest assessment. However, I consider 1t doubtful
whether the results will offset the enormous cost
which the use of this medium entails.
The method of taking action against department
store thieves who are caught and apprehended is im-
portant with aview to individual and general preven-
tion.In my opinion such prevention will not as a rule
be promoted if the stores deal with thefts on too
large a scale without the intervention of the police.
Meanwhile 1 do not think ameasure of a legisla-
tive nature 1mposing the obligation to report these
cases would be desirable.The advocacy of such a far-
reaching amendment of the law might find some support
in viewof the comparatively large volume of the evil
of department store thefts(for this see under A).The
effectiveness of this measure seems to me, however,
to be very problematic. The inconvenience that would
be entailed by reporting the cases to the police (loss
of time!) would induce the stores to pass over many
of the facts ascertained without taking any further
action; besides,for an indictable offence as of this
kind the authorities would find it very difficult to
enforce the regulation to report each case to the police.
In cases of department store theft the Netherlands
courts are already making frequent useof informatory
and psychiatric reports. It i1s recommended that this

- 14 -

expert system of information be put into service on as

large a scale as possible. There is then more chance
that the motives of the offenders will be discerned.
For "opportunistic offenders" who have a large
share in department store thefts, there is of course
little need of individual prevention. Publication of
these cases in the Press will,however, make for all-
round prevention,
We did not see much in the way of workable schemes
for the prevention of department store thefts.In the
light of the foregoing it is evident that the store
managements themselves are best able to make a positive
contribution towards the solving of this problem,
which they can do by taking the following measures:

1. By allowing the public interest to carry as much
weight as possible as against the commercial in-
terests of the store, if by so doing 1t is possible
to meet any wishes, c¢.g. in the matter of goods dis-
play, that may be put forward with a view to theft
prevention,

2. By bringing the staff entrusted with the combat-
ment of department store thefts wup to as large
a strength as possible,

RESUME

A, Introduction

Des vols commis dans les grands magasins nous
donnons la définition suivante:
chaque vol de marchandises commis parwun visiteur d'un
grand magasin ets effectué au détriment de la dite
malson.

- 15 -

Le phénoméne facheux des vols commis aux grands
magasins présente quelques aspects spécifiques(beau-
coup de jeunes délinquants et des voleuses en grand
nombre) et - comparé au total de la criminalité en
matiere de vol - il compte quatitativement parmi les
délits d'une certaine importance(de 10 & 12%de toutes
les affaires résolues de vol).

B. Typologie (question 3a)

Les auteurs de ce délit varient autant que ceux
du vol simple en général.
On peut distinguer: "les voleurs ordinaires"
(voleurs de circonstance et aussi voleurs profession-
nels et voleurs dits d'habitude) et "les voleurs de
crand magasin dans un sens strict". Dans la derniere
de ces deux catégories,les facteurs psycho-pathologi-
ques jouent un rdle important; dans la 1littérature
c'est cette catégorie qui se trouve 2tre placee au
centre de 1'attention.Parmi eux sont les kleptomanes
et les "kleptophyles" (un néologisme introduit par
von Hentig); dans le dernier de ces deux groupes se
produisent les déraillements de moindre importance et
ou 1 impulsion instinctive est de beaucoupmoins forte
que chez les kleptomanes.

C. Quotient de la criminalité (question 3b)

Le matériel que j'al pu examiner (plus de 2.500
vol eurs de grand magasin arretés dans un seul des grands
magasins néerlandais)a démontré que - dans une periode
de neuf ans (de 1947 jusqu'ad 1955 compris) - plus de
32% des auteurs de vols arretés par 1'intervention de
grand magasin en question furent transférés ala police.
Un pourcentage du méme ordre (35%) a été trouvé
par rapportal'arrestation de plus de 10.000 voleurs
pris sur le fait - dans la période de 1955 jusqu'a
1958 compris - en 38 grands magasins allemands.
Dans les affaires contre les auteurs non-trans-

- 16 —_

féerés a la police (Donc: dans environ les deux tiers
des cas).il n'y a pas d'intervention officielle ( po-
liciére); ainsi ces affaires ne sont pas comprises
dans les chiffres des statistiques criminologiques et
font croitre dans ce secteur le "dark number" ?nombro
des cas qui restent inconnus).
Le quotient de la criminalité (c'est a dire: le
rapport existant entrele nombre des delits connus et
celui des délits effectivement commis, le nombre des
délits connus etant reduit a 1) est évidemment encore
grandement influencé par les nombreux vols qui restent
ignorés des services de surveillance organisés par les
grands magasins et dont le chiffre se laisse difficile~-
ment évaluer.

D, Moyens pour prévenir les vols aux grands magasins
(question 3c¢)

Nous n'avons pas rencontré beaucoup de moyens
pratiques pour empeécher de se produire les vols dans
les grands magasins,ceci parce que ces delits doivent
etre considérés comme etant inhérant au systeme de
vente qui est,pour les grands magasins, une caracté-
ristique essentielle,
A ce sujet, ce sont surtout les directolres des
grands magasins qul peuvent preter une contribution
positive:

1. en donnant - quand elles mettent dans la balance
l'interet commercial et l'interet général - & ce
dernier autant de poids que possible,en tous les cas
ou ils sauraient ainsi donner,Suite a des désirs ex-
primés en vue de prévenir les vols, e.a. aux deside-
rata regardant]les méthodes d'étalerles marchandises;

2. en augmentant dans la mesure du possible, 1'ef-
fectif du personnel chargé de la lutte contre
les vols aux grands magasins.

FOURTH INTERNATIONAIL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS

— THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

3

I1

THEFT IN DEPARTMENT STORES

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands).

THEFT IN DEPARTMENT STORES

by

Dr. A.G. Valkis
Probation Officer
Amsterdam, (the Netherlands)

QR

Sy
Mdichhas been written about shoplifting since the
advent of the department store, that type of esta-
blishment in which a wide variety of merchandise is
sold and where the management readily accepts the
concept that anyone may enter and browse without
obligation to buy.Such stores have existed since the
latter part of the nineteenth century and their number
has increased steadily.
Temptation is very strong in a department store,
The suggestive displays stimulate a desire for all
types of goods; but while they stimulate one's incen-
tive to buy, they also offer a great temptation to
commit theft,
In the course of time, increasingly diversified
goods have been placed on the market.Advertising has
been employed to ensure the want of all types of new
Products.The acquisitionof goods necessary to satisfy
this desire far exceeds the purchasing power of many,
but no one wants to feel inferior to his neighbour;
the lessening of class distinction also plays & role
in this regard.
Generally speaking, shopping is the province of
the woman.Most women do it gladly, finding it pleasant
to browse in the stores.They often purchase far more
than they had intended, and they rarely restrict
themselves to the most useful items.
Women also enjoy shoppingin the large department
stores because,in the cosy and luxurious atmosphere,
they can escape the poverty and loneliness of their
own homes and the boredom of the daily routine. The
stores are well aware of these motives and cater to
them by planning their buildings to include cosy

- 9 =

lunchrooms and other attractive features,
Usually far too little 1s done by the stores to
diminish the temptation to steal .Often there are too
few employees to watch the merchandise properly, and
even these personnel do not always realize their
responsability.This irresponsible attitude is particu-
larly prevalent 1in large department stores; young
salesgirls stand talking to each other rather than
attending to the shoppers. Frequently one is obliged
to wait a considerable time before being hel ped with
the desired article, and the temptation to leave without
paying becomes very great.Thus temptationis greatest
in the large department stores where cheap merchandise
1s sold, for both the management and the public: those
who can afford to purchase least come there,
The impersonality of the department store also
plays 1ts role in the thefts committed there; one finds
1t much easier to rob a large store with an unknown
management than a small shopkeeper whom one knows
personally. In addition, the 1large store contains a
great many more articles,and the offender can easily
convince himself that the store will nevermiss whatever
he might take,
According to Thiekotter, the noisy atmosphere
of the department store and the typical scent which
lingers there are also influential:Psychopathic women
could suffer a consciousness stricture. 1)

Theft Patterns.

Premeditated theft is usually accomplished more
systematically and adroitly than that committed im-
pulsively. Women steal clothing, small articles with
which they can make themselves more attractive, and

1) H.B. Thiekotter, "Die psychologische Wurzel und
strafrechtliche Bewertung von Warenhausdiebstahl en",
1naugural dissertation, Cologne, 1932. P.16, 20.

-8 -

food; men show a preference for books and phonograph
records; children steal pencils, ball point pens and
other small articles.

The Offenders.

I will confine myself to shoplifting committed
by adult shoppers in department stores,
When one 1limits oneself exclusively to adult
offenders in this inquiry, one must assert that such
theft is accomplished by women. Dr. C.N., Peyster has
also examined the shoplifting of minors and has found
that boys steal more than girls.Nevertheless, female
delinquents still take more from department stores
than males; thus shoplifting becomes a typical female
offense.
Inlarge stores,merchandiseis readily available,
and consequently the deterrents fall away more easily
than elsewhere.Some people,whose morals are not high
but who have insufficient nerve to steal elsewhere,
find the courage to take things from department stores
because it appears to go unnoticed there. Dr.Peyster
distinguishes from these offenders shopliftersin the
narrow sense, those with psychological deficiences or
defects which drive them, al though they may be honest,
respected and wealthy citizens, to shoplift from
department sores., 2)
As I shall explain below, I am well acquainted
with both male and female offenders in this narrow
sense, ,
Men differ markedly from womenin their shopping
habits.They head directly for their goal,while women
look about and often buy morei than they had intended,
sometimes entirely useless things. Some women cannot
restrain their appetites and are impelled to buy
anything which strikes their fancy.

2) C.N.Peyster, "De Onbekende Misdaad", diss.,p.1883.

- 4 -

Psychological Conditions and Circumstances of Offen-
ders.

What are the motives of shoplifting?
In the first place,one must mention the craving
for displayed goods.
That some women, living in poverty-stricken cilrcumn-
stances,should turn to theft i1s only natural. A lack
of luxuries can also lend to the{ft; 1t can be very
depressing never to be able to permit oneself a little
"extra". The desire for luxury is not limited to the
pl easure that the women experiences from seeing and
owning beautiful things, but often includes a desire
to make herself more attractive to men by wearing
nice clothes.

Case 1. I know a 24-year old girl who stole a dress
so that she might make a better impression
with young men. She had much against her: she had been
reared in an institution for retarded children and,
as she came from a very disreputable family, 1t was
impossible to introduce a progpective husband to her;
she also has experienced a number of disappointments.
Aware of everything against her,she sought compensa-
tion through nice clothing.

Some women have an adequate i1ncome but, because
they cannot handle money,often {ind themselves short
of funds.
Many people enjoy getting something for nothing,
al though they possess the means to buy 1t,
Most housewives receive no pay {for their work and,
consequently, have no pocket money of their own., It
is often 1impossible to put aside anything {from the
household money for themselves. It is striking how
frequently a housewife sacrifices herself for the sake
of the other members of the family; as her husband and
children appear more in public and must look neat, she
buys for them f{irst and, if something is left over,

she then gets her turn.
It 1s generally accepted that generative condi-
tions can play a role 1n thefts committed by women.
If puberty and aging i1ncline people to psycholo-
gical disturbances,a woman's psyche oftenis affected
by pregnancy, childbirth, nursing menstruation and
ovulation also. Instability often occurs 1in these
circumstances. According to most authors. however,
these conditions predispose to theft only those women
who possess a weak psychic make-up.
Dr.Tammenoms Baklker toldme that he had examined
especially a great number of female shoplifters who
had stolen during the climateric. He believed the
cause to be metabolic disorders which lessen one's
resistance until instincts. which normally remain
hidden, are expressed outwardly. In such cases the
desire to possess goods gains expressionin the theft.
As far as the effect of menstruation is concerned,
Lekkerkerker finds the biological and psychoanalytical
Views equally acceptable 3)
The former school holds that the theft tendency
of amenstruating woman stems from the biology of the
species; she manifests an instinct for collecting
things which one can compare with the nest-building
instinet of birds in the mating season.Psychoanalysts
usually accept the view that each pathological theft
tendency has a sexual basis Thiekdotter speaks of an
"Ersatzbefriedigung" which would occur, particularly
In a generative circumstance. if the psychologically
weak delinquent could not derive normal satisfaction
In one way or another.4) Insufficiency feelings can
occur in women who have not, as is usually the case,
conquered penis envy. In his psychiatric report con-
cerning a woman who shoplifted during her menstrual

3) H. Lekkerkerker: "Menstruatie en steelneiging" 1n
Prof. Carp's "Sexuele Misdadigheid", p. 75 etc.
4) Thiekotter, p. 23.

-6 -

period, Dr. van der Sterren wrote that the offence
was motivated by the offender's desire to be a man,
This desireis strongest during the periods of greatest
emphasis on femininity, pregnancy and menstruation,
If penis envy no longer exists, then 1in many cases
menstruation probably will be no more than an acco-
modating factor, as the late Dr. de Leeuw - Aalbers
stated in a psychiatric report on a female shoplifter.
In addition,as has been said, one must consider
whether a weak psychic so1l i1s present The weaker
the psychic soil, the more influential will be the
particul ar conditions of the woman. 5) It seems to
me, in general, that the most 1important of these
conditions are menopause and climateric, closely
followed by pregnancy.

Case 2 1 am also acquainted with the case of a man
who stole books on <child psychology. It
appears that he was motivated by feelings of insuf-
ficiency 1n connection with his sterility,
Whenever a sexual basis for a pathological theft
tendency has been indicated,both the stolen articles
and the act of stealingmay have symbolic significance,
This has been demonstrated by Grelinger. 6)
The stolen articles are sometimes sex symbols;
the act of stealing 1s forbidden and,as such, can be
symbolic of the sexual act which the offender had
really wished to perform. Those who steal feel that,
should they be successful at theft, they can also
succeed at the other.
Grelingermentions further,after Stekel's exanple,
tiie 1mpulse to give everything away after the crime,
which often occurs with kleptomaniacs. I have known

5) Dr.P.Dubuisson,"Les Voleuses des Grands Magasins",
Paris 1902, p. 221.
6) H.Grelinger, p. 63 and footnote: "Cleptomanie" in
Prof. Carp's "Sexuele Misdadigheid", p- 53 etc.

- 7 -

several female shoplifters who kept stolen articles
without ever putting them to any use.
It seems to me that some women who steal during
the climateric or afterwardssuffer from various 111-
nesses which effect the psyche.One 54-year old woman
stole a dress; she had suffered a stroke. Another
woman of around 60, a diabetic, stole an i1nexpensive
table covering. Both were respectable women.
Itis possible that women sometimes steal during
the menopause with the conscious motive of acquiring
something which will make them more attractive to
their husbands or tomen in general. Perhaps they are
afraid of becoming less desirable as sexual partners.
As to the ages and community status of shoplifters,
I must refer to the study of Dr. Peyster.
Offenders who have stolen from department stores
due to unconscious drives are generally quite regretful.
If a woman has proper feelings for norms,her conscious
self will reject the act strongly. But i1f the theft
has given her satisfaction, there is a danger that
she will seek it again in this manner. However, penal
prosecution creates counter motives; the woman's good
reputation is endangered and,finally, the illegality
of the act is emphasized We notice in practice that
little recidivism occurs.
Dr.van der Sterren writes that it appears that,
in case one steals more or less from inner compulsion,
the wunconscious motives can be summarized as an
unconscious feeling of deprivation,always dating from
childhood (a lack of love and care).

Case 3., Some time agol reported about a girl who had
stolen a dress.She had received very little
Parental love and reproached her parents, especially
her father, for it. According to the psychiatrist,
under whose care she had placed herself,she had largely
repressed this blame. She had discovered that, when
she once stole a small "tidbit" at home, her father
was greatly saddened by this petty "larceny".

- 8 -

Consequently, the psychiatrist felt that her shoplifting
was really a manifestation of her negative feelings
against her father.Here is a girl who suffers from a
serious neurosis,

Sometimes we see also how someone has been un-
balanced in later times by his circumstances and even
brought to theft by them.
Why are these things stolen rather than purchased
by people who commit symbolic theft?
These people want to conquer something from life
which 1i1fe has not given itself. And one can speak
of a real conquest only when there is no equivalent.
Consequently 1t is of great importance whether the
equivalent 1s felt,whether it has effective signifi-
cance. One who has ample funds but who attaches much
value to money, will come to theft more easily than
someone who 1is freer with his money and yet has 1less
at his disposal.
The lust for power can also play a role.Whenever
a desire for dominance 1s present, there is a chance
that one would embrace theft to realize this ambition,
The delinquent is goaded into committing the prohibited
act,
Craving for sensation and the desire to take risks
can also play a part.In addition,Thiekotter,attaches
much significance to the childish desire to do things
oneself. He feels that each of these desires plays a
role, particularly in psychopathic women. 7)
The tendency toward dominance and the desire to
take risks are also factors of the game.Some offences,
usually termed "sporting thefts", are based on these
factors almost entirely.In the craving for dominance
we can discern something of the desire to master life
and death.The defiance of fate can also be connected
closely with this; one wants to show that he has been

7) H.B. Thiekstter, p. 21,

-9 -

favoured by fate or a god.The suspense of the "game"
liberates the offender from feelings of oppression.
There also 1s a certain element of aggression present,
and the game 1tself may serve to fill a void in the
individual's 1life.

Exampl es.

Case 4 A. 1s now 33 years old.She was one of three
rcirls of an unharmonious family in which the
mother had little control over the girls.She did quite
well 1n school and compiled an excellent record in her
various positions as a servant girl; she sacrificed
herself entirely for the idiot child of one of her
employers
At 19.A gotinto trouble with the police in con-
nection with stealing a dress from a shop. She had been
feeling quite depressed. and she did this act impul-
sively. It was also noticed that she was somewhat
proud and flirtatious. A. was engaged to W. whom she
later married; he had been unemployed for some time.
A helped to support him during this period and there-
fore could not afford to purchase what she wanted.
Consequently she yielded to temptation when she wanted
a new Baster dress. As A was strongly impressed by
her prosecution, the case was dismissed.
There is no mention of further dishonesty for a 10-
year period.The marriage with W. proved unsatisfactory
W. appeared to have bullied A . who associated with
Germans during the war .She neglected her housekeeping
and her two children, the younger of which had not
been fathered by W,
A. became acquainted with U., a mechanic, and
went to live with him; after her divorce from W.,
they were married. Al though U.earns a decent living,
he is obliged to be away from home a great deal and A.
feels neglected. She has sexual relations with other
men and allows them to pay her. She has now become
much more conscientious about her housework. A.tried

m
—— RN —
15

to gain possession of the child which she had by W.;
this was motivated more by fear of later reproach than
by motheriove ,and her request was denied. She shows
little 1interest in the other child born during her
first marriage,
A.1s restless and nervous;according to her husband,
she sometimes screams in her sleep.She is temperamental,
violent and rather suspicious.,
At 28, A. began to shoplift with B., a woman
from her neighbourhood. Within a few months she was
apprehended. Several months later A. was caught com-
mitting another similar actin the company of another
neighbour, C,
A, stole mainly luxury items, such as a sugar
sprinkler.She also took clothing and other merchandise
which was of no use to her. She said that she had
stolen from wantonness; sometimes she said that she
had stolen in order to give her children something.
She craves for luxury items and has often purchased
them, also.
A. craves sensation; her 1llegitimate sexual
relations and her preference for horror films would
indicate this.ller expression "wantonness" also leads
one to suspect that a yearning for sensation played
its role in these thefts.
One can also suppose that an aggressive element
was presentin her offences: she 1s quite suspicious,
particularly so of government officials since her
difficulties with the Guardianship Board.In addition,
she harbours very unpl easant memories of her childhood,
and she focuses her aggression on her mother.If this
aggressive feeling has played a part in fixing her
attitude towardslife,it alsomay have found expression
through her thefts.,
The psychiatrist noticed that A. was somewhat
lmpertinent; her disharmonic feelings were quite
apparent during her stay in the Ilouse of Detention.
She displayed a certain amount of aggressiveness.
Still, the psychiatrist was convinced that she was

11

well aware of the possible consequences of her offences.
Al though she became very nervous when she contemplated
the possible punishment this was 1nsufficient to
restrain her {from recidivism.
A received a partially conditional (or probatio-
nary; sentence with supervision,but 1t was extremely
difficult to make contact with her. She was 1later
imprisoned for shoplifting 1n The Hague; this offence
occurred during her probationary period. Since that
time she has undergone psychiatric examination at the
clinic 1n Utrecht in conjunction with still another
theft
Thus A stole not only because of her violence
and craving for luxury but also from a desire for
sensation and from probable aggressive tendencies.
Possibly she tried to fill avoid in her life through
theft, and 1t 1s not inconceivable that this woman
whose youth and adult 11fe had been marked by such
misfortune wanted to demonstrate oy means of thett
that fortune still smiled on her.

Case 5. B. is 27 years old. Her family has become
quite weal thy through her parents hard work
1n the pastry shop which her father owns. The only
daughter of the family her education was badly
neglected; she was dominated by her mother and never
could develop an i1ndependent personality.
As achi1ld B was fickle and full of fantasy. She
assoclated with an older man in the neighbourhood and
probably went out with German soldiers during the war.
At 19 she married a very clever workman.. The
marriage has not gone well,and the wman stands by her
only from compassion Dull and superficial, nervous
and unbalanced, B 1is also rather egotistical. She
has often made dates with other men, al though she has
not always kept them. As the psychological report
explained the sexual side of her marriage leaves much
to be desired. B.is at once passionate and cool. She

- 192 -

never experlences orgasm during sexual intercourse and
remalns unsatisfied.She feels no deeper affection for
her husband.
B enjoys taking risks, gambling with life. She
has been unable to ascertain her role in life, so
gladly seizes any alternative to her present existence.
Her character is of a genuinely hysterical type with
all sorts of 1inner conflicts; she 1s 1impulsive and
thoughtless,still expresses many infantile reactions
and possesses insufficient mental stamina to suppress
impul ses of a somewhat compelling nature. Such a
character leads her to shoplifting;herdesire for
adventure through running risks certainly plays a role.
She exhibits a disharmonic personality structure 1n
which both hereditary factors and poor education have
played a part; she 1s a person with a strong neurotic
and, 1n this case. hysterical nature in whom morbid
disorders are of such a character that the psychiatrist
considered her only partially responsible for her
actions. Prognosis would depend on the success af
psychotherapeutic treatment. Illowever, one should not
hold too high hopes for success.We have been wunable
to get her to submit to psychotherapeutic treatment;
besides, she says that she has been declared irres-
ponsible for her actions!
Since that time she has shoplifted twice more
from department stores.
Next to theft as "sport" stands theft as "showing
off", which we often encounter in young people, and
childcen.. Here the competitive element of the game
1s clearly demonstrated.

Case 6. Two young girls were in a department store.
One dared the other to steal alittle jumper.
Accepting the dare, the second girl took it without a
moment's hesitation. This girl certainly knows right
from wrong, but she is very fickle and unbalanced;
she has overstepped the mark in other respects at least
once, also.

- 13 -

Case 7. A social worker, who has been spoiled as a
child,once toldme that,as a 14-15 year old,
she often went out with a friend to steal 1ipsticks
and other such articles. When it went successfully
they fancied themselves quite heroic and never felt
remorse.Al though their pilfering was never detected,
they stopped stealing in the course of time. There
probably was no more fun 1in it, and they thought
themselves too old for that sort of thing.
Children steal for want of pocket money and
because they have not yet learned to master their
desires also.Some infantile adults can also be inclu-
ded in this category.

Case 8. A 39 year old woman took repeatedly candy
from a chocolate shop. She had been born in
Indonesia, the only child of a Dutch father and an
Indonesian mother The mother died shortly after the
girl's birth., After spending a large portion of her
youth in a convent school, the girl returned to her
father,who was able to give her little guidance.After
a short time he also died. She married at 17, after
having worked for a time inalocal shop., Her husband,
a Dutchman, is ten years her senior. She is a child-
wife to him; she has not developed an independent
personality. The family 1is wealthy and can easily
afford luxuries. The woman is very fond of children
and often distributes the candy bars which she has
stolen to children in the street,

Generally speaking, shoplifters are primitive
persons, who transpose impulse into action without
first considering the importance and possible conse-
quences of that action.

Male shoplifters.

On page 185 0f his dissertation Dr.Peyster writes:
"little can be said with reference to the cases against

N

!
SN

nnale shoplifters; the classi{icationof men causes few
dif{icul ties. Generally they already had come into
contact with the police tn connection witia property or
otaer offences....It appeared that none of these men
could be considered shoplifters in the narrow sense.
Srecial factors, which could suggest this, were not
found". 8)
My experience with male shoplifters leads me to
a different conclusion from that of Dr. Peyster.
The following are a few exanples of male shop-
lifters. They are all first offenders.

Case 9. M., 70 years old, comes from a reasonably
goodJewish family.llis father owned a textile
ousiness 1n which M.worked for many years before be-
comllny a commercial traveller. lle 1s now retired and
lives ona small inheritance.He 1s married to a woman
who 1s 15 years younger than he 1is,
Al though the marriage has been a happy one, M.'s
wife was unfaithful to him three years ago.lle forgave
lher completely,but the woman was so remorseful about
1t that she attempted suicide. She is now undergoing
treatment 1n a wsychiiatric institution.
M.has led a very lonely existence for the past
years; this depresses hin a great deal, the more so
wien he worries, becanse everytiing could have been
so different. Ille misses her love &and care.
M.stole an 1nexpensive fountain pen This theft
most probably canbe explained as amental short circuit
(an impulse arising dlirectly from the subconscious,
completely bypassing the conscious self) caused by the
sad disturbances 1n the 1life of the delinquent. His
doctor concurs with this opinion.
M.considers this a debt which he wants to redeem
by doing something for probationary work. He was

8) Dr. Peyster has examined 59 cases against male
siioplifters,

- 15 -

strongly impressed by the fact that he committed a
criminal oifence.

Case 10. 7i-year-old K., the only son of a decent
working family, was a hair-dresser for 42
years. He sold his business upon retirement, but the
money has been spent and he and his wife now live on
an old-age pension. Their two married daughters give
them some financial help.
K. and his wife are nice,simple pecple who have
reared their <children well and now lead a peaceful
life together. |
One day K. went into the Galeries Modernes (a
department store)and took several small items: a pair
of pliers, sunglasses and two cigarette holders. He
never goes 1into department stores otherwise, as he
prefers to let his wife do the shopping.However,that
day it seemed that he was <compelled to enter the
Galeries Modernes and to take these articles. He had
no idea waat use he would make of these things; he
already has two pairs of pliers, and he uses neither
sungrlasses nor a cigarette holder. Nor had he any
intention of selling these things.He did say that he
was not helped quickly by the sales girl and he 1s
rather impatient. He is also quite nervous and has
been bothered by sleepwalking. Some time before this
he had experienced shortness of breath as a result of
his high blood pressure,and shortly before the offence,
he had had the rlu ;heis also becoming hard of hearing.
It is difficult to say exactly what brought this
old man to theft. One might suspect that perhaps he
was losing control of himself as aresult of advancing
senlle decay.

Case 11. S.,59 years old, comes from a German Jewish
family of business men and intellectuals; a
large percentage of the family fell victim to the Nazi
terror. S. held various positions in German business
life before 1938,whenhe fled to the Netherlands after

— 16 -

having escaped from a concentration camp 1n which he
had been interned for anti-governmental activities.
After the German 1invasion of Holland in 1940, he
attempted suicide by slashing his wrists; after his
recovery he renewed his resistance activities, He
married a Dutch Jewess. After the war, S. began a
business i1in wholesale footware. His wife also runs a
business, and they lead a comfortable existance.
Al though the marriage has been childless, they
have an adopted daughter.
S.has been described as somewhat childish and impul-
sive, a man who wants to be obeyed 1n his home, and
who can be quite short-tempered at times; sometimes
he is exaggerativdy submissive with strangers. His
wife 1s more evenly balanced and knows how to handle
him lovingly; the marriage appears to be happy.
A short time ago S.'relatives in Israel asked him
to send them some German newspapers.lle purchased the
papers and periodicals regularly each week 1nalarge
magazine store.However.there was a resistance against
paying for the German papers which he was obliged to
procure for his relatives. Onceluestole German papers
without realizing it.
According to the psychiatrist,iti1s obvious that
a neurotic reaction took place here: by taking the
newspapers, he complied with his relatives request
without buying anything German.
When 1t had happened. he thought: "What have 1
done?".He felt freed only whenhe wrote his relatives
that he could send them no more German newspapers.
The incident is an obvious neurotic symptom action,
more transparent than one usually sees in educated
people. It is certain that such reactions occur in
other areas of his life; he obviously 1s a neurotic,
exact man who makes decisions with great difficulty.

Case 12. A 51-year-old gymnasticinstructor,wiio comes
froma good family and who has a good family
himself,is unable to express himself well,and is very

- 17 -

worried about whether he must have a gall bladder
operation. He has received conflicting advice from
doctors and is very frightened at the prospect of an
operation.
Within the course of six months he has stolen from
a department store,a large shop dealing in household
coods and a large watch store. He cannot understand
why he did these things and is afraid of losing his
job.,
Although I do not have the statistics at my
disposal,I believe it must be accepted that theft 1in
department stores 1n the mnarrow sense occurs more
frequently with women than with men
Male shoplifters 1in the narrow sense show the
same characteristics as the females.In many cases we
also encountermuch repentance and 1oss of selfrespect.
Generally speaking,shoplifting is an occasional
offence. Dr. Peyster can prove this by statistics;
however,there are professional and habitual offenders,
who engage in this nature of theft also.
Recidivism seldom occurs,especially to shop-
lifters in the narrow sense.
We have considered some factors which can have
influence on shoplifting.This is not to say that the
causes of all cases can be explained in a conclusive
manner; the offence frequently has amysterious aspect
and, for some part, delinquents must be understood
intuitively in such cases.

I gladly leave to Dr. Peyster the question con-
cerning the degree to which shoplifting comes to the
attention of the police.

Preventive Measures.

In the first place one should consider measures
which could be taken by the stores themselves to reduce
temptation and to diminish the possibility of theft,
It is very difficult to persuade the stores to

take measures which lessen temptation for at the same
time they wouid reduce the 1nclination of the customer
to buy. They will not readily place merchandise 1n
showwindows or beiitind glass: cuslomers must be able
to handle textile goods and to leaf through books.
In any case 1t has been recommended that they
place the showwindows and merchandise countersin such
away that the store canbe watched and browsers cannot
steal unnoticed. One also wants to avoid introducing
a police-like atmosphere by posting signs warning
against the consequences of theft,
Shoppers 1n one large clothing store 1f they
wish to try on articles of <clothing. are obliged to
take no more and no less than two garments with them
to the fitting room.
In some stores merchandise 1s guarded by the
regul ar personnel ;others have appointed special guards
who stroll through the stores in plain clothes,as if
they were customers Thiekotter pleads for uniformed
ruards; this would be an excellent check on shoplifters
in the narrow sense, but professional and habi tual
thieves make 1t desirable to have guards who are not
as readily recognizable. 9)
Secondly one must mention the reportswhich the
police of the four largest cities in the Netherlands,
following the example of Rotterdam have published 1in
the last few years.This has occurred twice annually,
1n January and July. at sales time. In these articles
the public has been warned against the possibility of
committing impulsive theft and against the consequences
of 1t Since the publication of this series, thefts in
departnent stores at sales times have droppedstrikingly.
Thirdly I want to consider the prevention of
recidivism.llere we enter the province of adjudication
and probationary work.
When shoplifting increases.it is sometimes thought

9) Thiekotter p. 1 27.

- 19 -

that the principle of general preventionmust be enforced
and that rather heavy punishments must be imposed and
carried out as quickly as possible after the commission
of an offence.Sometimes it is claimed that good results
are obtained with the heavy punishment system.However,
the question remains,whether the results are lasting;
cenerally,the deterring actionof very heavy penal ties
weakens after some time,
Serious objections must also be raised against
this system,becauseit would treat all offenders alike
when, in reality, there 1is such a variety of types
and there are such tragic "cases". Who would want to
imprison a sickly woman,who had committed an inciden-
tal theft, principally to set an example?
There need be no objection to assigning rather
heavy punishment to professional and habitual thieves
and to other serious recidivists,which would give some
consideration to the idea of general prevention,unless
they are considered (partially) irresponsible for
their actions.
It must be considered in all cases that the stores
themselves contribute to the origin of this criminality
by tempting displays and insufficient guards.
On the whole,a conditional punishment or a fine
can be given to shoplifters in the narrow sense; 1if
the legal system of a country makes it possible, it
1s unnecessary that some be punished at all.Apprehen-
sion,the investigation of the police and,eventually,
that of the probation officer,creates so much emotion,
bringgthe offender to reflection and createsso much
counter-motives that recidivism need not to be feared
1n many cases.,
Some thieves, who are not shoplifters 1in this
narrow sense,may also receive conditional punishment
or a f{ine,
Should a conditional punishment be assigned or
should the delinquent be held conditionally without
prosecution, it can be stipulated that he keeps
contact with a probation officer. In some cases this

- 90 -

will be necessary, in others absolutely undesirable,
If the offender has a weak feeling for norms,
they can be emphasized by this contact. An offender
who manages his money poorly, will need a leng thy
contact with someone, who can teach him to keep his
financial matters in order,
Such contact sometimes will prove unnecessary if
the delinquent 1is a respectable housewife who has
sacrificed herself forher family's sake; this should
depend on the particulars of the case.
When dealing with shoplifters in the narrow sense,
psychotherapy is sometimes necessary. Then 1t may be
unnecessary and even undesirable that the delinquent
be assigned to a probation officer,
The requirement that he must malintain contact
with the probation authorities can cause feelings of
insufficiency in the delinquent. I should think that
with people 1like M. and K. this must be considered.
Such people already have been shocked because they
have been capable of committing acts which their
conscious selves reject. Here a contact of short
duration may be useful; one can help them to see their
offences in the correct light and to regain their
self-respect.
Itisnot absolutely necessary that this contact
be imposed by the judicial authorities, It also can
be kept on avoluntary basisif the information report
1l eads one to suspect that the delinquent will cooperate.
The great advantage of this approach is that the con-
tact can be ended informally whenever the probation
officer feels that it is no longer necessary.

- 91 -

RESUME

Depuis la fin du siecle dernier, il existe des
"grands magasins" et leur nombre ne fait qu'augmenter,
Au moyen de 1leurs étalages ces établissements
suggerent et stimulent des besoins de toutes sortes:
ils ne cessent d'exciter 1'amour de la dépense et le
désir de 1'achat créant ainsi enméme temps la tenta-
tion de commettre des vols.
D'ordinaire les directions des grands magasins
prennent des mesures absolument 1insuffisantes pour
rendre moins grande cette déplorable séduction. C'est
surtout dans l1esmagasins populaires que la surveillance
fait défaut.
Le caractere impersonnel des grands magasins joue
werdleparrapport aux vols qul y sont commis, 11 est
plus facile de perpétuer des vols au préjudice d'un
grand magasin dont on ne connait pas la direction que
d'en commettre au détriment d'un commerg¢ant que 1'on
connalit personnellement,
Encore s'imagine-t-on aisément que d'une quantité
s1 abondante demarchandises,la perte de quel que petite
chose ne puisse avoir qu'une bien mince importance.
Je voudraisme borner a l1'examen des vols commis,
dans les grands magasins, par les visiteurs adul tes.
En limitant donc nos recherches aux adultes, nous
devons constater que c'est principalement par les
femmes que sont commis les vols dans les grands maga-
sins,
Le Docteur Peyster envisage aussi les vols commis
dans les grands magasins par 1es mineurs et i1 découvre
que les gargons y volent plus que les filles. Mais,
en total,le nombre des délinquants féminins dépasse,
sous ce rapport,celui des délinquants del1l'autre sexe.
Le vol commis dans les grands magasins est donc un
délit typiquement féminin.
Il existe des gens qui, du point de vue moral,
ne valent pas grand'chose, mais qui ailleurs ne

_ 99 _

sauraient produirele cran qui est nécessaire au vol,
tandis qu'au grand magasin ils ont 1le courage d'y
passer parce qu'il leur semble gu'a un pareil endroit
cela peut facilement se passer sans etre vu.
De ces gensle Dr.Peyster sépare les "voleurs de
grand magasin dans un sens limité",c'est a dire ceux
qui sont affectés d'insuffisances ou de tares psy-
chiques qui, dans les grands magasins, les poussent
a commettre des vols,quoiqu'ils soient autrement des
bourgeois honnetes et parfois méme des personnes
ausées. 1)
Comme ci-apres je vais 1'exposer, je connais
aussi bien des voleurs que des voleuses de grand magasin
"dans le sens limité".
En visitant un grand magasin, les hommes se
comportent en général autrement que 1les femmes.
Les hommes vont droit au but, tandis qui les femmes
sont 13 pour flaner, pour fureter un peu partout, en
finissant souvent par acheter plus qu'elles n'en
avaient 1'intention par faire parfois aussi des achats
parfaitement inutiles.

Etat psychique et situation personelle des délinquants.

Quels sont les mobiles qui se trouvent a la base
des vols commis dans les grands magasins?
En premier lieu on doit nommer le désir de posséder
certaines choses.Ce désir joue toujours un grand rdle.
Ensuite viennent d'autres facteurs susceptibles de
contribuer a4 la perpétration du délit.
Le désir d'avoir des objets de luxe n'est pas
uniquement déterminé par le plaisir que la femme
éprouve en regardant de belles choses et enles possé-
dant, mais trés souvent aussi par le souhait de se
faire attrayante pour les hommes au moyen du port de
beaux vetements.

1) voir: Dr. C.N.Peyster, Le crime inconnu, p. 183.

_ 93 -

I1 yades femmes avec des revenus passables,mals qui
ignorent completement 1'art demanier 1'argent,ce qui
fait que souvent elles sont a court.
Beaucoup de gens sont bien contents de recevolr
des choses sans avoir a faire des dépenses,meéme quand
il leur serait parfaitement possible de les acheter.
La plupart des ménageres ne regoivent aucune
rémunération pour leur travail:elles n'ont pas d'argent
de poche qui leur appartient en propre.ll est touchant
de constater combiende fois les ménageres s'oublient
elles—-mémes au profit des membres de la famille.
En général on admet que des états d'ordre génératif
sont susceptibles de jouer un role chez les vols commis
par les femmes.Selon la plupart des auteurs, de tels
états ne prédisposent au vol que les femmes chez qui
il existe déjaun fond psychique plutdt faible.Ce sont
surtout la ménopause et le climactérium qui souvent
semblent avoir une certaine influence; ensuite 11
parait qu'a cet égard 1'état de grossesse est le
principal des facteurs d'ordre génératif.
D'ordinaire,la femme qui -~ par desmobi1les inconscients -
en est venue au vol dans les grands magasins,fait-elle
preuve de regretter beaucoup ses méfaits.Lorsqu'elle
dispose d'un bon sens des normes, sa consclence ne
manquera pas de condamner tres séverement Ses actes.
En cas oule vol 1ui a procuré une certaine satisfaction,
le danger existe que c'est encore par le vol qu'elle
cherchera a 1'éprouver de nouveau. Mais alors des
mobiles contraires sont créésparl'angoisse pour les
poursuites criminelles; et ¢c'est aussi la bonne répu-
tation dont souvent la femme se réjou qui est menacée;
enfin, le caractere illicite de 1'acte délictueux se
trouve eétre souligné. Ce qui fait que, pratiquement,
nous ne rencontrons que de rares cas de récidive,
On connait aussi les vols commis par coercition, ou
1'on peut définir le mobile inconscient comme étant
le sentiment inconscient d'étre frustré,sentiment qui
souvent date des années d'enfance,parfois aussi d'une
période postérieure.

- 924 -

Le "vol symbolique" vise a conquerir quel que chose
sur la vie que celle-c1 a refuse au délinquant
Un certain trait voloncaire peut aussi jouer un role
ainsi1 que 1'esvrit dit de sensation et le besoin de
courir des risques.
Lorsque ces dernieestrols tendances entrent au premier
plan on parle parfois de "vol sportif" ou de vol
"pour 1 amour du sport"
Ic1 11 existeen effet une certaine analogie entre

le vol et le jeu A coté du "vol sportif" 1] existe
J
encore celuir "par bravoure" -'estadire pour wmontrer
que | "one ne manque Pras de "cran" un genre de délit

qul est parfois commis par les jeunes personnes ct par
les enfants.
Les enfants eux.n'ont souvent pas encore appris
a maitriserleurs appétits Il existe aussi des adultes
infantiles dont on peut dire la méme chose
D'ordinaire les voleurs de grands magasins sont
des femmes primitives. ¢'est a dire des personnes qul
transforment en actes les 1mpuaisions qul surviennent
sans d'abord en peser la porteéee et les eventuelles
conséquences
Quoique ne disnosant pas de chiffres, je crois pouvolr
admettre que le vol aux grands magasins conpriz dans
le sens limite se produit plus souvent chez des fermes-
vol euses de grand magasin que chez des hommes-voleurs
de la meme catégorie.
Les "voleurs de grand magasin dans le sens limité"
montrent les mémes caractéristiques que les voleuses;
chez eux aussi nous rencontrons tres souvent un grand
regret de 1 'acte commis.,ainsi qu'une perte du respect
de soi-mémne,
En général, les vols de g¢rand magasin sont des
délits de circonstance. A 1'aide de ses chiffres, le
Docteur Peysterle démontre.Cependant,dans de domaine
aussi, 11 existe des criminels professionnels.
Comme déja nous 1'avons dit,les cas de récidive sont
plutdot rares chez les vols de grand magasin dans le
sens limite.

- 95 -

I1 arrive souvent quele vol dans les grands magasins
garde un élément de mystere.
J 'abandonne volontiers au Docteur Peyster 1la
réponse a la question de savoir dans quelle mesure les
vols commis dans les grands magasins sont connus dela
police.

Mesures préventives.

Tout d'abord on pense ici aux mesures qui sont a
prendre par les directions desmagasins afin de réduire
la séduction et de diminuer les possibilités d'effec-
tuer des vols.
On arrive difficilement & faire prendre par les
magasins des mesures susceptibles de réduire la séduc-
tionlors qu'enméme temps ces mesures feraient diminuer
le désir d'acheter.
En suite nous devons citer 1les publications
qu'en suivant 1'exemple de Rotterdam, la police des
quatre plus grandes villes des Pays-Bas a fait
paraitre - au cours des dernieres années — dans les
Journaux locaux. Ceci se fait deux {fois par an, en
Janvier et en juillet, donc dans les périodes dites
des "soldes". Dans ces communications, le public est
averti contrele danger d'accomplir - dans un regret-
table moment d'acces ou d'impulsion- un vol de grand
magasin et contre les conséquences qui en seraient la
suite. Et c¢'est dans une remarquable mesure qu'apres
ces publications,durant les périodes des "soldes".,
le nombre des vols de grand magasin a diminué.
Enfin voudrais-je encore mentionner les mesures
Préventives qui sont & prendre pour empécher les cas
de récidive.
Ici nous entrons dans le domaine des sanctions pénales
et de reclassement social.
Aux époques ou le nombre des vols commis dans
les grands magasins augmente, on est parfois d'avis
que le principe de 1la prévention générale s'impose
et qu'il sied d'appliquer et d'exécuter - aussi vite

- 96 -

que possible apres la perpétrationdes délits - d'assez
séveres peines privatives de 1liberté. Parfois on
prétend avoir obtenu de bons résultats en appliquant
un tel systeme de lourdes punitions., Or, la question
se pose de connaitre la durabilité de ces résultats:
c'est que d'ordinaire apresun certain temps,l'action
effrayante des peines tres séveres diminue de beaucoup.
Comme un grave inconvénient de ce systeme doit-on
signaler qu'alors tous les voleurs de grand magasin
sont mesurés 4 1a méme aune,tandis qu'il existe entre
eux tant de types foncierement différents dont cer-
tains "cas" si particulierement tragiques.,
Qui serait désireux de faire enfermer - pour cause
d'un vol dit d'occasion - une vieille femme maladive
et cecl surtout pour "faire un exemple"?
Il n'y a aucune objection contre 1'application d'une
peine plutdt sévere 1lorsqu'il s'agit de voleurs
professionnels, de ceux dits voleurs d'habitude, ou
d'autres récidivistes de format, ou l'on tiendra
compte aussi - tant soit peu - du principe de 1la
prévention générale; ceci toutefois a 1'exception
des cas ou le délinquant doit ®tre considéré comme
peu ou pas responsable de ses actes.
Mais, quoiqu'il en soit, on ne devra jamais oublier
que les grands magasins eux-mémes contribuent de
beaucoup a la naissance de cette forme spécifique
de criminalité tant par 1a nature expressément sé-
ductrice de leurs étalages que par 1'insuffisance de
la surveillance. |
Aux "voleurs de grand magasin dans un sens
1imité" on pourra, en général, appliquer des peines
d'emprisonnement avec sursis ou bien des amendes;
lorsque le systeme pénal de leur pays ne s'y oppose
pas, il y en a parmi eux qui n'auront pas besoin
d'etre poursuivis, ceci avec ou sans sursis., Le seul
fait d'avoir été attrapé,l'enquete policiere et celle
faite par le fonctionnaire du Bureau pour le Reclas-
sement social,amenent tant d'émotions et font telle-
ment réfléchir un grand nombre des "voleurs de grand

- 97 -

magasin dans un sens l1imité" et créent tant de mobiles
contraires qu'en beaucoup de cas la récidive n'est
plus & craindre.
Certains des voleurs de grand magasin - ceux-ci dans
un sens non-limité - sont également susceptibles
d'e@tre punis d'une peine d'emprisonnement avec sursis
ou bien d'une pénalité financiere.
Lorsqu'une peine avec sursis a été prononcée ou
lorsque le délinquant est provisoirement exempté de
poursuites, 11 est possible d'ajouter 1la condition
qu'1l doit rester en contact avec quelque service de
reclassement.En certains cas, une pareille condition
est indispensable,en d'autres cas elle serait certaine-
ment a déconseiller,
Quand la personne en question dispose d'un sens peu
développé des normes, un pareil contact peut servir
a accentuer la norme. Lorsqu'il s'agit d'un individu
qui ne sait pas trop bien manier 1'argent, il aura
grand besoin d'entretenir durant plusieurs années le
contact avec quelqu'un qui lui apprendra de mettre
de 1'ordre a ses affaires,
Lorsqu'on a affaire & des "voleurs de grand
magasin dans un sens 1imité", les cas ne seront pas
rares ou la psychothérapie s'impose.
L'obligation d'entretenir un contact peut faire
naitre chez ledélinquant des sentiments d'insuffisance
voire d'infériorité,
I1 y a des gens qui sont déja tres affectés par
le seul fait qu'il a paru qu'ils sont capables d'ac-
complir des actes que leur conscience condamne. En
Pareils cas le contact peut eétre peu désirable; mais
en d'autres cas le contact peut étre wutile, pourvu
qu'il ne soit pas entretenu pendant une période
trop prolongée: celui qui assure le contact peut
alors assisterle délinquant en lui montrant le délit
Sous la justelumiere, ceci dans le but de le faire
reprendre confiance en lui-méme.
Il n'est pas strictement nécessaire que le dit
contact soit ordonné par les autorités judiciaires;

- 98 -

il peut aussi @tre entretenu sur une base de libre
consentement, lorsque 1le rapport informatif donne
lieu a la supposition que, de plein gré, le délin-
quant preétera son concours.
L'avantage en est que le contact pourra 2tre terminé
dés 1e moment ou le fonctionnaire de Bureau de Reclas-
sement jugera qu'il n'est plus nécessaire de le
continuer,

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAIL CONGRESS

- THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

1

JUVENILE DELINQUENCY AND EDUCATIONAL
SUBNORMALITY

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands).

JUVENILE DELINQUENCY AND EDUCATIONAL SUBNOBRMALITY

by

Margaret Auriol Watkin,
Juvenile Court Chairman 1) and
Lecturer on Juvenile Delinquency,
Maladjustment and Educational Sub-
normality in the Department of
Education, University College of
Wales, Aberystwyth.

Inmy experience as amagistrate there appears to
be an increasingly marked correlation between juvenile
delinquency and educational subnormality.The trend 1is
also borne out by studies,undertaken during the past
eight years,by some of my students,in juvenile courts
throughout England and Wales. So frequently is the
young offender educationally subnormal that one wonders
how far educational subnormality is a predisposing
factor in juvenile delinquency. While the subject of
mental deficiency and delinquency has received much
.attention, educational subnormality appears to have
escaped the attention 1t merits.
The Ministry of Education regards a child as being
educationally subnormal 1f his standard of work 1s
below that achieved by average children 20% younger
than he is.This virtually means that an educationally
subnormal child is at 1east two years behind the average
1n one of the three basic subjects.The condition may
not only arise from an inherent lack of intelligence,
(not amounting tomental deficiency), prolonged absences
from school or unrecognised physical defects such as im-
paired hearing but also from a cause of special interest
to educational psychologists and child psychiatrists,na-
mely a child's apparent inability to make full use of 1ts

—

1) Juvenile Courts deal with young persons under the
age of 17.

1ntelligence,
Ithas been estimated that today about1 in 10 of
the school population is educationally subnormal and
1t may not be generally realised that,according to the
Ministry,this is as high a proportion as that suitable
for a grammar 2) school education. The vast majority
of the educationally subnormal children are found in
the lower streams of the secondary modern schools and
a small proportion in special schools,
Juvenile Court appearances,admittedly, indicate
the success rate of the police force andit is reasona-
ble to assume that some of the more intelligent delin-
quents may be escaping detection!'
In the Approved Schools of Great Britain today,
1t appears that most of the rurils are in the educa-
tionally subnormal category. This is borne out by
statistics of two classifying Approved Schools. The
classifying school is the establishment where offenders,
committed by the Juvenile Courts.are sent for obscr-
vation and assessment prior to being placed in the
Approved School most suited to their special needs.
In an analysis of 912 approved school boysin the
Aycliffe classifying school, near Durham, Gittins 3)
found that only 146 over the age of 13 were "intelli-
gent" ,with I1.Q.'s above 100. (Intelligence Quotients
were based on Terman-Merrill Test results).A careful
scrutiny,however,revealed that even out of 146 there
were 77, that 1s, over one half, so subnormmal educa-
tionally as to require special teaching for backward
boys.
The Magdalen Hospital, London, is a classifying
school for girls, over 14 years old, committed from
courts throughout the southern half of England and
Wales.The report for 1957-58 reveals that the average

2) The secondary school for pupils regarded as being
more 1ntelligent.
3) "Approved School Boys" - John Gittins. H.M.S.O.

- 3 -

intelligence test score for 330 girls tested in 1957
was 95, compared with 91 for the previous five years.
But the average attainment measured by simple tests
in English and Arithmetic was "well below the national
average". In other words, many approved school girls
fail to work up to their mental capabilities and there-
fore seem duller than they really are.
These educationally subnormal children are be-
coming a dangerously large minority of the population.
After leaving school they form the nucleus of teen-
age "gangs" and ul timately swell the ranks of Borstal
institutions and prisons.
The social health of a community may be judged,
to some extent, by the precautions taken to prevent
crime as well as by the treatment of the offender.
While psychiatrists in our child guidance clinics have
been able to assist 1n re—education and re-adjustment,
far too little attention has been paid to prevention.
A number of local authorities 1in Britain have still
not provided Child Guidance Clinics but the Ministry
of Education, I am glad to state,is now pressing all
local education authorities to make this provision.
In the past, there may have been a failure 1in
school to recognise and to treat sufficiently early
children who are educationally subnormal .Dr.Whiteley's
description 4) of Britain's secondary modern children
1s worth quoting: "It seems tome that they are always
in the last coach of the opportunity train and often
that coach gets slipped. I feel that we must always
bear the needs of these children very much in mind,
especially when they come from homes which cannot give
them a lead".
Subjects taught must appeal to this type of scholar
if his activities are to be directed into socially
useful channels,and it may be necessary to go beyond
the conventional school curriculum to achieve this

——— e — - - - - - et s emmeme e ——— e - R T — - ——— = - —

4) "British Medical Journal", January 22nd 1960.

- 4

goal .School smust give training in useful leirsure-time
activities - activities which the pupil can pursue
after he has left school , Educationally subnormal pupils
in particular require much guidance and awakening of
1nterest The curriculum should be designed to promote
interests which will persist after leaving school As
these youngsters like to work 1n "gangs" the teaching
should i1nclude group activities. club activities and
outdoor work as well as more technical training. Op
portuni ty should also be given for an emotional outlet
not only 1n physical education but in creative work
of all kinds
It 1s perhaps worth noting that advocatesof the
comprehensive school claim that pupils of secondary
modern standard do far better academically 1n this
mixed typeof school and display greater stability 1in
empl oyment.Does this therefore 1mply that thase
who undergo segregation 1n secondary modern schools
avold emotional upset and consequently become more
responsive to the stimulus of the sharper grammar
school brain?
In some special residential schools for educa
tionally subnormal pupils there are known potential
delinquents whose conduct1s satisfactory during term
time but who, on returning to unsatisfactory homes
during vacations. resort to delinquent behaviour.
Provision for special hostels must be made for this
type of youth during holiday time and more especially.
when he attains schoolleaving age.These hostels must
be entirely separate from probation hostels which
accommodate persons who have appeared in Court., The
Mental Heal th Act. 1959 envisages . the provision of
hostel accommodation for numerous categories of persons
suffering from mental disorder and the educationally
subnormal potential delinquent appears to be within
1ts scope.
There is need for closer co-operation between the
schools and youth organisations. Over a wide area I
only know of one school - a girls' secondary modern,

-5 -

containing a large percentage of educationally sub-
normal pupils - where there 1s a direct link with a
youth club to which thegirls are introduced on reaching
school -leaving age. As a consequence, these puplls
have a pre-arranged meeting place where they are wel-
come. along with their contemporaries and where the
club leaders are people already known to them.
The police authorities could also provide more
constructive assistance on the lines adopted by the
juvenile policeliaison officers' scheme in the City of
Liverpool .Here where specially-selected police offi-
cers voluntarily ran a youth club, juvenile delinquency
figures dropped markedly
The Youth Servicein Britain has tended to be the
Cinderella of the education services but with more
liberal grants more trained leaders and more active
participation by selected police officers. 1t could
play avital partin the prevention of juvenile delin-
quency Youth club programmes must be adventurous,
original attractive and especially suited to the
educationally subnormal mind 1f juvenile delinquents
are to substitute club functions for gang warfare and
other criminal practices.
It would be useful to discover, in this Fourth
International Congress,whether the correl ation between
educational subnormality and juvenile delinquency 1s
common to most countries and what measures are being
taken within the educational system of each country
to deal with it -

I1 parait qu'il existe wune corrélation en voie
d'augmentation marquée entre la délinquance juvénile
d'une part et la déficience éducative d'autre part,
ceci conformément a mes expériences chez les tribunaux
pour les jeunes délinquants. Une pareille tendance
a été remarquée chez 1les écoles agréées, chez les
instituts-Borstal et dans les prisons.
Le Ministere de 1'Education estime que, de la
popul ation scolaire, un enfant sur dix souffre
d'insuffisance éducative. La plupart de ces enfants
visitent les écoles ordinaires et on estime que les
autorités éducatives doivent veiller al'établissement
d'un traitement pédagogique précoce et parfaitement
adapté.Les modifications du programme scolaire devront
@tre de nature radicale si 1'on désire conduire les
activités extrémes de ce genre d'enfants dans 1les
bonnes voies sociales,
Des accommodements spéciaux d'hébergement seront
nécessaires au profit des "enfants a problemes" qui
s'approchent de 1'Age ou ils vont quitter 1'école.
Des clubs de jeunes, encadrés par des gens aux
qualités requises, doivent offrir des programmes at-
trayants pour les jeunes qui sont déficients du point

de vue de leur éducation.Les clubs doivent 2tre plus

- 7 -

étroitement 1iés aux écoles, notamment aux écoles
secondaires dites "modern schools".Le concours prété
par des officiers de police sélectionnés. comme il
est prété a Liverpool. est susceptible de jouer un
role important en matiere des mesures préventives
prises pour combattre la délinquance juvénile.
On serait bien content de savoir si les autres
pays se trouvent etre places devant la méme tendance
de la délinquance juvénile et dans 1'affirmative,
quelles y sont les mesures nouvellement introduiltes
par les autorités éducatives et par les autres in-
stitutions publiques dans le but de faire face a ce

probl eme.

FOURTH INTERNATiONAI, CRIMINOLOGICAIL CONGRESS

- THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

II

OLD AGE, MENTAL ABNORMALITY,
AND CRIME

Sccretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,

The Hague (the Netherlands).

OLD AGE, MENTAL ABNOBRMALITY, AND CRIME

by

Dr. Stephen Schafer
Reader 1n Criminology 1in the
United Kingdom Branch of the
American University of Maryl and
London Engl and

The criminal law, in almost every legislation
throughout the world, attaches importance to the age
of the offender in deciding his degree of responsibi-
lity. If. however, the criminal laws make rules for
adjusting the relation between the norms of behaviour
and age, they consider the lower regions of age only.
Both in 1legislation and scientific 1literature the
problems of juveniles appear constantly; but al though
so many significant philisophers, biologists, and
physicians have tried to deal with the problem of old
age from Cicero,Seneca and Aristotle up to the present
time,thisis arather neglected subject in Criminology,
and the responsibility of the old offenderis discussed
in criminological literature only very sporadically.
Neverthel ess,a large number of people are 1in ques-
tion: the duration of human lifeis steadily extending,
and soclety will continue to havemore andmore old aged
human beings. Goethe's o0ld Faust is transformed to a
young man by the creative effect of Mephistopheles'
magic brew only 1n the drama; but we cannot yet say
how the old human organism could be regenerated. The
present task of the science of biology is not so much
to rejuvenate people, as to help them to get as far
as old age. The alchemists" mystical elixirs of life
were replaced, however,not only by the endeavours of
biology, but also by social programmes, and that 1is
what calls for the work of Criminology to study this
special aspect of human behaviour as well, with the
object of stating a criminological gerontology.
Criminal statistics,unfortunately, offer little

- 9 _

information on the criminality of the old.Most of the
statistical tables stop at the age of 50, and only a
few give any data concerning the offenders who commit-
ted crimes at a later age.Rare sources in criminolo-
gical literature, probably based on this scanty infor-
mation, show that the proportion of old offenders is
similar to the proportion of juvenile offenders
(Roesner)ﬁnﬂ;ishigheramong1ﬁlst(ﬁfenders(Bresler)o
It has been pointed out that crimes against property
are the most frequent, and the reason may be the old
people's 1ncapacity to work or their lack of opportu-
nity to find work (Hentig, Irk). The comparatively
high proportion of old offenders in offences of arson
and slander was mentioned with the explanation that
their tendency to commit such crimes instead of
others arises because others require more physical
strength (Exner, Hentig, Olbermann). It was also
pointed out that sexual offences are typical of
criminality in old age (Bxner, Hacker, Hentig, Mayr,
Olbermann; reversed Moran).
It should be noted that some statistical data
refer to the fact of the comparatively higher propor-
tion of women among old offenders.Thereis a hypothesis
(Schafer) that this is because the difference of sex
in later years decreases and women often display certain
masculine symptoms. According to. this assumption., at
a certaln age the sex-hormone producing function of
the women ceases;however, the residua of the originally
existing masculine sexual glands probably continue
hormone production,and this predominates.The natural
hormonal balance comes to an end,and the woman enters
an intersexual state.Because of this the woman declines
from her female character and approaches that of the
man; and her approach towards the character of man may
also become manifested in her criminality.
In any case,even the known material cannot really
give a full picture of old offenders' crime,not only
because a frequent reluctance to take proceedings
against an old person means that recorded cases under-

- 3 -

state the true amount,but also because the limits of
old age are considerably faded,and are both medically
and legally 1ndistinct. It may be, however, assumed
that generally in this later period of immobility and
passivity, that 1s to say after the climax of muscular
strength and mental ability, crime differs in every
respect from that committed at a younger age.
Several explanations can be found. It is said,
for example, that the experience of a 1life time and
the pacification of passionsmake the old person capable
of conforming (Carrara); he is already far from the
daily struggle and dulled in pleasures and anxieties
(Exner); his activity is decreased (Reckless). It is
also stated that the old person is supposed to have
complete possession of his mental faculties (Vidal);
moreover 1t 1s stressed that while certain behaviour
may be pardonable i1n the case of a juvenile,the same
behaviour should be considered as most 1immoral and
vicious if shown by an old aged person (Quetelet).It
appears as a general attitude towards the crime of the
old that this age group i1s presumed to have either
complete responsibility,or senile mental 1llness due
to a certain pathological change.
Certainly the occurrence,and even the not too rare
occurrence, of mental illnesses in old age can hardly
be disputed, referring here not to those which may
occur in any period of 1ife but those met with mostly
in old age.
As 1s well known, the most frequent diagnosis 1s
"dementia senilis",whichmay develop almost undetected
and steps forward with its real symptoms only after
years. First may appear a change in the patient's
habits and personal characteristics; after that some
ethical 1ndifference and moral insensibility may be
noticed.At a later stage appears a certain amount of
amnesia, sometimes jointly with confusion and confabul a-
tion, further disorientationof his way of thinking 1s
typical .All these symptoms may be devel oped with several
accessory signs,showing essentially the same clinical

- 4 -

picture as a schizophrenic,similar to a late schizo-
Phronia.
In "Alzheimer dementia" and in "presbyophrenia"
symptoms going beyond the limits of dementia seniles,
and exceeding general mental disturbance,can lead to
the conclusion of a seriously disordered brain. These
mental patients, as is known, are restless and ever
on the go, in constant opposition and resistance,
frequently with trouble and derangement of vision.
The 1list of mental illnesses of the old used also
to 1nclude the so-called "Pick-illness", somewhat
similar to paralysis progressiva or to arteriosclerosis
cerebralis, showing among other symptoms considerable
disturbance of the attention,defectiveness in morals,
and a tendency to lie and steal.
All these and other mental illnesses mostly
appearing in old age,studied by medical science with
much more authority, obviously may 1lead to criminal
behaviour. A proposal has been made to send all old
offenders, because of their mental abnormality, to
a "hospice ou maison de refuge" (Prins); in any case
their offences were seen as a consequence of a patholo-
gical process (Criminalanthropological Congress, Am-
sterdam 1901);among offenders over the age of seventy,
committing certain offences, hardly any can be found
with mind normal (Aschaffenburg); among old offenders
encephal omalacia can be found (Tarde); and their crimes
are not moral consequences but technical results of
dementia senilis (East).It was thought that old aged
persons should in a wider sense be considered as mental
patients (Hibner), and there is only a vague border-
line between senile irresponsibility and the level of
a mentally defective (Werner).
Changes in old age, however, as a result of in-
vestigations of the nervous system,came to be viewed
from a new angle. The old presumption that everyone
1smentally i1l or weak in old age - he has to live only
as long as to reach this stage — can no longer be
sustained.There are indications that old age and mental

- 5 —

1llness do not necessarily mean the same,and patholo-
gical old age should be distinguished from chronological
old age.
The criminal behaviour of old persons may be
understood and evaluated on this basis only,in viewing
the problem from the point of view of the nervous
system and its leading functionin the human organism.
As is known, the nervous system 1s the organiser of
the organism, and the 1iaison between the function
of the brain and the outside world. Even the changes
in old age appear first in the nervous system; and
because of the fact that the nervous system is the
integrating factor of all the organs of the human
organism, the aging nervous system has a far-reaching
effect on the function of the whole organism in old
age.
One of themost important signs among the manifold
symptoms 1s the change of process and integrating
function of the nervous system.In youth or middle-age
activities are integrated into a harmonious unit, able
to adapt the organism to the changing circumstances
of 1ife and its requirements. In old age,however, the
agility of the nervous system rel axes,the integrative
work lessens, and the harmony in the elements of the
organism becomes feebler: the old person can make use
of impressions gained from the outside world only
slowly,or even notin their real dimensions and values
(Horédnyi).It is characteristic of the old person that
not only do his physical activity and energy decrease |,
but also his response to the outer world's events and
ideas 1s slower and weaker.
Certainly 1t seems to be very difficult to make
sure when old age starts,and different symptomatical
pictures are found in persons of the same age. There
are old people with active mental ability, performing
constructive work,but whose physical appearance shows
poor energy. However there are other old people who
cul tivate some sport or physical exertion to a late
age,but at the same time their mental ability declines,

- 6 -

giving evidence that the aging process started in the
cortex (Horanyi). 01d age may start only in one or
another element of the organism but will gradually
command 1ts entirety: early old age differs from late
old age 1n time only, and the characteristics of
anatomical age are essentially the same in both. And
this departure from characteristics typical of the
human being during the greatest part of his life 1is
not a pathological or morbid symptom, but the normal
and biologically justified profile of old age.
0ld age in itself is not a result of any nervous
or mental 1llness whatsoever.Dementia senilis and the
other mental 1llnesses appearing in old age are not
the quantitative advances of normal old age, but are
qualitatively different processes.Adistinction should
bemade between intact and abnormal old age: the normal
old and the senile old are disjunctive concepts., 01ld
age 1s a function of time,senility is that of patho-
logically changed tissues (Rauzier)oOld age in 1tself
1s not an 1llness, but the natural closing phase of
the development of 1ife,with its particular characte-
ristics.Mainly for this reason,it seems to be a fatal
mistake to consider 1irresponsibility as a synonym of
mental illness.
The decline of the organism's function entailed
by old age controls the responsibility of the old
person to a considerable extent,but this seems to be
1n every way a different control than that exercised
by mental illness;consequently different penal consi-
derations are tobe expected.Problems of responsibility
as aresultof mental i1llness are widely discussed and
the way to their solutionis by and large already paved.
However, this 1s not the case 1f the problem of
responsibility appears independently of any pathological
factors.
This consideration of the influence of agemay 1ead
to a comparison of concepts of responsibility applicable
to juveniles and old people respectively. In many
respects old age shows some general functional charac-

-7 -

teristics of the nervous system which are very similar
to those of early childhood. Thus, i1t i1s inviting to
draw a parallel between childhood and old age, though
they are not the same:1n one case unawakened responsi-
bility,and in the other responsibility falling asleep,
1s what calls for valuation.At about the turn of the
century objections were ralsed against even making
such a comparison, because while the provisions con-
cerning juveniles were intended to serve the future,
similar ones cannot be required for old persons with
regard to the nearness of the end (Feisenberger).
Nevertheless, the functions of the nervous system
and the working capacity of the cortical tissue change
intheold age as in the state of exhaustion or illness,
and for this reason old people's way of 1ife has spe-
cial requirements.There are two periods in the human
being's 1ife in which,because of the deficiencies of
the regulative functions, circumstances and conditions
need to be adapted to his capacity: one i1s childhood,
and the other is old age (Horanyi).
The question which immediately presents itself
1s whether 1t would not be reasonable +to provide
specific penal provisions for the defense of old people
as for juveniles: a defense against their own weakness.
Criminal 1law might take into account the specific
biological process inevitably appearing 1in old age
which makes the old offender's psychical relation to
the crime different from that of the avarage adult
offender.The specific quality of old persons' physio-
logical processes originates crime in a specific way;
their guilt 1s also specific, and consequently their
penal ty should be specific as well, - that is to say,
different from that applicable to those who have not
yet reached this age.0ld offenders are not ill, they
are not pathological criminals; still their trend of
life, their nervous system, the function of their
entire organism appears as comparatively abnormal: it
is "normally abnormal",and an ordinary evaluation of
their guilt would necessarily be inappropriate.

- 8 -

Their defense seems to be necessary both in an
active and 1in a passive sense., They are in need of
active defense as victims of crime,which would involve
stricter punishment for those offenders who commit
crimes agailnst old persons. However, they are also
in need of passive defense with respect to their
responsibility as offenders: they require not alenient
punishment but a different one. In sentencing, 1in
deciding punishment, and in punishing, the ordinary
mentally 111 old offender should be distinguished from
the normally mentally abnormal one.

-9 -

RESUME

Lorsquela législation criminelle crée des regles
visant 1'ajustement dela relation existant entre les
normes de conduite d'une part et 1'age d'autre part,
elle ne s'intéresse qu'aux individus de bas age; en
criminologie,l'age avancé est un sujet plutdt négligé
et la responsabilité du délinquant agé n'est que tres
rarement mise a 1'ordre de la discussion.
Les statistiques criminelles ne présentent que
peu de renseignements sur la criminalité chez les
vieilles personnes.Et lematériel disponible ne saurait
méme pas donner 1'image réelle et complete des crimes
comnls par les vieux,non seulement parcequ'une aversion
assez répandue contre la poursuite des personnes agées
fait que le vrai nombre de leurs crimes dépasse celuil
des cas enregistrés, mais aussi parceque les limites
de la vieillesse sont tres vagues et peu distinctes,
tant du point de vue médical que de celui des lois.,
Cependant on peut admettre qu'en général, dans
cette période postérieure d'immobilité et de passivité -
c'est & dire: dans la période qui suit a celle d'une
gradation constante tant en force musculaire qu'en
pulssance mentale — le caractere du crime differe
completement de celui du crime commis a un Age moins
avancé.,
Par rapport aux crimes commis par les vieilles
personnes,il parait exister une opinion générale qui
considere le groupe des vieux comme n'étant composé
que de deux catégories de personnes,savoir: les gens
qui sont parfaitement responsables de leurs actes et
ceux qui sont affectés d'une espece maladive de
sénélitémental e causée par une quel conque modification
pathologique. Or,la conduite criminelle des vieilles
personnes mérite d'etre comprise et jugée en considé-
rant le probleme du point de vue du systeme nerveux
et de sa fonction dirigeante a 1'égard de toutes les
manl festations de 1'organisme humain.,

- 10 -

A l1'age avancé c'est d'abord dans 1le systeme
nerveux que s'accomplissent 1 es changements; et parceque
ce systeme représente le facteur intégrant de tous
les organes de 1'homme,il arrive qu'une fois vieill1l
le systeme nerveux commence a produire un effet &
longue portée sur le fonctionnement de 1'ensemble de
l'organisme d'une personne agée.
A un age avancé la vivacité du systeme nerveux
diminue ainsi que son travail intégrateur, tandis que
l'harmonie des éléments organiques affaiblit.
La perte de certains des traits ayant - durant
la plus grande partie de son existence - typiquement
caractérisé une personne humaine, n'est nullement a
considérer comme étant un symptome d'ordre pathologique
ou morbide: c'est un aspect normal et biologiquement
justifié de 1'age avancé; en soi la vieillesse n'est
pas le résultat d'une maladie nerveuse ou mentale de
quelque nature que ce soit.
Les maladies mentales sont caractérisées par des
processus essentiellement différents.
I1 siedde faire une distinction nette entre les
vielilles personnes intactes et celles qui sont anor-
males: le vieux normal etle vieux sénile représentent
deux notions dissemblables.L'age avancé est déterminé
par le temps,la sénilité est déterminée par des tissus
ayant subil une modification pathologique.
La décadence du fonctionnement de 1'organisme
produite par 1'age avancé influence considérablement
la responsabilité de 1a personne agée,mais il parait
qu'il s'agitici d'une influence qui differe complete-
ment de celle exercée par la maladie mentale et qui,
par conséquent, donne 1lieu a des considérations
différentes en matiere pénitentiaire.
La question doit étre poséede savoir s'il n'est
pas raisonnable d'envisager desmesures pénitentiaires
spéciales pour 1a défense aussi bien des vieillards
que des jeunes: une défense contre les dangers de leur
propre faiblesse. C'est d'une fagon spécifique que
— chez les vieilles personnes - les caractéristiques

- 11 -

des processus physiologiques produisent des crimes;
leur cul pabilité est aussi spécifique et, par consé-
quent, leur punition aussi doit étre spécifique.
I1 semble que 1a défense de lavieilll esse s'impose,
aussi bien dans un sens actif que dans un sens passif.
Les personnes 3agées ont besoin d'une défense active
en tant que victimes de délits, ce qui entrainerait
une peine plus sévere pour les délinquants qul commet-
tent des crimes dirigés contredes individus d'un age
avancé.
Or,en vue de leur responsabilité en tant que délin-
quants,les personnes agées ont également besoin d'une
défense passive: ceh'est pas une peine plus ou . moins
anodine qui leur convient,mais une peine différente,
En le jugeant, en fixant sa peine et en le
punissant, le délinquant agé qui est affecté d'une
maladiementale doit 2tre nettement distingué du délin-
quant &gé qui est - du point de vue mental - "normale-
ment anormal".

LITERATURE:

Gustav Aschaffenburg: Das Verbrechen und seine Bekamp-
fung (Heidelberg, 1923)

J. Bresler : Greisenalter und Kriminalitat
(Halle, 1907)
F. Carrara : The Programme of Criminal Science

(Budapest, 1878)
William Norwood East: Medical Aspects of Crime (Lon-

don, 1936)
Franz Exner : Kriminalbiologie(Hamburg, 1939)
N. Feisenberger : Einfluss des Greisenal ters auf
die Kriminalitat (Berlin, 1899)
Ervin Hacker : Psychiatry and Criminal Law

(Miskolc, 1943)

Béla Horany

Béla Horéany
Arthur Hiibner
Albert Irk
Georg Mayr
F.A. Moran
Albert Olbermann
Adol phe Prins

Adol phe Quetelet

G. Rauzier
Walter C. Reckless
Ernst Roesner
Stephen Schafer
Gabriel Tarde

J. Werner

- 12 -

The revision of some basic ques-—
tions of neurology (Budapest,
1952)
The neurological relations to
0ld age (Budapest, 1953)

: Minderwertigkeit (Berlin, 1933)

Criminology (Budapest, 1912)

: Moralstatistik (Tubingen,1917)

The Sex Criminal on Parole
(Albany, 1940)
Kriminalitdat des al ternden Men-
schen (Bonn, 1936)
Science pénale et droit positif
(Bruxelles, 1899)
Sur 1'homme etle développement
de ses facultés ou essai de
physique sociale (Paris, 1835)
Traité des maladies vieillards
(Paris, 1909)
Sociological Aspects of Crime
(New York, 1949)
Al ter und Straffalligkeit (Ber-
lin, 1933)
On the Proportion of the Crimina-
lity of Women (Budapest, 1947)
La Criminalité Comparée(Paris,
1924)
Geistig minderwertige oder
Geisteskranke (Berlin, 1906)

QUATRIEME CONGRES INTERNATIONAIL DE
CRIMINOLOGIE

- LA HAYE 1960 -

TRAVAUX PREPARATOIRES

I11

EGOCENTRISME ET PERSONNALITE
CRIMINELLE

Scerétariat du Congres, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,

I.a Hayc (Pays - Bas)

FGOCENTRISME ET PERSONNALITE CRIMINELLE

par

Jean Pinatel
Inspecteur Général de
1'Administration
Paris, France

Parmi lamul titude des composantes psychologiques
de la personnalité,il en est qui, plus que d'autres,
paraissent avoir des rapports avec la délinquance.
Mais, au~dela de cette constatation général ement admise,
11 faut surtout se demander si, dans tous ces traits
psychologiques, 11 n'en . est pas qui constituent le
noyau central de la personnalité criminelle, tandis
que d'autres en constitueraient seulement les varia-
bles (1).
Cette question mérite d'étre posée car c'est un
fait d'expérience que les délinquants apparaissent a
la fois tres divers et trés ressemblants. L'existence
d'un noyau central et de variables de la personnalité
criminelle serait susceptible de rendre compte de cette
variété et de cette unité.
On:peut ranger parmi les vartables dela personnali-
té criminelle les traits se rapportant a 1'activité
(certains délinquants sont des actifs, d'autres des
Passifs); les aptitudes physiques, intellectuelles,
socliales etles traits dynamiques relatifs aux besoins
instinctuels (nutritifs,sexuels,etc....). Ces traits
et aptitudes sont susceptibles demettre enlumiere la
motivation, le degré de réussite et la direction

—EE———

(1) Dans ce sens,mais dans le cadre de 1'approche bio-
constitutiomelle,voir 0lof Kinberg, Lta connaissance
de 1'infra-structure biologique de 1'acte délic-
tueux comme base d'une criminogénése objective,in
Autour de 1'oeuvre du Dr.E.de Greeff. Nauwelaerts
Paris, Louvain, 1956, Tome I, p. 35 et s.

- 9 _

générale d'une conduite criminelle. Mais ils ne suf-
fisent pas pour expliquer 1le passage a 1'acte lui-
meme.0n peut méme avancer que par rapport a 1'explica-
tion du passage a 1'acte,ces traits et aptitudes sont
tout a fait neutres. C'est ainsi qu'une motivation
nutritive ou sexuelle est également & la base de 1la.
conduite adaptée d'un chef de famille qui travaille
honneétement; que les aptitudes physiques, intellec-
tuelles ou sociales peuvent rendre compte du degré de
réussite d'une conduite non-délictueuse, quel'activité
et la passivité font saisirladirection suivie par une
personnalité conformiste.
La nécessité d'aller au-dela des variables, pour
essayer d'atteindre le noyau central de 1a personnalité
criminelle n'a donc pas besoin d'@tre davantage dé-
montrée. Toute la difficulté réside dans le fait que
s1 1'on pressent bien1'existence de ce noyau central,
on n'en pergoit exactement ni les contours, ni les
éléments. La moins mauvaise méthode pour tenter de
découvrircertains aspects de cette terre inconnue est
peut-etre,de se pencher tout d'abord,sur le sentiment
de la personnalité qui est ala base du développement
et del'extension de 1'individu et qul s'exprime dans
un égocentrisme plus ou moins intense.On s'efforcera
donc dans les développements qui vont suivre de préciser
les conceptions qui président a la définition de
1'égocentrisme, d'en relever les manifestations en
clinique criminelle et d'en situer la portée dans le
cadre de 1'appréciation de 1'état dangereux.

I - Les conceptions qui président a4 la définition
de 1'égocentrisme

La définition +traditionnelle de 1'égocentrisme
1'assimile 3 1a tendance de tout rapporter & soi-meme.
Par exemple, dans les expériences sur 1'association
des idées, on appelle "association égocentrique" le
fait quele sujet réagit aumot inducteur par une idée
relative & sa propre personne. C'est ainsi, précise

_ 3 -

A. Lalande, que si "on lui donne le mot "chien", il
répondra "je les aime""(1).
Mais 1'égocentrisme n'a pas seulement que des
expressions intellectuelles. I1 a également des ex-
pressions affectives et sociales. Du point de vue
affectif, le sujet qui se considere comme le centre-
de 1'univers réagira ala frustration parla jalousie,
l'envie, le dépit. Dans son moi blessé les rages et
coleres ainsi que les désespoirs violents se donneront
libre cours.Du point de vue social,enfin, la suscep-
tibilité, la suffisance, 1'autoritarisme donneront
naissance a la dissimulation, a la fourberie, au
despotisme et & la domination (2).
Les conceptions qui président & cette définition
concrete et suffisamment large de 1'égocentrisme
dérivent de trois grandes théories: théorie de 1'in-
néité, théorie génétique, théorie sociologique.

A - Théorie de 1'Innéité

La théoriedel'innéité voit dans 1'égocentrisme
un instinct.Dupré a soutenu que 1'instinct de conser-
vation englobe le sentiment de la personnalité.C'est
en vertude ce sentiment de la personnalité que 1'in-
dividu cherche a s'affirmer et & rayonner parmi ses
sembl ables. Les anomalies par exces de ce sentiment
se révelent par 1'hypertrophie énorme du moi, par une
autophilie, par toutes les manifestations del'orgueil
et de la vanité. L'orgueil en vertu duquel le sujet
S'estime lui-m@me au-dela de toute mesure,se rattache
a4 la constitution paranoiaque et s'allie souvent a la
méfiance et aux idées de persécution. La vanité, en

(1) A.Lalande.Egocentrisme. Vocabul aire technique et
critiquedela philosophie.Paris.P.U.F.1951,p.271
(2) Comp.E.de Greeff.L'homme chez le criminel. Revue
de droit pénal et de criminologie. 1932, p.465 et
S. et notamment p. 485.

- 4 -

vertude laquelle le sujet veut @tre estimé des autres
au-dela de ses mérites,est tres fréquemment associée
a la mythomanie et peut aboutir au délire imaginatif
de grandeur, Mais et c'est 1la une constatation tres
lmportante les manifestations et les conséquences de
1 "hypertrophie du sentiment de la personnalite se
confondent avec cellesdel'insuffisance ou 1'absence
de 1'instinct de sympathie c'est-a-dire 1 'égoisme ou
défaut de générosité, 1'indifférence affective et
morale. la tendance a la vie solitaire (1),
Ains1, la théorie de 1'innéite finit-elle par
Joindre pratiquement ] 'egocentrisme 41 'insensibilite
morale déja mise en évidence comme un des tralts
fondamentaux de la personnalité c¢riminelle par les
pionniers de la criminologie.
La connexi1te des notions d égocentrisme et d'i1nsen-
sib1l1té moralene veut pas dire qu'1l y ait i1denti te
entre elles, mais simplement qu'elles ont des effets
communs. Ceux-c¢1 reésident dans une 1nadaptation a la
personnali1té des autres, mais cette 1nadaptation est
provoquée dans le cas de 1'égocentrisme par la ten-
dance a s'imposer autour de sol et dans celui de
l'insensibilitemoral e par une impossibilité d'engage-
ment affectif.

B - Théorie Génétique

La distinction de principe entre 1'égocentrisme
et 1'1nsensibilité morale s'estompe considérablement
dans la théorie génétique.
Dans la théorie freudienne une place 1mportante
a été accordée au développement affectif de 1'enfant,
Avant de différencier le monde extérieur de sa per-
sonne, 11 croit a la toute puissance de ses pensées
et a son action magique surlemonde réel. Mais cette

(1) Dr.Dupré. Les perversions instinctives. Archives
d'Anthropologie Criminelle. 1912, p. 502 et s.

- 5 -

"phase narcissique" ne constitue qu'une étape des
processus de sa socialisation.Ce n'est que lorsqu'il
y-a échec de cette socialisation que subsiste une
mentalité infantile s'exprimant dans un égocentrisme
exigeant (1).
Cette théorie freudienne a été confirmée dans ses
gcrandes lignes par 1'étude des fonctions du langage
enfantin effectuée par M. Jean Piaget. Ce qui 1l'a
intéressé dans le langage de 1'enfant, c'est qu'il y
a découvert un moyen de révéler sa pensée.ll a reconnu
deux types de langage chez 1'enfant: le langage égo-
centrique et le 1langage socialisé. "Dans le langage
égocentrique 1'enfant ne s'inquiete pas de savoir a
qui il parle ni qui 1'écoute.Il parle soit pour lui-
meme, soit pour associer quelqu'un qui se trouve la
a l'activité dumoment... Il n'essaye pas de se placer
lui-meéme au point de vue de 1'auditeur". A 1'inverse
le langage socialisé est celui "dans lequel 1'enfant
s'adresse & son auditeur,considere son point de vue,
essayede l'influencer ou échange réellement des idées
avec lui". «
Le pourcentage 1e plus élevé des réactions égocen-
triques coinciderait avec les ages de 3 et 5 ans, et
une nette socialisationdulangage se produlirait vers
1'age de 7 & 8 ans. L'égocentrisme serait, des lors,
1'expression d'un manque de maturité psychologique qui
disparaitrait avec 1'age.La conversation de 1'adul te
serait hautement socialisée (2).
De méme qu'il existe une pensée égocentrique et
une pensée socialisée chez 1'enfant, on trouve deux
morales enfantines.La premie¢re est une morale de con-
trainte et d'hétéronomie se traduisant par la respon-
sabilité objective; la seconde,est,au contraire, une

(1) A.Hesnard. Narcissisme in Manuel alphabétique de
psychiatrie. Paris, P.U.F. 1952, p. 284.
(2) J.Piaget. Le langage et la pensée chez 1'enfant.
Del achaux & Niestlé. pp. 840-41.

- 6 -

morale de coopération et d'autonomie se traduisant par
la responsabilité subjective. L'origine égocentrique
de la premiere ne fait pas de doute, car le respect
unilatéral de1l'enfant pour les consignes de 1'adulte
est une conséquence du fait qu'il ne peut dissocier
son moi de celui de son afné. Mais avec 1'age, et ce
devrait eétre chose faite a 8 ans,l1'enfant sortira de
son égocentrisme pour tendre versla coopération (1).
Ce sont ces données de psychologie morale qui,
rapprochées de la théorie freudienne, sous-tendent
vralsemblablement l1a position prise par M.D. Lagache
relativement & 1'assimilation des notions d'égocen-
trisme et d'insensibilité morale en rattachant a la
premiere la série des traits suivants: incapacité de
juger un probleme moral en se plagant a un point de
vue autre que personnel, le défaut de considération
pour les autres, le caractere partiel et narcissique
des buts et objets sexuels, les attitudes critiques
et accusatrices envers autrui, le défaut de sens de
la responsabilité et dela culpabilité et la propension
aux réactions d'innocence, le sentiment d'injustice
subie (2).

C - Théorie Sociologique

Le schéma de 1la théorie génétique opposant
1'égocentrisme psychologique et moral de 1'enfant a
la maturité psychologique et morale de 1'adulte et
expliquant par une défaillance du processus d'adapta-
tion la persistance de 1'égocentrisme a 1'3dge adul te
n'a pas été adopté, tel quel, par M.J. Piaget. De la

(1) J.Piaget.Le jugement moral chez 1'enfant.Presses
Universitaires de France. Paris, 1957, p.251 et s.
(2) D.Lagache.Introduction psychologique et psychana-
lytique alacriminologie.Conférences duIer Cours
International de Criminologie. p. 155 et s.et
notamment p. 159.

-7 -

psychologie morale, il s'est élevé, en effet, a la
sociologie morale. 11 a de 1la sorte constaté que,
lorsque 1'enfant sort spontanément de son égocentrisme
pour tendre vers la coopération, 1'adulte opere la
plupart du temps "de maniere & renforcer 1'égocentris-
me enfantin sous son double jour intellectuel et mo-
ral" (1).
Ce renforcement a pour cause 1'extériorité des
consignes de 1'adulte et le manque de psychologie de
1'adulte moyen, dont porte témoignage en particulier
"1"analyse individuelle des jeunes délinquants ou des
enfants difficiles".Ainsi les parentsmoyens évoquent—
11s "les gouvernements inintelligents qui se bornent
a accumuler les lois, au mépris meme des contradic-
tions et de la confusion d'esprit croissante qui
résul te de cette accumulation". Et voici 1les consé-
quences "Une telle pédagogie aboutit a ce perpétuel
état de tension,qui est 1'apanage de tant de familles
et que les parents responsables mettent, cela va de
soi, au compte de la méchanceté innée de 1'enfant et
du péché originel. Mais, si courante et si légitime
a bien des égards que soit la défense et 1la révolte
de 1'enfant contre de tels procédés,il est pourtant,
dans la majorité des cas, vaincu intérieurement. Ne
pouvant faire exactement le départ entre ce qui est
bien et ce qui est critiquable dans 1'attitude de
ses parents, ne pouvant juger objectivement ses pa-
rents étant donné "1'ambivalence" de ses sentiments
a leur égard, 1'enfant, dans ses moments d'attache-
ment, finit par donner raison intérieurement a leur
autorité. Devenu adulte, il n'arrivera meéme que tres
exceptionnel lement & se défaire des schemes affectifs
alnsi acquis et sera aussi stupide avec ses propres
enfants qu'on 1'aura été avec lui".
Tous ceux qui sont familiarisés avec les pro-

(1) J. Piaget. Le jugement moral chez 1'enfant. op.
cit. p. 150.

- 8 -

blemes de 1a délinquance et del'inadaptation juvéni-
les ne peuvent manquer de partager pleinement ces
conclusions.
Mais sans aucun doute convient-il de ne point
leur accorder de portée trop générale. C'est, qu'en
effet, les conclusions de M.J. Piaget ont fait 1'ob-
jet de vérifications multiples qui ont été résumées
par M.L. Carmichael avec une grande objectivité., I1
en résulte que "méme les évaluations les plus élevées
d'égocentrisme dépassent rarement 50% et que, par
conséquent, les appréciations enthousiastes que 1'on
rencontre a 1l'occasion touchant 1la prédominance de
1'égocentrisme dans le langage du jeune enfant, sont
dénuées de tout fondement".Fait plus important encore,
un travail de Henle et Hubbell a, en 1938, mis en
doute qu'un degré élevé d'égocentrisme est réellement
caractéristique de 1'enfance et qu'il disparait avec
l1'apparition de la maturité. Aussi bien, conclut
M.L. Carmichael "le degré d'égocentrisme remarqué
d'abord dans le langage del'enfant est peut-etre une
caractéristique de la nature humaine qui se manifeste
seulement de fagon plus subtile chez 1'adulte" (1).
On se trouve ainsi ramené de maniere assez inat-—
tendue a la théorie de 1'innéité que la théorie
génétique et la théorie sociologique avaient voulu
précisément écarter. Ce qui montre que dans la for-
mation de 1'égocentrisme comme pour celle de tout
autre trait de personnalité, interviennent toujours
des influences biologiques et des influences dumilieu,
dont 1'action et 1l'interaction favorisent le jeu de
facteurs psychologiques plus nuancés.

IT - Les manifestations del'égocentrisme en clinique
criminelle

Le fait que 1'égocentrisme est tres largement

(1) L.Carmichael. Manuel de Psychologie de, 1'enfant.
Tome 1I, P.U.F. 1952, p. 842 et s,

-9 -

répandu chez les enfants et chez les adultes, qu'il
se développe non seulement en raison d'influences
psychologiques et sociologiques, mais également &
partir d'influences biologiques, autorise & penser
qu'1l doit s'exprimer par des manifestations physio-
logiques et par des manifestations pathologiques.
Autrement dit, en clinique criminelle, on décelera
des manifestations égocentriques aussi bien chez les
criminels relevant de types définis que chez ceux se
situant en dehors de ces types définis.

A - Les manifestations de 1'égocentrisme chez les
criminels relevant de types définis

Les criminels relevant de types définis sont
essentiellement 1les malades, les caractériels, les
pervers et les débiles.

a) Les malades peuvent @tre atteints soit de psycho-
ses, soit de névroses.

Parmi les malades atteints de psychoses on ren-
contre,tout d'abord,les schizophrenes dont 1'autisme
est caractéristique.Cet autisme consiste dans la po-
larisation de toute la vie mentale du sujet sur son
monde intérieur.Il y a perte de contact avec le monde
extérieur,qui n'est plus qu'une apparence ou si 1'on
préfere un monde sans échanges possibles aveclemonde
familier des désirs,des angoisses, de la sensibilité
et de 1'imagination du malade. Celui-ci est impéné-
trable et son comportement incompréhensible (1). Une
autre forme d'égocentrisme pathologique se rencontre
chez les paranoiaques chez lesquels 1la conduite de

——

(1) Th.Kammerer.Autisme. Manuel alphabétique de psy-
chiatrie.op.cit. p.40. L.E.Hinsie.Schizophrenia.
Encyclopedia of criminology.p.436 et s.H. Warren
Dunham.The Schizophrene and Criminal Behavior.in
Criminology (Readings) p. 201 et s.

- 10 -

fuite et de retrait se teinte de suspicion et s'ex-
prime dans des délires structurés et systématiques (1).

Chez eux 1'intellect n'est pas touché sauf en

ce qui concerne 1le theme délirant centré sur 1la
persécution et la grandeur.A 1'opposé les mélancoli-
ques souffrent d'un défaut ou d'une déviation du
sentiment de la personnalité qui les rend soucieux,
anxieux, désespérés (2).

Ce ne sont la que quel ques exemples de 1'égocen-

trisme pathologique chez 1les psychotiques. I1 est
évident qu'un spécialiste pourrait pousser bien plus
loin la démonstration, mais il ne s'agit ici que de
comprendre certaines réactions criminelles, C'est
ainsi qu'un milieu du calme et de 1'indifférence, le
schizophrene fait soudainement éclater le drame;c'est
souvent un homicide sans raison effective, suivi
d'acharnement sur le cadavre, C'est ainsi que le pa-
ranolaque se manifeste par des conduites agressives
allant de 1la simple processivité jusqu'au meurtre,
tandis que lemélancolique en arrive au suicide indi-
viduel ou collectif,

Les épileptiques dont lep réactions agressives

peuvent etre tres i1mportantes sont également des
égocentriques.D'apres M.A.Lalande 1a forme d'associa-
tion égocentrique dégagée dans le cadre des expériences
.sur 1'association des idées serait particulierement

(1)

(2)

A. Brousseau. L'état dangereux dans les passions
morbides. Conférences du IIleme Cours Internatio-
nal de Criminologie. p. 214 et s.
Olof Kinberg.L'étudede la fonctionmorale dans ses
rapports avec 1'Etat Dangereux.Conférences du ITeme
Cours International de Criminologie.p.182 et s.et
notamment p. 190.

- 11 -

fréquente chez les épileptiques (1).
D'une maniere généraleles névrosés ne deviennent
guere délinquants.Mais 1'égocentrisme doit etre sig-
nalé en particulier chez les hypocondriaques si préoc-
cupés de lamaladie qui pourrait atteindre une partie
de leur corps, voire de tout leur corps (2) et les
hystéri,ques qui se plaignent d'une paralysie, d'une
courbature, d'une cécité, d'une aphonie sans que
1 'examen medical permette de révéler une cause organi-
que.L'hystérique,et aun degré moindre 1'hypocondria-
que, a "une personnalite superficielle "cabotine",
vaine, avide de sympathie et d'attention, tres vul-
nérable en ce qui touche son Moi, il peut jouer a
faire le pitre et ne se sent aucunement responsable
de ses troubles névrotiques" (8)¢De telles personna-
lités apparaissent rarement a 1'état pur parmi les
délinquants.Sur 100 cas, MM.Blanc, Bertrand et nous-
méme, avons trouveé un seul cas d'enfant délinquant qui
pouvait eétre qualifie d'hypocondriaque. Le délit
n'etait chez lui qu'une comédie parmi d'autres (4).

b) Les caractériels sont des sujets atteints de trou-
bles constituant en quelque sorte le diminutif de

(1) A.Lalande.Egocentrisme. op. cit. Comp. A, Brous-
seau. L'état dangereux dans les épilepsies. Con-
férences du IIeme Cours International de Crimino-
logie.p.206 et s. C.Ferrio. Epilessia Dizionario
di Criminologia. Tome 1, p. 285 et s.
(2) F.E.Louwage. Psychologie et Criminalité. Ninove,
1945, p. 85,
(3) R.B.Cattell. La Personnalité. Paris, P.U.F.1956,
p. 25 et p. 52,
(4) J.Pinatel. M.Blanc et P.Bertrand. L'inadaptation
juvénile, (Etude de 100 rapports d'observation).
Revue internationale de criminologie et-de police
technique. 1955, p. et s.

- 12 -

la maladie avérée (psychose ou névrose) (1).Ce ne
sont pas des malades, mais plutot des i1infirmes du
psychisme, dont le comportement habituel rappelle
un comportement pathologique correspondant, On
trouvera donc parmi les caractériels des schizoides,
des petits paranoiaques, des dépressifs, des é&pi-
leptoides, des mythomanes. Ces caractériels a
1'état pur se rencontrent avec une certaine fréquence
chez les délinquants,mais le diagnostic ne parait
val able que dans des cas graves pouvant etre nette-
ment individualisés par rapport a la typologie de
reférence.

Dupré (2) a souligné tout particulierement les
rapports de 1'égocentrisme et de 1'orientation para-
nojaque,faite d'orgueil et se traduisant "parl'esprit
de domination et de tyrannie,par 1'exercice abusif de
1'autorité, par toutes les formes de despotisme, con-
jugal ,domestique, professionnel et politique., L'into-
lérance, 1'arrogance, la morgue peuvent en eétre,dans
les rapports sociaux,l'expression fréquente" Il faut
ajouter avec lui que le mélange, dans 1l'orientation
paranoiaque. "de 1 orgueil etdela méfiance crée les
manlifestations de la jalousie,de la rancune ala sulite
des blessures d amour-propre. de mépris et de la
méconnaissance hostile de 1'entourage". Des lors
"]1'association de cette vanité pathologique a la de-
b1lité du sens moral a pour consequence | 'absence de
scrupules,et cette subordination systématique de tous
les 1ntérets d'autrui au succes personnel designe
sous le nom d'arrivisme",.
I1 a également mis en lumiere les rapports de
1'égocentrisme et de 1'orientation mythomaniaque.

(1) Comp.G.Heuyer. Délinquance et troubles du carac-
tere chez les adolescents. Revue de 1'Education
Surveillée. 1946, No. 2 p. 38 et s.
(2) Dr.Dupré. Les perversions instinctives. op. cit.

- 13 -

Celle-ci peut @tre associée a la débilité mentale et
se manifeste alors par 1ahablerie fantastique,l'auto-
accusation criminelle,la fabulation-simulation d'at-
tentats oudemaladies,un certain nombre de ces sujets
fabul ateurs et simul ateurs pouvant présenter — associa-
tion toute naturelle — des accidents hystériques.
Les conséquences criminologiques de 1'orientation
mythomaniaque ont été exposées par Dupré avec une telle
maitrise, qu'aujourd'hui encore, le plus simple est
d'en reproduireles termes."La vanité - écrivait-il,
peut entrainer les sujets a des manifestations immo-
rales, délictueuses ou criminelles, étrangeres a la
mythomanie, telles que 1'escroquerie et le vol, pour
procurer au sujet les moyens de satisfaire ses appétits
de coquetterie et ses gofits de gloriole et d'ostenta-
tion.Dans des cas exceptionnels, la vanité peut con-
duire certaing débiles a des actes beaucoup plus graves,
tels que la détérioration ou la destruction de monu-
ments publics et 1'incendie: actes. de vandalisme,
érostratisme.
"Tous les médecins d'asiles et de prisons ont
insisté surlavanité absurde et colossale des grands
criminels, qui s'étale chez eux dans leurs mémoires,
leurs dessins, leurs autobiographies, leurs déclara-—
tions emphatiques et prétentieuses, etc., jusqu'au
seuil de 1'échafaud,dans leurs lettres aleurs parents
et leurs-discours au public.
"L'asgociation des tendances vaniteuses et'cupides
a la mythomanie crée des types d'activité perverse et
fraudul euse d'un grand intéret judiciaire. Tels sont
les .grands escrocs, les agioteurs de haute marque,
les chefs des grandes entreprises fraudul euses, les
emprunteurs sur faux héritages,en un mot les escomp-
teurs de fortunes fictives, & chiffre fabuleux, a
échéance prochaine, dontlemirage est présenté avec un
talent si persuasif et des ressources imaginatives et
dialectiquessi convaincantes, que tout 1'entourage
est entrainé dans un vertige de suggestion collective,
qui finit par gagner 1'auteur méme du roman et le

- 14 -

persuader de la réalité de son oeuvre",
Il résulte de tout <cela que 1'association de
1'égocentrisme liée a des troubles caractériels avec
la perversion et la débilité mentale est hautement
criminogene .,

c) Les pervers se subdivisent en deux grandes varié-
tés; celle des pervers sexuels et moraux, que le
concept américain de personnalité psychopathique
réunit:

Parmi les pervers sexuels une attention toute
particuliere doit @tre portée aux narcissiques. On
salt que le mythe antique de Narcisse amoureux de
lui-meéme a conduit Naecke et Halevock Ellis a appliquer
le terme de narcissisme a la perversion sexuelle, qui
consiste a se choisir soi-meéme comme objet érotique.
C'est ainsi qu’un narcissisme érotique peut eétre ob-
servé chez 1'adolescent timide qui cultivele plaisir
solitaire et finit par etre amoureux sensuellement
de son propre corps. Il existe également une homose-
xualité de type narcissique dominée par la recherche
de la propre personne du sujet chez un partenaire du
méme sexe, rajeuni ou embelli. Partant de la, Freud
a parle de névroses et psychoses narcissiques dans
lesquelles le sujet est incapable d'élection amoureuse,
tellement est grand 1'intéret affectif porté a sa
propre personne. En cas de cure psychanalytique le
transfert se révele impossible (1).
Pratiquement, on ne rencontre guere de pervers
sexuels de cette sorte parmi nos délinquants, mais
1'on trouve chez certains d'entre eux des équivalents
ou symptdmes narcissiques. Il nous parait difficile,
en tout cas,sur la basede nos observations d'affirmer
avec M.D. Lagache que le "type idéal" du criminel se
caractérise par le caractere partiel et narcissique

(1) A. Hesnard. Narcissisme. op. cit.

- 15 -

des buts et objets sexuels. L'homosexualité péniten-
tiaire semble,en regle générale, acquise, utilitaire
et transitoilre.
| En ce qul concerne les pervers moraux, on sait
que les véritables pervers présentent une inversion
totale du sentiment de sympathie. Ce quli les carac-
térise essentiellement, c'est la malignité, c'est-a-
dire, le besoin de faire le mal par plaisir. Mais, a
coté de ces sujets au demeurant assez rares,viennent
les inaffectifs fonciers,incapables de réagir affecti-
vement et qui, par conséquent, peuvent @tre brutaux
jusqu'a la cruauté. A un stade encore moins accusé,
on trouve les opposants dont les manifestations vont
de la rébellion a la simple rétivité du caractere et
les nonchalants moraux de Gilbert Robin qui sont des
petits débiles de 1'affectivité, des inaffectifs
légers (1),
Ce qui caractérise tous ces sujets c'est,au fond,
1'egoisme dont 1'intensité peut varier mais qui,dans
tous les cas,se définira par opposition a la généro-
sitée, a l'altruisme et résidera essentiellement dans
1'amour de soi (2), Les expressions intellectuelles
de 1'egoisme sont 1'assurance en soi, la recherche
unique de so1, ses expressions affectives sont la

(1) Comp.P.R.Bize. La notion de perversité. Rééduca-
tion.Numéro spécial sur"Les Pervers".Juin=Juillet
1950, p. 3 et s. Voir ¢également les réponses a
1'enquete surles pervers contenues dans ce numéro
et spécialement celles de Melles Badonnel et
Boutonier et de MM. Dublineau, Fabre de Morlhon,
de Greelf, Houyer et Le Guillant.
(2) Sur 1'égoisme voir A.Lalande.Vocabulaire techni-
que et critique de la philosophie. op. cit.p.
271. A.Poggi.Dizionario di Criminologia. Tome I,
p.-21 et s. Voir également P.R. Bize. L'évolution
psycho-physiologique de 1'enfant. Paris, P.U.F.
1950, p. 210.

- 16 -

tendance & 1'exclusivité et .a 1a permanence, d'ou la
haine, la vehgeance; ses expressions soclales, la
violence et les brutalités, le mépris d'autrui, ce
qui implique le fanatisme,l'érotisme, la destruction
des obstacles au moi, le mépris de la vie et du bien
d'autrui. I1 suit de lh que lorsqu'il y a égoisme,il
y a également égocentrisme. Mais 1'inverse n'est pas
automatiquement vrai: la vie quotidienne donne 1'ex-
emple d'égocentriques qui sont en m@me temps pourvus
d'une affective chaleureuse.C'est & dire que 1'assimi-
lation du caractere"affectionless"et de1'égocentrisme
ne saurait étre admise, du moins théoriquement, car
évidemment leur distinction-. pratique est toujours
mal aisée.
On trouve une preuve de la difficulté de cette
distinction dans le concept américain de personnalité
psychopathique qui désigne "les sujets qui présentent,
soit une sexualité pathologique,soit une affectivité
pathologique,soit des tendances amorales ou asociales,
solt des formes associées de ces manifestations qui,
toutes, présentent ce caractere commun de ne pas @tre
accompagnées de troubles mentaux proprement dits"(1):
La plupart des auteurs qui se sont occupés de ces
sujets soulignent 1leur égocentrisme et certains in-
sistenlt également & cdté de ce trait sur le défaut
de capacité de culpabilité et de responsabilité et
leur affectivité pauvre (2).

(1) Définition extraitede la classification des trou-
bles mentaux approuvée par 1le "Council of the
American Psychiatric Association" (R.B. Cattell.
La Personnalité. op. cit. p. 724).
(2) N.H.Cleckley. Psychopathic personality- Encyclo—
pediaof Criminology.p.413 et s.Benjamin Karpman.
The nature of Psychopathy in Criminology(Readings)
p.166 et s. Nathaniel Thorsten. The psychopathic
personality and Crime. Ibid. p. 177 et s.

- 17 -

d) Les débiles sont égal ement de grands égocentriques,
on pourralt presque dire des égocentriques al'etat
pur, puisqu'aussi bien 1'inaptitude a tenir compte
de la personnalité d'autrui constitue une de leurs
caractéristiques essentielles.La débilité,lorsqu’
elle s'associea l'orientation mythomaniaque, abou-
tit a un super-égocentrisme générateur d'antisocia-
1ité (1).

Telles sont 1les principales manifestations de
l1'egocentrisme dans le cadre de types criminels définis.

B - Les manifestationsdel'égocentrisme en dehors de
types criminels définis

En dehors des types criminels psychiatriquement
définis, on doit rechercher les manifestations de
l1'egocentrisme chez les professionnels, les crimina-
loides et les occasionnels.

a) Les professionnels sont des délinquants actifs, et
partant autoritaires obstinés tres susceptibles,
decides et hardis.Ils sont combattifs,aventureux,
enclins au défi. C'est parce qu'ils allient a ces
trarts d'egocentrisme une insensibi1li1té morale,
c'est-a-dire, une débilité de 1'affectivité qu'ils
s'organisent dans leur carriere criminelle (2).

b) Les criminaloides présentent, d'apres M., Benigno
di Tullio, un sentiment exagéré de leur propre
personnalité avec tendance a 1'égocentrisme et a
la vanité, Ces traits d'égocentrisme s'associent

(1) Voir notre chronique sur "Les criminels débiles
mentaux". Revue de Science Criminelle 1958, p.
434 et s,
(2) Voir notre chronique sur "Les criminels profession-
nels". Revue de Science Criminelle 1957, p. 909
et s,

- 18 -

bien entendu, a d'autres traits psychologiques et
en particulier avec la faiblesse de la sensibilite
morale (1).

c) Les occasionnels recouvrent une variété extréme de
personnalités (2). Parmi les pseudo-delinquants
auteurs d'infractions involontaires,1'égocentrisme
de 1'automobiliste imprudent est susceptible d'@tre
particul ierement signalé.Ill faut mentionner égale-
lement 1°égocentrisme du délinquant passionnel aux
attitudes pseudo-justicieres.

On s apercoit, au terme de cette breve revue
des principales manifestations de 1'égocentrisme
dans 1'ordre pathologique et physiologique, que ce
trait psychologique se trouve implacablement présent
chez 1les délinquants quels que solent les types
dont 11s reldvent, Il s‘ensuit que 1'égocentrisme
peut @tre retenu comme un des éléments du noyau cen-
tral de la personnalité criminelle.

III - Egocentrisme et Etat Dangereux

La portée de 1'egocentrisme en tant qu'elément
du noyau central de la personnalité criminelle doit
@tre appréciée par rapport au concept d’'etat dangereux.
On sait que ce concept recouvre, en réalite,
deux él1éments indépendants, c'est-a-dire qui peuvent
varier séparément:la capacite criminelle ou témibili té
et 1'adaptabilité. C'est essentiellement en relation
avec la capacité criminelle ou témibilité que la

(1) Benigno di Tullio.Les problemes de la constitution
délinquantielle par rapport a 1'état dangereux.
Conférences du IIeme Cours International de Crimi-
nologie. p. 73 et s. et spécialement p. 77.
(2) Voir notre chronique"Classification des criminels".
Revue de Science Criminelle. 1956, p. 862 et s.

- 19 -

portée de 1'égocentrisme peut @tre appréciée (1),
Tres schématiquement,on peutdire que la capacité
criminelle ou témibilité se mesure par le degré de
nocivité et d'inintimidabilité du délinquant, C'est
ainsi que pour déterminer sa nocivité,il convient de
se pencher sur le fait qu'il n'a pas ¢été retenu par
1'odieux de 1'exécution manuelle du crime et par les
obstacles matériels rencontrés;tandis que pour préci-
ser son inintimidabilité, il importe d'examiner le
fait qu'il n'a pas été retenu par les chatiments en-
courus et par 1'opprobe qui s'attache au nom des
mal faiteurs.l,'égocentrisme conditionne les attitudes
du délinquant envers lui-méme et envers autrui qui
rendent compte du défaut d inhibition qu'il manifeste
vis-a-vis de 1'opprobe sociale.

A- Attitudes du délinquant envers lui-méme

Vis-a-vis de lui-méme le délinquant est, de par
son égocentrisme,incapable de juger un probl eme moral
a un point de vue autre que personnel et enclin aux
réactions d'innocence.
Tout délinquant tend & rendre sa faute 1légitime
etil n'y arrive généralement,nous dit M.E. de Greeff
"qu'en dévalorisant les 1lois et 1les hommes, en se
demontrant que 1'hypocrisie est universelle et qu'd
est encore plus honn@ete, lui, que ceux qul auralient
a le juger" (2).
L'égocentrisme du délinquant est donc ala source
de "cette autolégitimation" - qui selon M. Lafon -
poursuivra son oeuvre au dela de la condamnation et

(1) Comp. J. Pinatel. Introduction au probleme de
: 1'état dangereux du point de vue dela criminologie
appliquée.Conférences du IIeme Cours International
de Criminologie. p. 327 et s.
(2) E.de Greeff.Introductionila Criminologie.p.126.

- 90 -

fera le lit de la récidive" (1).
Cette autolegitimation fait saisir pourquoi le
crime qui,vu de 1'extérieur apparait comme une adap-
tation manquée,est vécu par le sujet comme une adap-
tation réussie.
"Observé dans son histoire personnelle - a écrit
M.A.Hesnard - le criminel apparait constamment comme
un individu puissamment égocentrique. Mais d'un égo-
centrisme particulier qui n'est ni 1'égocentrisme du
monde irréel de la psychose ni 1'égocentrisme symbo-
liquement assouvissablede la névrose.C'est d'un égo-
centrisme éthique et concretement viable, qui trouve
spécifiquement sa satisfaction dans la transgression
de 1'Interdit, et dontla tension née des circonstances,
ne peut se soulager que par1'acte gravement sanctionné
par le milieu social.Sorte d'immaturation de la per-
sonne révéléée par une inaptitude humaine a vivre en
se soumettant aux interdits de la société, c'est—a-
dire - dans le monde propre au sujet - aux valeurs de
la morale sociale.
Le criminel passe a 1'acte non lorsqu'il a éte
vaincu par un désir coupable mais lorsqu'il a accom-
pli - rapidement ou 1insidieusement - un travail de
légitimation de son désir de supprimer un geéneur, de
s'approprier le bien d'autrui, parfois meme de se
survaloriser lui-meme en défiant 1'humanité et 1'uni-
vers" (2).

(1) Dr. Lafen, Le 1ibéré avec ses caractéristiques
psychologiques et médicales.Congres des Prisons.
Lourdes.Avril 1953, Actes p.9 et s. et notamment
| p. 16.
(2) A. Hesnard. Le processus de la légitimation sub-
jective en criminogénese. Actes du. Ileme Congres
International de Criminologie.Paris 1950.Tome 3,
p. 360. et s.

- 21 -
B - Attitudes du délinquant envers autrui.

Vis-a-vis d'autrui,l'égocentrisme du délinquant
s'extériorise par les attitudes critiques et accusa-
trices et le sentiment d'injustice subie.

a) Les attitudes critiques et accusatrices envers
autrui sont favorisées parle fait que le sujet se
laisse toujours aller a exagérer le sens et la
significationde certaines manifestations dela vie
sociale et imaginera 1llusoirement que le milieu
se modifie dans le sens que son inconscient désire.
Dans ce cas, le sujet se met a penser et a réagir
par rapport au milieu non tel qu'il est, ou tel
qu'il est resté,mais tel qu'il est arrivé a se le
représenter ou a le comprendre.

Cesmodifications fictivesdumilieu, pour repren-—
dre 1'expression de M.E. de Greeff, vont 1'amener &
critiquer et a accuser le milieu réel dont il ne com-
prendra plus les réactions. Son mode de rattachement
4 son milieu réel s'altérera et 1'évolution vers le
crime s'accompagnerade la recherche d'un milieu sus-
ceptible de correspondre a chacune des étapes qu'il
parcourt (1).
H. Joly avait déja fait l1a meme observation.
"Le vrai malfaiteur - a-t-il écrit - ou celui qui se
dispose a 1'2tre ne s'en va donc pas & 1'écart, ne
s'enfonce dans aucune reéverie solitaire. I1 cherche
une certaine société, et la est la caractéristique
essentielle qui distinguele délinquant du malade"(2).

(1) E. de Greeff. Criminogénese. Rapport général au
Ileme Congres International de Criminologie.Paris
1950, Actes Tome 6, p. 267 et s. et spécialement
p. 290 et s.
(2) H. Joly. Jeunes criminels parisiens. Archives
d'anthropologie criminelle.1890, p. 147 et s. et
393 et s.

- 99 _

b) Le sentiment d'injustice subie a été rencontré par
M.E. de Greeff chez la plupart des récidivistes,
instables et inadaptés sociaux, secondairement
voleurs. Ces sujets sont déconcertants au premier
contact parlaviolence de leur besoin de justice.
"Il s'agit ~ dit-il - d'une attitude sans nuance,
purement revendicative et agressive, justifiant
leur comportement. Il ne s'agit pas d'excuses, de
mauvais prétextes, mais d'un état réellement vécu
avec lequel ils sont identifiés".Or "cette notion
de justice,l1ls ne la suspendent jamais" et on ob-
serve que "tous ces @tres expliquent leur vie et
leurs attitudes par les injustices et 1es mal chances
dont ils ont été 1'objet, comment leur sens profond
de l1a justice les a toujours empechés de se soumet-
tre & 1'iniquité (1).

Mais en présence de ce sentiment d'injustice
subie, évocateur de 1'esprit faux, jaloux, vindicatif
des paranoiaques, on se trouve une fois encore & la
limite des conséquences del'égocentrisme et de 1'in-
sensibilité morale. "I1 importe - ajoute M.E. de
Greeff - pour apprécier de tels hommes quand et com-
ment i1ls ont pu se subordonner & une valeur et nous
apprécions dela sorte s'ils ont perdu cette aptitude
a un moment donné deleurvie ou s'ils ont été toujours
privés de communion sympathique et d'engagement dans
la durée".
Ainsi,au terme de cette étude,faut-il constater
que les difficul tés pratiques de distinction entre les
effets de 1'égocentrisme etdel'insensibilité morale
-demeurent toujours. Mais en .s'efforgant de préciser
les contours du concept d'égocentrisme en criminologie,
du moins a-t-il été possible de préciser plus nette-
ment la direction des recherches futures.En montrant

(1) E.de Greeff.Criminogéntse. op. cit. spécialement
p. 278 et s.

- 93 -

que 1'égocentrisme fait partie du noyau de la person-
nalité criminelle, il a été par cela méme prouvé que
la voie ainsi suivie était celle que précisément il
faut suivre, si 1'on ne veut pas que la criminologile
s'enferme dans des 1impasses. C'est, qu'en effet, si
1'on ne recherche pas ce qui est spécifique dans la
personnalité criminelle,autant dire qu'on ne recherche
rien et que, par avance, on se résigne a ne rien
découvrir.Au contraire,si 1'on parvient a forger les
concepts opérationnels de la recherche criminologique,
il sera possible, dans un deuxieme stade, de définir
les méthodes et 1es processus d'investigational'aide
desquels ils pourront @tre appliqués a 1'étude de la
réalité criminelle.

- 94 -

SUMMARY

The feeling of personality lies at the basis of
a person's development and unfolding; 1t expresses
itself 1n a more or less pronounced egocentricity
which constitutes one of the central elements of the
criminal personality.
Egocentricity is defined as the tendency to relate
everything to oneself, in the 1intellectual field as
well as 1n the affective and social fields. This
definition is concrete and broad enough to cover the
various existing conceptions of egocentricity,
According to the theory which regards egocentricity
as an innate characteristic itis an instinct derived
from the instinct of sel fpreservation, the hypertrophied
form (pride, vanity) of which goes hand in hand with
affective indifference. Egocentricity and affective
indifference lead in effect to a state of maladjustment
with respect to the personality of others. But this
mal adjustment 1s brought about in the case of ego-
centricity by the tendency to impose oneself on one's
environment,and in that of affective indifference by
the impossibility of affective engagement.
| This fundamental distinction is obscured in the
genetic theory. According to the Freudian concepts

there occurs a narcissic phase in the affective de-

- 95 —

velopment of the child, M.J. Piaget has likewise
stressed the egocentric language of the child and 1ts
unilateral compliance with the orders of the adult,
an attitude of which the egocentric origin is borne
out by the fact that the child cannot dissociate his
own ego from that of the older person.If one approaches
these moral -psychological findings from the Freudian
theory, the concepts of egocentricity and affective
indifference tend to become i1dentical.,
The sociological theory shows that infantile ego-
centricity 1s intensi1fied by the external nature of the
orders of the adult and by the lack of psychology 1n
the average adult. Hence one cannot make too sharp a
distinction between the psychological and moral ego-
centricity of the child and the psychological maturity
of the adult and merely explain the persistence of
egocentricity 1nto adult 1life by a failure of the
adjustment process,
If one considers, moreover, that serious 1in-
vestigationshave led to the opinion that egocentricity
manifests itself in amore subtle manner in the adult
than in the child one will find oneself brought back
to the aforementioned theory of innateness. Which
shows that biological and environmental 1influences
keep affecting the formation of egocentricity.

In clinics for criminals, egocentric manifesta-

- 920 -

tions are found to exist not only among criminals that
can be assigned to a definite type(pathological types,
persons with character déficiencies,perverts,feeble—
minded persons) but also among those who cannot be
assigned to a definite type (professional criminals,
criminaloids, and occasional transgressors).
As far as the dangerous state is concerned, ego-
centricity is a conditioning factor of the attitudes
of the delinquent toward himself and others which
explain the uninhibitedness whichhe manifests toward
social misdeeds.
Toward himself +the delinquent is, by virtue of
his egocentricity, incapable of considering a moral
problem from any but a personal point of view,and he
tends toward reactions of innocence(Hesnard's ethical
egocentricity).
Toward others the delinquent's egocentricity ex-
presses itself in critical and accusatory attitudes
(E. de Greeff's fictitious modifications of the en-
vironment) and in the feeling of having suffered in-
justice,a feeling which evokes the confused, jealous
and vindictive spirit of the paranoiacs and with which
one finds oneself once more at the end of the conse-
quences of egocentricity and affective indifference.
This study makes one presume that there existsa
core of the criminal personality of which egoécentricity

would be one of the consti tuting el ements.Apart from this

- 927 -

central core one encounters variable properties of
the criminal personality (traits related to activ-
ity; physical, intellectual and social aptitudes;
dynamic traits related to instinctual needs).In this
way the empirical fact mightbe explained that delin-
quents are at the same time very different and very
much alike.If one does not wish criminology to reach
one dead end after another an investigation into what
is specific in the criminal personality is the indicated
procedure. Refusal to investigate at all means to be
content from the start with not discovering anything

either.

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS

- THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

1

I11

FRUSTRATION AS THE BASIC CONDITION OF
MENTALLY DISORDERED DELINQUENT
BEHAVIOUR

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands).

FRUSTRATION AS THE BASIC CONDITION OF MENTALLY
DISORDERI'D DELINGUENT BEHAVIOUR

by

Dr. Milos Kobal, M.D.
Collaborator, Institute for
Criminology Faculty of Law at
the University of L jubl jana

In our research work we are continuously pursuing
the goal of defining better and more specifically
those delinquent 1ndividuals whose personality is
disturbed. We feel that the existing static and phe-
nomenological definitions of such personalities do
not satisfy and i1t seems that other speciallsts are
dissatisfied with them too,Therefore they are looking
for new,better definitions and classifications.Since
KRAEPELIN, a considerable number of classifications
were developed 1n psychiatry; especially the notion
of psychopathic personality is getting a new meaning
and a new form. Some authorities accept general psy-
chiatric classifications as valid and useful for the
field of forensic psychiatry, while other forensic
Psychiltatrists develop their own narrower,6 and specia-
lized classifications. All kinds of classifications,
however are based on certain phenomena only and take
Into consideration single aspects of personality
e1ther biologic or sociologic ones. or combinations
of both of them In case of specific symptoms and
Phenomena we are compelled to 1label individuals
elther according to the existing classifications, or
to interpolate their diagnoses between the existing
categories.In clinical practice,we avoid theoretical
@Odels. we encounter e.g.much too often psychopathic
1ndividuals whose present state symptoms can be
Seemingly easily classified, but whose 1ife history
differs considerably from what is to be expected
theoreticallyo For this reason,we renounce to gather
only individuals' phenomenologic symptoms and we try

-9 _

to interpret their behaviour, their past, and their
future actions dynamically. During 1956, we started
a study of juvenile delinquents., Up to now,we studied
in detail the behaviour of individuals and of groups
of delinquents phenomenologically classed either as
"marginally normal", or psychiatrically diagnosed as
psychopaths, or "even psychotic" personalities.
Developing basic concepts of some American authors
(MAYER. DOLLARD, and, in our {field, especially
JENKINS), we established that most of mentally dis-
ordered delinquent behaviour evolve in a frustration
process.
The most of c¢criminal behaviour 1s as purposive
as conventional human behaviour.As a matter of fact
is criminal behaviour from a phenomenological point
of view mostly normal. Only from the moral and from,
soclologic points of view. such behaviour can be
placed among phenomena of social 1nadaptation, When
impl ementing realistic needs,delinquents are just as
active and display the same tensions as other people
when realizing their needs.In order to achieve their
goals, delinquents associate in groups with high 1n-
ternal discipline, cohesion,and own norms; confidence
is acquired only by a zeal similar to that shown 1n
non delinquent associations. Of course, there are
certain differences between the behaviour of a moti-
vated delinquent and an individual who chooses a per-
mitted path to attain his goal. Therefore, the notion
of adaptive delinguency,as formulated by JENKINS, 1s
optional, although it hits the core of the problem.
This congress does not deal directly with the
kind of criminality mentioned above: we are interested
in those people who either do not pursue realistic aims,
or those whose criminal actions are so alien to the
majority of people, that they are considered as mor-
bidness or even disease. As pointed already, such
criminal activity develops in a frustration process.
There is experimental evidence that frustrations(i.e.
consequences of barriers preventing one's personality

3 -

forces to achieve goals) occur very often in human
life. A great majority of people react with an inte-
grative behaviour upon such internal or external bar-
riers. This means that they mobilize the positive
psychophysic forces i1n order either to resist against
such pressures, or to find another path in substitu-
tive or in constructive behaviour.These delinquents,
generally called psychopaths, react, however, with a
desintegrated behaviour on frustration pressures:
among other things,their punishable act may be regarded
as such a kind of behaviour. As a matter of fact, we
tried to discover conditions, under which a frustra-
ted personality will release itself in desintegrative
behaviour by means of a punishable act.Our inquiries
showed that these conditions are related to

1. personality and its bio-psychological structure,

2. environment which creates barriers and eventually
distorts the personality (external, internal, or
total frustration),

3. a corresponding reaction model.

We ranked these conditions according to theilr
Importance IHowever.desintegrative reactions of cri-
minal type occur only when all three conditions men-
tioned operate either in succession or even simul ta-
neously.
The punishable act which originates in a frustra-
tion process is usual ly but the last link of deviant
behaviour of a person. Usually such behaviour manifests
l1tself at first in simple patterns, and becomes in
later life history of a future delinquent more and
more complex. Juvenile delinquents below the age of
Seven (when they are still physically and socially
lmmature), react on environmental pressures e.g. by
Neurotic symptoms, like eneuresis, nail gnawing,
Copropresis, or nocturnal anxiety. Later, after the
age of seven, such frustrated delinquents already
manifest outward agressiveness.Vagabondising, lylng,

- 4 -

minor thefts, etc. enter their ways of living. Such
behaviour persists withoutmajor oscillations through
successive age periods and 1s considered 1in this
country delinquent, after the age of fourteen.
We found, .as a peculiarity in the bio-psycholo-
gical structure of frustrated delinquents, outward
aggressiveness (directed against the enviromnment),
nonplasticity, reduction of emotional intensity to a
level of emotional apathy, and narrowing of social
contact., These are, however, already dispositional
characteristics for abreacting future tensions in de-
linquent form. But delinquent behaviour pattern of
tension reductionis initiated always by an appropriate
reaction model. We conceive though such a reaction
model in amuch broader sense than "provoking moments"
(Auslosungsmomente) quoted especially in German li-
terature.
In a juvenile delinquent, such a reaction model
originates in early punishments, in humiliation, and
in various vrestrictions, (entertainment, freedom,
consideration 1n family circle, etc.). In an early
stage of development the organism +tries to get all
this - secretly or 1n a substitute form - and much of
such behaviourisobjectively similar to criminal be-
haviour. In adult li1fe, the individual may similarly
canalize his tensions,arisen from frustrations, into
behavioural paths formed in very early stages,
Such a reaction model can be either phylogenetic
(e.g. certain forms of aggressiveness in primitive
civilizations), or current (e.g. the example of cri-
minal parents, relevant literature, motion pictures,
etc. ).
The adherents to classic pointsof view would deny
to a certain part of frustrated delinquents abnor-
mality ‘'of any form or degree. According to such opi-
nions,additional personality symptoms,entirely alien
to a normal individual, must appear before an offen-
der would be considered as abnormal. According to
our opinion such concepts ‘are too narrow.Frustrative

pressions operate always beyond the delinquent's
consciousness and Wwillpower and they express them-
selves 1n behavioural patterns deviating from actions
of an average i1ndividual too.
During the course of our research,we discovered
further that part of frustrated offenders tend toward
new equilibria 1n the triangle mentioned: personality
- environment - pattern of reaction.In one direction
such a frustrated individual adjusts himself to his
own personality. but at the same time he manifests
- froma frustration point of view - phylogenetically
or ontogenetically more primitive personality dyna-
misms. On one hand there 1s an approach to adaptive
delinquent bebaviour. while on the other hand. there
1s an increase in abnormity of such behaviour. Some
frustrated individuals of sthenic physical constitu-
tion and strong emotiveness choose these kinds of
tension release,which basically satisfy individual's
needs. No wonder that such personalities seek for an
outlet of the tension in criminal acts. Let us take
a theft as an example: through it the frustrated or-
ganism gets ridof its tensions and.at the same time,
satisfies other needs by the use of objective values
of things stolen Such a person has again found a
contact with reality,since he satisfied certain real
needs with real action. The motives guiding such a
Personality differ by their structure and by their
personality basis,from common motives guiding crimi-
nal behaviour Therefore we called them secondary mo-
tives But such frustrated offenders, who became mo-
tivated secondarily, are not of direct concern for
this congress.
We are discussing here those offenders in whom
frustrations manifest deep personality pressures.
With a certain type of personality structure,frustra-
-tion can reveal "motives" and pressures of usually
regressive,but - at least from a phenomenologic point
of view - morbid, or even a manifestly pathologic
character.0Only some of these objective,mostly uncon-

- 6 -

sclous pressures lead to criminal behaviour,of cour-
se. One should 1include among them especially those
arising from self-punishment tendencies, those satis-
fying their needs for assertion in abnormal forms
(herostratic principle), further pathologic curiosity
(voyarism) and the whole spectrum of sexual devia-
tions. A mental disease develops when a personality
1s not able to deal adequately with barriers in envi-
ronment or in i1tself with its own habitual intrapsy-
chic defences., To a majority of people, such defengse
systems are alien and therefore morbid or 111. In a
personality changed in such a way regressive pres-
sures manifest themselves as its immanent parts, or
entirely new pathologic constructions sometimes leading
to an offence, develop.
It is not. too difficult to recognize punishable
acts, committed by mentally i1l offenders. Frustrated
offenders releasing their tensions through punishable
acts have typical ways of acting too.In most cases 1t
1s possible to recognize from the punishable act it-
self, from the way 1t has been committed, and from
some essential circumstances, that a frustrated per-
son was dealing. A considerable part of our research
has been devoted to this problem. We discovered that
typical acts of frustrated individuals quite obviously
do not have any proper meaning.Thus frustrated offen-
ders often usurpate objects without a real objective
value, further they oftendo not make any advantageous
use of them, or even destroy them. From the phenome-
nologic point of view,such offences have been inter-
preted in various ways. The label of kleptomania has
been used often in connexion with them.More detailed
analyses of kleptomania reveal always deeper persona-
lity dynamisms.Such dynamisms develop regularly in a
frustration process.
We further discovered that the way of committing
offences is usually stereotype. Thus objects of the
unl awful attack are the same, or modus operandi re-
mains unchanged.The frustrated delinquent commits the

- 7 -

punishable act mostly alone, without companions, re-
cardless of favourableness of circumstances and often
even in such circumstances that the police officers
detect them easily.
This basic behaviour pattern modifies, however,
depending on whether frustrated delinquent approaches
adaptive forms of delinquency or whether he commits
his punishable acts under neurotic pressures. The
first group. as we said already, is not of 1mmediate
interest to this congress. With persons with self-
punishing tendencies however, the commitment of an
offence with all 1ts consequences is usually an equi-
valent of suicide. It is characteristic for such 1n-
dividuals that they commit their punishable acts in
the presence of authorities or 1leave obvious traces
at the spot,or even denounce themselves to the organs
of criminal department. Offenders with herostratic
tendencies choose uncommon victims or objects for
their attack.Besides, their approach to the punisha-
ble act is often surprisingly dreadful and violent,
Voyarists are often among those acting against honour
and reputation as well as against official duties.
The problem of sexual delinquents 1is too complex to
be discussed here in the time allotted. Offenders of
this kind as well as those who act because of neurotic
Pressures require a detailed personality examination,
otherwise their behaviour remains ununderstood, or
Judged only superficially, or from a standpoint of
moral ity,
Our research brought 1nto light various aspects
of problems related to frustrated delinquents. We
verified many of our findings on nondelinquent per-
sons also and we tried to.establish a demarcation or
a differentiation of delinquent from nondelinquent
Persons. In spite of all work done, we only started
with our second task,that of studying more in detail
single conditians which influence significantly for-
mation of delinquent behaviour arisen from frustration
mechanisms. Studying the bio-psychological structure

of personality we came across the special cases of
delinquents with structural or even organic injuries
in the brain tissue Within the selected group of
so-called delinquent psychopathc we found 1n 42,5%
of the cases abnormal electroencephalographic reports.
In some other individuals we either discovered symp-
toms of some neurologic abnormities or ° found such
deteriorations by contrast methods.At the moment we
are not able to interpret these abnormities yet; how-
ever 1t seems that such delinquents react to frustra-
tion pressures with a most desintegrative behaviour
But desintegrative ways of reacting on a frustration
pressure1s by itself insufficient an explanation for
development of delinquency.As a matter of fact indi-
viduals with the encephalon injuries react just as
desintegratively on frustration although a majority
of them are not delinquent,at least not in the sense
of penal law.It usually turns out that a considerable
percentage of such "control" personalities (patients
of the psychiatric and neurologic institutions) take
advantage of socially acceptable behaviour for ab-
reacting their tensions. Thus in most cases., such
personalities are sublimated. Exactly this sublima-
tion principle is probably mostly lacking 1n persons
which became delinquent.
Frustration thus proved to be the most 1mportant
source of formation of nonadaptive type of delinquency
From a phenomenological point of view we are able to
judge in this framework some personalities.regarding
their personality disturbances, as marginally normal
or abnormal. Frustration itself, however, 1s only a
crystallizing nucleus, to which certain properties
and certain circumstances(often remote from the actual
punishable act) are linked. But those circumstances
must be present in the mosaic which builds a specific
personality,if this behaviouris to become delinquent.
Frustrated delinquents require a special proceeding
in the investigating, judicial, and re-educative pro-
cess.Thisis the practical significance of our results,

-9 -

And exactly from the practical point of view, pheno-
menologic approaches to delinquency did not yield
the expected results up to now.

Contrairement aux classifications p@énoménologi—
ques concernant les délits commis par des individus
déja aux limites de la normalité ou de 1'anormalité
Psychique,nous croyons plus convenable a définir ces
cas d'apres 1les points de vue dinamiques. Méme nos
recherches et nos travaux expérimentaux nous ont
portés a la conviction qu'une telle délinquence nait
Pendant le proces de frustration.La frustration elle-
méme n'est qu'un facteur de cristallisation pour dé-
gager la tension émotive sous 1la forme de délit. I1
Y @ le besoin d'une coincidence de la structure bio-
Psychique correspondante, de la pression de milieux
correspondants et un exemple & suivre pour réaliser
la réaction.
C'est que 1'organisme pendant le proces de frus-

tration tend vers une réadaptation au cas qu'ils existent

- 10 -

des conditions,surtout dans la structure biopsychique.
Mais la frustration peut découvrir,des points de vue
phylogénétique et ontogénétique, chez la plupart des
individus les pressions de personalité déja vaincues
chez la plupart des hommes .
I1 faut distinguer les délits "purs" effectues
selon le mécanisme frustratif des délits motivés se-
condairement etde ceux qui sont causés par certaines
pressionide personalité/autopunition pression héros-
tratique déviation sexuelle.
Toutes les formes du comportement d'un délinquent
surtout a celles-1a nous n'attribuons pas le caractere
d: anormalité mentale Ce point de vue exprime proba-
blement une éetroitesse de conception, car les pres-
sions frustratives fonctionnent en dehors de la con-
science et de la volonté du délinquent.
Le comportement frustratif a ses propres carac-
téristiques et differe des autres formes de la crimi-
nalité d’ une maniere typique. Si 1'on reconnait cela
a tennps,on peut entreprendre des mesures préventives,
judiciaires et rééducatives et les diriger de 1la

. . §
melll eure maniere.

- 11 -

REFERIENTCES

Dollard J.& coll.:

Jenkins R.L,

Jenkins R.L.
Hewitt L

Kobal M.

Kobal M. & coll.

Maier N.

Saksida S.

Frustration and Agression, Yale
Univ, Press-New Haven 1957

The American Journal of Orthopsy-
chiatry Vol.XIV. No. 1, 1944 pag.
83-94

The nervous child
Vol .VI. No. 3, 1947, pag.329.339.
The nervous child
Vol. XI. No. 1, 1955
Delinquency as failure and delin-
quency as attainment
26 th Annual Governor Conference
on Youth and Community service 1957

The American Journal of Orthopsy-
chiatry
Vol . XXVII. No. 3, 1957, pag, 528-
537

Kriminalisti¥na slu%ba
No. 4. 1956, pag. 306-321
Revija za kriminalistiko 1n krimi-
nologijo No. 1, 1959. pag. 23-29

Kriminalisticna slu%ba
No. 2. 1957, pag. 90-100

Frustration.The study of Behavior
without a goal
New York 1949
Kriminalisticna sluZba
No. 2. 1957, pag. 103-114

Skalar V.

Suchert H.R.

Sebek L.

Schneider K.

- 12 -

Kriminalisti1&a sluZba
No.2. 1957, pag. 133-136 and 141-
159

Konflikt-Psychologie Mttnchen 1959

Kriminalisticéna sluzba
No. 2 1957, pag. 114-120

Die psychopatischen Personlich-
keirten Leipzig u. Wien 1934
Fortschritte der Neurologie Psy-
chiatrie und 1.GrenzgebieteNo. 1,
1958. pag. 1-8

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAIL CONGRESS

~ THE HAGUE 1g60 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

1

[11

PSYCHONEUROSIS, A NATURAL MOTIVATION
IN THE HUMAN

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands).

PSYCHONEUROSIS, A NATURAL MOTIVATION IN THE HUMAN

The Major Cause of Delinquency

by
Sam I. Stein, Ph.D., M.D.
Executive Medical Director of the
Neuropsychiatric Research Program, 1inc.
Lincolnwood - Il1. U.S.A.

A. Concepts

1. Concept pertaining to delinquency

a.

Itis the author's contention that psychoneurosis
is a natural motivation. Among the signs and
symptoms within the driving mechanism of this
motivation is one of reactiveness or provocative-
ness, namely,a type of behavior on the part of
an emotional subject which is directed toward
the object and intended to bring 'attention'
from the object to the subject as a result of
the subject's negativistic behavior.The reactive
behavior takes on a delinquency turn, primarily,
if the emotional object is sensitive or vulnerable
in this regard, as by vocational position, by
socio—economic status, or by placing a major
emphasis to the subject regarding delinquency
as an unwel come type of behavior.

2. Concept pertaining to psychoneurosis

a .

In my approach to psychoneurosis,I am not des-
cribing a new natural principle, but rather I
am formulating a very important one,old as man,
on a physiological,scientific basis. The human
psychoneural dependency appetite or motivant
(the need for parental love) proceeds as a type
of mutual tropism between child and parent. A
so—called rapport, tie, relationship or bridge
becomes established between them. Relative to
this theme,over the bridge whichis of variable

B.

- 9 -

strength the parent, object,or donor transfers
to the child that amount of psychoneural maturing
attribute(love)it has available.The biopsycho-
neural maturing process has qualitative, quan-
titative and temporal dimensions. The donor
remains happy while supplying the maturing
factor as long as the demand for it does not
exceed the donor's available supply. The human
infant, child, or subject, is unwittingly,
intensely driven by naturally established psy-
choneural mechanisms to seek the psychoneural
maturing factor from its attending objects or
parental sources. The subject shows external
and internal evidence of happiness, pl easure or
optimum biological functioning to the extent
1t actually obtains psychoneural maturing factor
through existing rapports. To the extent that
a psychoneural dependency need is not satisfied
or to the extent that a psychoneural functional
maturation is 1incomplete, to that extent from
birth to death does a subject by various provo-
cative or symptomatic ways continue to seek
further maturing effects and/or to seek relief
from the stress of biopsychoneural functional
lmmaturity.

Significant generalities of this psychoneurosis
formulation preliminary to explaining the delin-
quency theme.

Three factors of qualitative control of behavior
within the human nervous system.

a. Somatoneurogenic, somato-physical status of
neurocellular elements.

b. Socioneurogenic (mind), post-natally acquired,
random or systematic (educational) experiences
coded 1into the brain which in turn are poten-

- 3 -

tially available as an individualizing way of
life.

c. Psychoneurogenic, functionality status of psy-
choneural elements; i1ts correlation to symptom-
signs of psychoneurosis and its role or special
component of control of an individual's thought
and action,

2. One factor of quantitative control of the human
nervous system.,

a., The exact nature of 1ntellectual capacity has
not been determined. Ostensibly. where higher
potential of intellectual capacity exists. the
properties of psychoneurosis are more intense,

b. Higher i1ntellectual capacity offers more facade
designed to obscure the existence of psychoneu-
rotic or functional 1mmaturity symptom-signs.

3. Four motivations (natural or biological) in the
human,
The motivational categories expressed here are the
natural, biological or instinctual ones. In the
human, each has (a) a driving mechanism. (b) cul-
turally accepted ways of proceeding to fulfillment,
and (c) relatively specific goals. The four moti-
vations may be charted here briefly in transcendent
order of their stressor or drive intensity. The
reverse order gives the degree of satisfaction that
may be sensed with goal fulfillment The delinquency
theme is most directly associated with the psy-
choneurotic category. (The social term. love, 1is
synonymous with sensing satisfaction and, therefore,
may rightfully be applied in social expression to
relative degrees according to the extent that
Stressor-drive-effects are relieved or goal attained
in any of the following categories).,

a. Spiritual
b. Psychoneurotic
c. Self-Preservative

d. Sexual-Reproductive

Emotional or psychoneurotic motivation by nature
has been linked to the fundamental function of the
nervous system.

a. The fundamental function of neuroid substance
is to conduct impulses and to respond with
irritability (proper excitation or inhibition)
to stimuli.Here,excitation and inhibition have
reference to intrinsic nerve physiology and
not social phenomena.

Nerve impulse activity originates in the psychoneu-
ral cortex, namely, that part of the brain which
was added last evolutionarily.

a. The exact nature of the nerve impulse has not
been determined,butit has chemical,electrical,
thermal and other physical properties which
determine ultimately the full intensity of this
neural scanning and conveying mechanism.

6. Jackson's Law.

a. This law states that the highest part of any
nervous system exercises through the excitation-
inhibition (impulse) mechanism a controlling
influence on all centers below it. I postulate
that there is adiffuse 'inhibition' throughout
the human nervous system because of a central
inhibition which exists at birth in the human
in his psychoneural cortex. This 1inhibition
creates a sub-potential functioning through-out

-5 -

the nervous system. The individual differences
which are seen as a result of this sub-potential
functioning are due:

1. to uneven genetic development in the human
in his biochemical and/or physiological
systems,

2. to the degree of +the above psychoneurotic
inhibition remalning or obtaining at a par-
ticular moment 1n an individual's history,
and

3. to the magnitude of the full potential func-
tionality inherently available or existent
in an individual neural system,

The major categories of symptom-signs which cha-
racterize the biological drive associated with
psychoneurosis.The 'philosophy' of all psychoneu-
rotic symptom-signs 1is designed or intended to
bring 'human attention'.

a. Psychic: Symptom-signs mainly referrable to the
improper functioning of the mind part
of the brain.

b. Psychosomatic: Symptom-signs of improper func-
tioning in lower brain centers and in
somatic structures.

c. Psychosocial: Symptom-signs reflecting 'emotio-
nal', relatively unreasonable, or un-
predictable behavior in some area of
an individual's behavior toward other
individuals in the community at large.
The attention-seeking here may yet be
localized to a small group, but more
often it is diffuse or directed to a
large or public audience. No active
(emotional) functional maturing or
functional advance results from this

-6 -

type of attention but instead it merely
affords a quietingof the drive mechanism
which subserves the emotional dependency
(neuro-functional immaturity) motiva-
tion.

d. Psychofamilial: Symptom-signs reflecting emo-
tional, relatively unreasonable, un-
predictable behavior within the family
situation where subject is seeking
attention within a rapport relationship
quite directly from an object in the
family constellation. The attention
supplied within a rapport relationship
1s actively maturing to the extent that
the responding object has capacity for
maturing.

Psychosocial and psychofamilial symptoms as the
basis to the delinquency pattern. A symptom of
attention-seeking may consist of conforming beha-
vior where the unconscious intent is to gain this
attention effect by an exaggerated tendency 1n a
socially acceptable way or pattern. Probably, by
chance or cause and effect experience, however, a
subject unconsciously discovers that negativistic
behavior brings more time-attention than conforming
conduct. In the United States almost every large
channel of communication whether newspaper,radio,
television ormagazine,supplies supportive evidence
to this latter formulation since they publicize
almost every morbid, fraudulent, delinquent and
criminal incident, but give attention only to the
very few most unusual or most heroic of socially
favorable performances.

a. The biblical fable of Genesis pertaining to
Adam and- Eve, Cain and Abel, and the features
of reactiveness in 1it,

- 7 -

1. Now we are certain that the Adam and Eve
account in Genesis of the Bible cannot per-
tain to the organic origin of the human for
we know that man has appeared through the
long process of biological evolution. This
fable probably intends to relate how man's
behavior rather than physical genesis essen-
tially differs from that of the infra-human
which preceded him. Essentially, in the ac-
count we have, Eve negativistically ate an
apple after being asked by Adam not to do so.
The snake, the 1lowest of all creatures,
probably is intended to represent the psycho-
neurotic component(that component contributing
unpredictableness in any or all phases of
human functionality) of behavioral control
in man.Eve would be an emotional subject of
her husband, Adam, who therefore 1is being
used unwittingly by her as a "father-substi-
tute" or a donor of parental +type of love
(that human attribute which causes the
functional maturing of the psychoneurone).
The offspring, both being male, would tend
to seek the emotional-dependency maturing
effect from the maternal parent.But Eve has
been depicted as functionally immature
herself,or lacking in the substance sought,
Cain killed Abel because he was 'rivalrous’
for this meager amount of maternal 1love
(emotion-maturing-effect)available from Eve.
The boys could not have been fighting over
a girl (sex) or over physical-material
substance (money).In addition, this was the
first family of humans so there could not
have been a previous history of killing from
which Cain might have learned in advance of
such an action,

b. Biological-mechanical, or biological-neural

- 8 -

(unconscious or unwitting) features.The extent
or seriousness of symptoms and signs, whether
aggressive or regressive, depends upon the ex-
tent or level of emotional immaturity and the
extent or amount of frustration. The following
is an outline of the pattern of aggression, and
the extent and path of regression which may
occur in the individual:

1. He may externalize the aggression, where 1t
is turned,if feasible, against the frustra-
ting source; or

2., He may internalize the aggression,whereupon
mind (intra-psychic)or body (psychosomatic)
symptoms from tension arise; or

3. He may displace it, whereby it is turned
against some available or potential victim;
or

4, He may regress by successively more serious
stages through "attention-seeking devices"
where

a. He behaves 1irrationally or reactively,
that 1is,in a manner which is practically
the direct opposite of his training or
socioparental demands; or,in the further
stage of regression,

b. He becomes infantile showing, among
others, such signs as hysteria, tantrums,
weeping, soiling, wetting and the like;
or,in the furthermost stage of regression,

c. He turns to homicide and suicide.

. Neurophysiological bases, or explanation, as

supplied by Pavlov and Konorski.The extent and
path of 'attention-seeking' regression proceeds
by a pattern of ‘pathological’ functioning or
behavior which is in reverse of its progression

-9 -

or evolvement in the organism as was outlined
above in b. Perhaps this process is subserved
by the phenomenom of paradoxical phase and
ul traparadoxical phase in nervous system acti-
vity as described by the neurophysiologist,
Konorski, to obtain under certain conditions
including that one in animals which "resembles"
neurosis:

"The concept of the capability of the cortical cells
arose 1n connection with the following type of
experiment.I{f conditioned reflexes are elaborated
to various stimuli from the weakest to the
strongest, 1t 1s found +that whereas strong
stimull evoke the maximal conditioned response,
very strong stimuli,socalled supra-maximal, evoke
an effect more or less diminished. According to
Pavlov the explanationof thisis that the cortical
cells possess a "top capability', in other words,
they are capable of reacting by excitation to the
stimuli that reach them only up to definite limits,
If the stimulus exceeds the top capability of the
corresponding cortical cell, this cell reacts to
such a stimulus with inhibition, the so-called top
or protecting inhibition.
According to Pavlov and his followers, the biolo-
gical 7roleof this inhibition is by its interven-
tion to prevent damage to the cortical cells which
might result from too strong an excitation, i.e.,;
to protect the cells from the strain of too great
a 'loss of energy'.

The capability of the cortical cells depends on
many factors, and may change either acutely or
chronically. First of all, it depends on the type
of animal. The cortical elements in animals with
& so-called weak nervous system are of poor capa-
bility, i.e., in their case any strong excitation
easily becomes supra-maximal and 1eads to top

- 10 -

inhibition. Further,such factors as neurosis, old
age, and,among transient factors, drowsiness also
weaken the cortical cells, i.e., they lower their
top capability.

It 1is easy enough to realize what consequences
follow from a lowering of the top capability of
cortical cells.A strong conditioned stimulus which
has previously been evoking a maximal conditioned
reaction,as the result of a reduction of the cor-
tical cells' capability, becomes a supra-maximal
stimulus, and as the result of the top inhibition
its effect is diminished, becoming equal to the
effect of weaker stimuli. This is what 1is called
the phase of equalization, when both strong and
weak conditioned stimuli evoke an identical con-
ditioned reaction. With a still greater 1lowering
of the top capability the effect of strong stimuli
may become less than that of weak stimuli, which
state is called the paradoxical phase.With a very
considerable reduction of capability the so-called
ul tra-paradoxical phase is sometimes observed,
when positive conditioned stimuli are completely
inhibited, whereas the inhibitory stimulus evokes
the positive conditioned reaction.The explanation
of this phase is that the inhibited excitatory
point produces excitationin the inhibitory point,
with which 1t i1s linked by mutual induction".

Clinical obervations
Cases from the community at large (of national and
even i1nternational prominence where unconscious

(emotional ) reactiveness is evident).

Cases at random inmy experience (where the feature
of emotional reactiveness 1s conspicuous).

Systematic studies

- 11 -

a. My first report from the Juvenile Court entitled

e.

"Psychiatric Cross—-Section Perspectives Viewed
through Juvenile Court Cases", published in
the Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease,
November, 1945, P, 440. (Delinquency is linked
with psychoneurosis where the formeris seen as
one large symptom-complex among others within
the psychoneurotic syndrome).

. My publication entitled"Emotional Incompetency,

the Emotional or Psychogenic Factor of Behavioral
Control".(Prepared as a definition of BEmotional
Incompetency by request of the presiding judge,
R.J. Dunne, of the Cook County Family Court.
Presented by me before the combined judiciary
committees of the Illinois State Legislature 1in
March, 1949, to delineate the delinquency
complex within the process of emotional de-
pendency. This definition was prepared to
support a bill 1introduced by Judge Dunn which
would have permitted the juvenile court judge
to adjudicate a delinquent as one who 1s emo-
tionally incompetent and needing specialized
treatment rather thanmerely social rehabilita-
tion as was the theme of the training school).

. My publication entitled "Some Therapeutic Needs

of Young People as Determined from . Diagnostic
Neuro-Psychiatric Studies of 705 Cook County
Juvenile Court Cases",published in the Quarter-
ly Journal of Child Behavior, Vol. 2, April,
1950, P. 149. (Over 70% of these 705 cases
offer support to the emotionally determined
theme of reactiveness or provocativeness).

. My paper, "A Biological Concept of Neurosis

Origin and Process,"published in Journal of
Nervous and Mental Disease, July, 1954, P. 35.
(The genesis of neurosis (or emotional imma-
turity is linked to principles of biology).

A study made at the Family Court under my

- 12 -

supervision by Mrs. HRuth E. Meyer in fulfill-
ment of her Master's degree at the University
of Wisconsin. Title of this study: "Bunning
Away from Home". (This is as yet unpublished.
Excerpts will be presented showing support to
the theme of emotional reactiveness).

A study made by Mrs. Alice Skinner in fulfill-
ment of herMaster's degree at Loyola University.
The title of this study: "Fire Setting". (This
1s as yet unpublished. Here, more. clearly, the
delinquent action is shown to be one of (emo-
tional ) reactiveness).

Theoretical approaches to therapy.

Physical and/or symptomatic therapy. Some sympto-
matic adjustment can be secured through psycho-
pharmacological products and/or they may make the
succeeding approaches 2-a. and 2-b. more effective,

Social indoctrination

a.

Discipline: employing a rational technique
(calm, firm, consistent) as much devoid of
emotionalism as is possible. The basis for the
discipline 1nvolves the same variety of penal-
ties used upon adul ts who violate statute,1.e.,
(a)taking away something considered materially
valuable, or (b) limited amounts of isolation
or "solitary confinement".

Avoid physical dependency; or develop resour-
cefulness pattern. Many parents presume that
physical or material attentions are the main
way of demonstrating parental "love". As a
resul t, a physical dependency becomes established
in addition to the emotional one. The subject
becomes passive and fails to develop 1ts full
capability or resourcefulness because 1t has

- 13 -

not developed 1ts potentials whereby attention
might have been secured through its accomplish-
ments. The child or subject proceeds with
reactiveness to retain the physical dependency
attentions according to the originally esta-
blished patterns. Emotional dependency atten-
‘tion derived through accomplishments would
favor an individual over the longer period since
it probably would also provide alarger audience
eventually.

The factor of parental attention as is required
biologically in the human for establishing 'func-
tional maturity' in the nervous system. (See
A-2-a).

Research

Research as it pertains to the items listed above
as D-1. and D-2. The testing of validity in these
spheres would require far less +time than if an
answer 18 to be awaited from a process which
promises a true advance in emotional maturi ty.

The theoretical formulation of an attribute of
energy as the physiological basis to the so-called
"parental-type-of-love-effect" which brings about
the functional maturing in the subject. If this
hypothesis is valid, then perhaps this attribute
of energy can be quantified through research to
determine how this can be increased quantitatively
in the psychoneural cortex of any potential
emotional object, parent, parental substitute,
parental surrogate, or, professional emotion-
maturing therapist. (See A-2a. and D-3.).

A,

1,

Les concepts
Le concept ayant trait a la conduite délictueuse

Ce que 1'auteur prétend c'est quela psychonévrose
est un motif naturel. Parmi les signes et 1les
symptomes que révele la méchanique agissante de
ce motif, il y a 1la tendance & 1la réaction ou a
la provocation. c'est-a-dire, la facon de se
conduire d'un sujet affectif, laquelle se dirige
vers 1'object et laquelle doit détourner "1'at-
tention" de 1'objet et 1'appeler au sujet, par
sulite de la conduite essentiellement neégatrice.
La conduite réactive se teint de délit, en premier
lieu, si 1'objet affectif est sensible ou vulne-
rable & ce point de vue soit par rapport a la
s1tuation professionelle, ou au rang socio-—écono-
mique soit en appuyant surtout,chez le sujet, sur
ce quele delit ou la conduite délictueuse est une
fagon de se comporter facheuse.

Le concept ayant trait a la psychonévrose

Dans ma maniere d'envisager la psychonévrose, je
ne deécris aucun principe naturel nouveau, mais
c'est plutot que je formuleun vieux principe tres
important, aussi vieux que ]l 'homme meéme, sur une
base physiologique et scientifique. L'appetit
humain psychoneural de dépendance--1'appetit mo-
tivant—-(le besoin de 1'amour paternel) procede
comme un type de tropisme entre 1'enfant et le
parent, Le soi--disant rapport, lien, parenté ou
enchainement s'établit entre eux.
Par rapport & ce theme. a travers le lien dont la
force varie, le parent, 1‘objet, ou le donateur
transfere &4 1'enfant autant de 1'attribut miiris-

- 15 -

sant psychoneural (1'amour) qu'il possede. Le
procédé mirissant biopsychoneural a des dimen-
sions qualitatives, quantitatives et temporelles.
Le donateur continue &a @tre heureux en fournis-
sant le facteur mfirissant, tant que la demande
n'en excéde pas la provision que possede le dona-
teur. Les mécaniques psychoneurales naturellement
etablies poussent fortement le bébé humain, 1'en-
fant, ou le sujet, & son insu, a chercher 1'agent
miirissant psychoneural dans les objets qui
l1'environnent ou chez ses parents. Le sujet montre
des preuves 1nternes et externes du bonheur, du
plaisir ou du fonctionnement biologique optimum,
tant qu'il obtient en effet 1'agent mirissant
psychoneural au moyen des rapports et liens exist-
ants.En tant que le besoin psychoneural de dépen-
dance n'est pas satisfait, ou en tant qu'une ma-
turation psychoneurale functionelle est incomplete,
autant le sujet continue a chercher, depuis la
naissance jusqu' a la mort, par divers moyens
provocants ou symptomatiques, toujours plus d'effets
mQirissants, et & chercher (ou & chercher) a
s'alléger dela tension due a 1'immaturité biopsy-
choneurale fonctionnelle.

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS

~ THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

1

I11

THE ACTUAL STATUS OF RESEARCH WITH
REGARD TO THE PERSONALITY OF THE
MENTALLY ABNORMAL DELINQUENT

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands).

THE ACTUAL STATUS OF RESEARCH WITH REGARD TO THE
PERSONALITY OF THE MENTALLY ABNORMAL DELINQUENT

by

Dr. J. Kloek
Professor in Forensic Psychiatry
Director of the Psychiatric
Observation Clinic of the Dutch
Prison System, Utrecht, Holland

In the Netherl ands examinationof the personality
of the mentally abnormal delinquent occurs ina great
many 1nstances during the preliminary investigation,
that 1s before trial and adjudication. The Judge
requests psychiatric examination when the data furnish-
ed by the police,the social wel fare reportor his own
1mpressions ralse the presumption that the delinquent
1s mentally abnormal. Sometimes this even happens 1in
the course of the very first judicial examination to
which delinquent is submitted. There are Courts of
Justice who, as a matter of principle, never fail to
ask the opinion of a psychiatrist when the case is a
serious offence against public morals (sex offence),
a serious crime such as murder and also in the not
clear-cut cases of arson and cases of shoplifting by
women who have never before committed a criminal of-
fence,etc.In other cases Courts ask for a psychiatric
examination because, for 1incomprehensible reasons,
delinquent proves himself an incorrigible recidivist,
There is generally a quite close relation between
social reporting and psychiatric reporting. Often 1t
1s the social reporter who concludes his report by
strongly recommending psychiatric examination of the
delinquent.
To begin with we will give a few figures taken
from the judicial statistics over 1957 which,to some
extent, illustrate the above statements.
With a population of approximately 11.000.000
inhabitants the Netherlands has 19 Courts of Justice

- 9 -

and 5 Courts of Appeal, In 1957 the several Courts
of Justice tried 36.409 persons for criminal offences.
A social welfare report was delivered in 7.560 cases
and 1in 2.075 cases alsoa psychiatric. report. The
nuymber of cases that come before the Courts of Appeal
which of couarse, have at their disposal the data
assembled by the Courts of Justice to begin with,
naturally 1is much smaller. They tried 2100 persons,
In 185 cases social welfare reports were submitted,
while 1n 33 1nstances a psychiatric expert report was
obtained 1n addition Therefore in total for the year
1957: 2108 psychiatric reports, all of which were
prepared and submitted before trial and adjudication
It rarely happens that & psychiatric examination 1s
requested without a social welfare report having been
made first.
In the vastmajority of cases the Courtsof Justice
request psychiatrists resident within the jurisdiction
of the Court to prepare such a psychiatric expert
opinion. The Netherlands with its 11.000 000 inhabi-
tants has over 500 psychiatrists. One would assume
th1s number to be adequate for the needs of the Courts-
taking the aforementioned figures over 1957 as a basis.
one might conclude that there are,approximately, 500
psychiatrists avarlable for 2108 psychiatriec reports,
but 1n pornt of fact this number1s considerably lower.
Since many psychiatrists have too busy a practice to
make themselves availlable for examinations of prisoners
while others are perhaps less 1nteresied 1n work of
this nature, a Court has often great difficulty 1n
obtaining a psychiatric opinion within a reasonable
space of time. 1)
If this were not so the number of cases where psychia-

1) Itishard to give the exact number.Author estimates
the number of psychiatrists who are able to prepare
“expert opilnions 1n aresponsible manner and willing
to do so regularly at not much higher than 50.

- 3 -

tric expert opinions are furnished would probably be
considerably higher still,
It may be said that on the whole Courtsof Justice
and Courts of Ajppeal i1n the Netherlands attach great
value where adults are concerned, to the psychiatric
opinion submitted before adjudication, There 1s a
close connection between this standpoint and the formal
criteria which Judges must observe.Sectiond7 of the
Dutch Penal Code specifies that "no one who commits an
act for which he cannot be held responsible because
of a deficient development or morbid disturbance of
his mental faculties shall be li1able to punishment,
In such case the Judge may order that he be committed
to amental institution for a probational period, the
duration of such period not to exceed one year".Then
acalin — and where actual practiceis concerned thisis
of far greater importance - this same Section of the
Code specifies that in the caseof crimes and various
explicitlylisted offences, the Judge may rule. that
defendant "be placed at the disposal of the Government
to be given governmental care".
The actual position 1n the Netherlands i1s, 1n
fact,that aJuage may need a psychiatric report before
he 1s able to decide whether he is to 1mpose a penalty
or should rather avail himself of the possibility to
take a different measure. The latter course rarely
amounts to defendant's commi tment to amental 1nstitu-
tion There are i1n fact in the Netherlands a number of
special institutions for the confinement of mentally
abnormal delinquents who,because they cannot be held
fully responsible for their actions(reduced responsi -
bility)"are placed at the disposal of the Government.
to be given governmental care"(=care and/or treatment
under government supervision),These institutions are
of widely varying types: some aremore or less in the
nature of amental institution,others are rural colo-
nies or perhaps homes of the smaller type where treat-
ment 1is mainly pedagogical and where inmates enjoy a
certain measure of freedom.In yet other institutions

- 4 -

the 1dea 1s to give inmates modern psycho-therapeutic
treatment but so far only a small number of institu-
tions have been able to materialize this aim.,In fact
there 1s only one institution - the "Dr.van der Hoe-
ven—-Kli1niek" 1n Utrecht - which pursues what one may
call the true psycho-therapeutic approach. The Dutch
Penal Code only distinguishes between responsibility
and non-responsibility. The Law does not know of
"reduced responsibility", If the relevant Section of
the Penal Code were 1nterpreted literally only those
who are mentally deranged in the absolute sense of
the word, i.e.:the highly mentally defective and the
evidently insane. In actual ©practice. however, the
possibility of partial responsibility is certainly
recognized.In such cases the Court 1mposes a combinat-
ion of punishment and governmental care on the under-
standing, thatthe term of imprisonment 1s served first
(conditio sine qua non) Confinement 1n an institution
(always for an indefinite period of time) does not
follow till later.
As to the concrete questions the Court requests
the psychiatrist to answer: Courtsmay formulate their
questions as they think fit, with the result that
these questions may vary widely. Some Courts merely
request that a psychiatric report be submitted,while
other Courts specify indetail exactly what 1s required.
As a rule these specific questions amount to the fol-
lowing: a Court wishes to know whether at the time
of the perpetrationof the offence with which defendant
1s charged, there existed a defective devel opment or
morbid disturbance of the latter's mental facual ties,
whether he was then able to reali1ze exactly what he
was doing and i1f so,whether he was able to direct his
will (volition) in accordance with this realization.
Some Courts ask even more detailed questions or quest-
ions of a wider scope. For instance. they may wish to
know whether recurrence of the offenceis to be expected
and whether the prognosis might be 1nfluenced when
defendant 1s subjected to <c¢linical or policlinical

- 5 —

therapy. Perhaps they will also request the psychia-
trist to give them practical advice as to what might,
in his opinion,contribute to a cure or an improvement
in subject's condition. Courts generally appreciate
when a psychiatrist, to assist them, does his utmost
to give the right answer to the questionof what might
contribute to a just adjudication and what courses
might be pursued to reintegrate delinguent into society
by the time he has served his term of imprisonment or
institutionalization. Significant in this connection
is the fact that already since 1907 there 1s 1n the
Netherlands a union composed of jurists and psychia-
trists. This Union stages conferences thrice a year.
At these meetings jurists and psychiatrists take turns
in reading papers. These papers appear 1n print,
All things considered i t may be said that compared
to a great many other countries forensic psychiatry in
the Netherlands is a thriving branch of science. We
have got beyond the stage that psychiatrists believed
that a brief talk with the delinquent would be sufficient
toget a good impressionof a subject'smental faculties.
Likewise Judges come to realize more and more that a
brief, superficial report 18 not going to help them
much, even though it may be easy to read and seems to
offer them guidance without their having to study the
report at great length,
I already observed that requests for the prepara-
tion of psychiatric reports are usually addressed to
local psychiatrists, i.e. to psychiatrists resident
within the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice and
the Court of Appeal. The psychiatrist has access to
the police file and social wel fare report which he may
study before commencing his examination. The latter
document will give him many details about a subject's
childhood, the family he comes from, his relatives,
school days, the work he has done, previous offences,
if any, and so forth. Having obtained all these data
the psychiatristmay now establish contact with delin-
quent. Most psychiatrists take the view that sound

- 6 -

examination requires at least two i1nterviews. each of
one to one-and-a-half hour.
Al ready a good many years ago the thought suggested
itself in the Netherlands that it might be useful to
have an observation centre where especially difficult
cases might be subjected to a more thorough observa-
tion and examination. To be sure, even then 1t was
possible to have <certain delinquents admitted to an
ordinary psychiatric clinicormental home for obser-
vation purposes.But even before the war i1t had become
evident that the trend in the care of the mentally i1l
was such, that in future mental institutions would
hardly lend themselves for observation of mentally
abnormal delinquents as,more and more, these institu-
tions tended to grant the mentally 111 a measure of
freedom which would never be justified for mentally
abnormal delinquents,
The Psychiatric Observation Clinic for Prisons
was founded in Utrecht - the most centrally situated
town in the Netherlands - in 1949. Considering that
this Clinic plays avery prominent partin psychiatric
observation of mentally abnormal delinquents in the
Netherlands 1ti1s only natural to subject the methods
applied by this clinic to a closer scrutiny.
The clinic as such is only small.lIt has no more
than 36 beds,distributed over single,double and triple
rooms. It was not originally built for 1ts present
destination.It is part of a complex which used to be
an ordinary Detention House-a status whichit continues
to hold officially. It consists of only the strictly
essential quarters for 1inmates, staff members and
Administration.It has no conversation rooms, nor lo-
calities where prisoners can work or find recreation.
Inmates spend alarge part of the day in their locked
rooms. Despite the inadequate housing the clinic has
been the scene of' al readymore than ten years of devoted
work by all concerned,whereas,likewise, many inmates
show themselves appreciative of something in this
environment which strikes them in particular: all-

- 7 -

round preparedness,under strict avoidance of anything
resembling softness,to meet delinquents in all their
troubles as ordinary human beings, as fellow-beings,
Adult delinquents from all over the country,both
men and women,are commltted to this Clinic to undergo
a more thorough observation. The vast majority are
recidivists.Many come here after repeated reports from
local psychiatrists, Most delinquents arrive here in
connection with the adjudication of a new offence,
Apart from these delinquents,various other categories
of prisoners are sent to our Clinic,for observation:
delinquents who have already served a long term of
imprisonment and in regard to whom the question arises
whether a reduction of their term would be justified,
be it in the form of a conditional release when 2/3
of their term has expired, be it in the form of a
possible reprieve or conversion of the sentence, for
example in the case of prisoners withalife sentence,
As arule the observation period lasts from 6 to
8 weeks,very seldom less,once inawhile considerably
longer.,The average flow rateis three cases per week,
meaning that each week three new cases are admitted,
while on the other hand three patients are brought back
to the detention houses and prisons where they came
from once the observation period is up.
The present strength of the staff is as follows:
supervisor of the Clinic is the First Physician, who
is a psychiatrist and at the same time professor in
forensic psychiatry at the Utrecht University where he
lectures,mainly for medical and law students. He has
the overall charge andis assisted by three half-time
specials for nervous diseases, each of whom submits
one report weekly.In addition there is one part-time
specialist for internal diseases.Qur Observation Clinic
forms a part of the Netherlands Prison System and 1is
therefore, as such,not directly associ ated with the Utrecht
University cinics.On the other hand there isavery in-
tensive interplay of activities and experience,due to
which patients,whenever necessary,are examined by spe-

- 8 -

cialists 1n various fields.For instance, an electro-
encephalogram 1s made of every patient, while all
patients are submitted to a very thorough physical
examination to ascertain whether there are any disorders
of the internal organs,sense organs, etc. etc.and as
far as the 1imited time permits they are also treated
for such disorders.There areinour Clinic,apart from
the medical staff, one full-time and three half-time
psychologists.Every patient is submitted to a psycho-
logical test which 1s done as thoroughly as possible
and generally this examination takes place during the
final week of the observation period to prevent, at
least to a large extent,that new arrivals are informed
about the psychological testing methodology, by their
fel low—inmates.
Of great 1mportance i1s the work of the reporting
officers (voorlichtingsambtenaren).As has already been
explained above there exists in the Netherlands a very
close relation between social reporting - which is done
by officers who have been specially trained for this
work — and psychiatric reporting. The case file sent
to us upon commitment of a new patient generally in-
cludes one or two informatory reports prepared in con-
nection with former criminal offences. Some of these
reports are excellent and exhaustive, whereas others
are poorerin quality and inmost cases social welfare
reports over the period between the latest offence and
the one 1mmediately preceding are lacking.The Obser-
vation Clinic employs two highly experienced reporting
officers who,1in consul tation with the delinquents them-
selves and with thelr permission,assemble the data we
need for our own reporting.To this end they do a great
deal of travelling,which means that their duties lie
malnly outside the <clinic. These officers have been
recruited from D.P.A.S.work(Discharged Prisoners' Aid
Societies) and constitute the link with this work, a
connection we deem significant and essential .Our Clinic

also employs male and female social (welfare) workers
(two half-time employees),who work only in the Clinic

- g —

1tself.Their taskis to establish contact with inmates
where thisis possible,to steer the conversation when
inmates are visited by relatives, and so forth. In
this respect thereis close co-operation between them
and the nursing staff, all of whom are certified for
nursing the mentally ill, in other words: they all
have a diploma qualifying them to do this type of nur-
sing. These latter employees do, of course, compara-
tively little nursing in the strictest sense of the
word; theytoo have to establish as much contact as
possible with the inmates and are required to record
their impressions every day.
It goes without saying that all inmates are of-
fered spiritual care and can come 1in for further
schooling,if required.Finally there is the custodial
staff. Their duties are not actually concerned with
the observation programme, but it is our continuous
endeavour to give them sufficient insight into our
essential work so as to give them an opportunity to
integrate with the staff as a whole.During the first
years the gul f between wardens and especially the nur-
sing staff was rather wide, but gradually both sides
came to respect one another and their respective duties.
At the weekly staff meetings(attended by the
Clinic's psychiatrists, psychologists, reporting of-
ficers and wel fare workers)all data assembled in the
course of the observation period are brought up for
discussion.When the discussions, approximately lasting
two hours per case, have come to an end, the Iirst
Physician has another talk with the patient in the
presence of all staff-members,after which the definite
advice 18 prepared. The report is drafted by the
psychiatrist who examined the delinquent.Our reports
are rather exhaustive.In most cases they comprise some
10 consecutive typewritten pages.We endeavour to make
our diagnosis as accurate as possible and try to answer
the question of adelinquent's responsibility for his
actions to the best of our ability and indicate 1n
what manner we feel subject's mental state of mind

- 10 -

would find optimum consideration where the Judges's
sentence is concerned. It is most gratifying that by
and large the Netherlands Judge 1leaves us a large
measure of freedom in the formulation of our thoughts
ana ideas and takes our advice into serious account,
As to the diagnosis: in this respect we have freed
ourselves to a considerable extent from the classic
psychiatric diagnostics.In fact most of our patients
do not come under this category.In our clinicwe often
encounter hyperthymic personalities, but very rarely
persons suffering from manio-depressive psychoses;
often autistic or bizarre personalities, but very
rarely schizophrenics; often persons with disorders
of the electro-encephalogram, but relatively {few
decidedly epileptical patients.Until a few years ago
the great majority of patients admitted to our Clinic
would have been regarded as suffering from constitut-
ional psychopathy.In the case of most of them 1t would
have been considered possible to identify a few here-
ditary components. We certainly do not wish to deny
the existence of hereditary and constitutional com-
ponents,yet in the 1ife historiesof the vast majority
of our patients there are so many factors which have
seriously hampered a normal development of life, that
we would consider it an 1inadmissible simplification
to attribute a dominating importance to the constitut-
ional aspect.We have learnt from I.Q.tests that many
delinquents who have grown up under adverse circum-
stances and who during their entire childhood and
adol escence were regarded as mentally deficient or
highly unintelligent will,once an attituae of friendly
acceptance is shown them, attain a far higher score
than had ever been considered possible.
Itis therefore our first and foremost endeavour-
be it under <close observance of everything modern
psycho-pathology has to tell us and without losing
sight of the significance of somatic anomalies - to
give a personality description that 1s as accurate as
possible. In addition we are faced with the task of

- 11 -

answering the difficult question whether or not a
delinquent 1s responsible for his actions. Many are
doubtful whether a medical doctor will ever be able
to supply the correct answer to this question. The
several Courts of Justice put the question of a per-
son's responsibility beforeus in the following terms:
"Was defendant, when he committed the act, in such a
deficient state of development or morbid disturbance
of his mental faculties, that he must be regarded as
having been not at all or only partially capable of
realizing the significance of the act and determining
hiswill (volition) accordingly?" In the case of many
persons submitted to an examination, who are neither
mentally 111 i1n the strictest sense, nor mentally
defective,we feel justified in answering these quest-
ions as follows: "Though subject was capable of reali-
zing the significance of his act,he was incapable of
regulating his will 1n accordance with that realization",
Finally itis our responsibility to advise to the
best of our ability on measures that might induce a
patient to assume a more positive attitude towards
life. For the vast majority of the mentally abnormal
delinquents examined by us, we consider i1mprisonment
harmful rather than effective. Their defect is that
they have never succeeded in organizing their social
contacts in the manner such asis required from adults
in a well-ordered society. The prison climate 1s not
apt to bring them greater mental maturity, rather the
reverse.For the contemporary psychiatrist and psycho-
logist who, together with their co-workers,have tried
to the best of their ability to assess the complex
of individual problems of thementally abnormal delin-
quent it is just as impossible to feel satisfied with
a treatment which would segregate subject almost com-
pletely from social life, as it was 1impossible a
century and a half ago for psychiatrists like Pinel,
Conolly and others, to put up any longer with the
cageing and shackling of the mentally ill, a procedure
which fixed them 1n a state of human existence pre-

- 12 -

cluding every development of the positivemental facul t-
1es, Although it is true that in the Netherlands one
can likewlise observe a strong effort to make confine-
ment in prison subservient to delinquent's re-inte-
gration into society, the mentally abnormal delinquents
whom we examine lack the ability tomake adequate use
of the improved possibili ties offered inmodern prisons.
What we need 1s a combination of psychologic and
psychotherapeutic influences which induce delinquents
to abandon immature, i1mpulsive reaction patterns., We
need not profess that we are able to cure many patients
through this method, but 1t is certainly possible to
try to take corrective measures, to make them under-
stand themselves better and 1n a well-considered way
create a basis of confidence, which may later aid
them to try and break with the tendency they had in
the past to choose courses of action which lead to
destructionof their own happiness and that of others.,
Itis notmy task to write about the possibilities
in the way of treatment, yet on the other hand an
article on the psychiatric¢c examinationof the mentally
abnormal delinquentis not complete unless a few words
are devoted to therapy,; firstly.because we are deeply
convinced that every good observation programme does
contain a therapeutic element.Under proper observation
delinquents are taken seriously to a degree they may
never have experienced before and as such this method
of observationis to them an experience which may have
far-reaching consequences.It 1s for this reason that
we attach much value to highly accurate observation,
even in those cases where 1t would be possible to make
a diagnosis and submit an expert opinion after only a
superficial examination.We are convinced that a super-
ficial examination, even though it might satisfy our
own requirements and give aJudge sufficient informat-
1on, may mean a negative experience for delinquent,
which would only intensify his distrust and his anger.
There is yet another reason why in this report,
though it i1s devoted to observation,we have to dwell

- 13 -

briefly on therapy: the i1ndication of therapeutic(al)
possibilities forms an essential part of our reporting.
In the beginning of this article we already pointed
out that in our country there are special institutions
for the care of mentally abnorzal delinquents. They
are confined here for an indeiinite period of time
and are discharged on recommendation of the institution
and with the approval of the Ministry of Justice.
Unfortunately the possibilities in the way treatment
in most of these institutions are not very extensive
yet; there 1s a great shortage of qualified personnel.
This means that al though 1n many cases we recommend
that delinquent be placed at the disposal of the
government 1n order to be committed to an 1nstitution
or clinic, we are aware of the fact that very often
this measure is not going to give the results that
should 1n fact be gained in the relevant case. A few
institutions in the Netherlands are able to provide
treatment that comes up to high standards. I would
particularly mention the "Dr. van der Hoeven Clinic"
in Utrecht, founded in 1955, which accommodates more
than 100 mentally abnomal delinquents and where
several specialists and alarge number of other quali-
fied staff put forth their best efforts to give thorough
psycho-therapeutic(al} treatment.
Apart from recommending that a subject be placed
at the disposal of the Government unconditionally,
there 18 also the possibility of recommending a con-
ditional measure of this nature.lIn recommending this
course we indicate that in our opinion under certain
specific conditions subject's return to free society
~would be justified, including an exact specification
of the <conditions we have in mind. The Netherlands
has a Discharged Prisoners' Aid Society which devotes
itself entirely to the rehabilitation of mentally
abnormal delinquents, while in the recent past few
years other societies have set up special sections
for a similar purpose. Since we malntain very close
contacts with these societies, we often are able to

14 -

consult them on the rehabilitation procedure to be
adopted in a particular case before drafting our re-
commendation.This collaboration has the great advan-
tage that it enables us to give the Court concrete
advice,
Reverting to the institutions for the care of
mentally abnormal delinquents., I should mention a
Dutch institution whose aims and purposes arerelated
to those of the Psychiatric Observation Clinic: the
"Selectie Instituut" (Selection Centre) in Utrecht.
I already pointed out to you that the localities 1n
which the Central Observation Clinic 1s housed form
part of a complex which originally was a Detention
House. Now the other part of this former House of
Detention i1s the socalled Selection Centre.This name
indicates that delinquents who according to the ruling
of the Judge should be placed at the disposal of the
Governmment may be admitted here for a brief period of
observation in order to be selected for one of the
several institutions,There isno direct link with the
Observation Clinic.0Only those mentally abnormal delin-
quents are admitted to the Observation Clinic whose
psychiatric evaluation presents special difficulties.
The Selection Centre solely admits those persons who,
on the basis of psychiatric reports prepared anywhere
in the country(Netherlands),are placed at the disposal
of the Government. The Selection Centre has room for
60 persons, 1nmates stay approximately three weeks.
During this period an examination and analysis of thelr
personality is carried out 1naway that 1s 1dentical
to that of the Observation Clinic¢, only not as ex-
haustive. Comparatively speaking the staff of the
Selection Centre 1s much smaller (one half-time
psychiatrist, one full-time legal adviser (female)
specialized in welfare work, three half-time psycho-
logists,welfare workers,nursing staff, administrative
personnel, custodial personnel ). The function of the
Selection Centre is: to ensure a correct distribution
of patients over the several and various 1nstitutions

- 15 -

and clinics.To this end the supervisory staff of the
Centre maintain close contact with the directors
(superintendents)cﬂ?the various 1nstitutions; perso-
nal consultations take place regularly, in fact very
frequently,Directors and welfare workersof institut-
1ons are able to talk with patients here, before de-
ciding whetheror not they are to be admitted to their
institution-
The significance of the "Central Observation
Clinic for Prisons" to the development of forensic
psychiatry 1n the Netherlands has a scope which 1is
wider than I have been able to outline 1n my compa-
ratively brief survey In this connection I am now
particularly thinking of the foundation of the Clinic
1in 1949, a project that was greatly stimulated by the
Criminological Institute of the State University in
Utrecht There 1s a close bond between this Institute
and the Clinic, with the result that 1t 1s possible
to render its findings subservient not only to the
educational programme of law students but also to
the advanced training of various kinds of functionaries
who will 1n one way or another come 1nto contact
wi th delinquents Within this scope the Criminologi cal
Institute has for example, 6 rendered quite a considerable
contribution towards a better training of officers
appointed to do social reporting in the Netherlands,
with the outcome that social reporting gained much
1in quality, As a result of their Iimproved training
reporting officers were far better qualified to discuss
various aspects with psychiatrists which 1n 1ts turn
wrll prompt the psychiatrist to considermore accurately
than before the psychopathogenic importance of all
kinds of social neglect.In recent years the Crimino-
logicnl Institute has played a prominent part in the
advanced training programme for senior prison offici-
als, which also applies to the leading psychiatrists
attached to the Observation Clinic. A post-graduate
training course {or members of the judiciary will
start in the course of 1960.In this course (im which

- 16 -

all Dutch Universities participate and for which
apparently there is keen interest among the judiciary)
an important place 1s reserved for criminology and
forensic psychiatry. This course gives an opening for
discussions,with the possibility of an exchange in
a most direct manner of experiences and problems of
forensic psychiatry with those 1inherent in the ad-
ministration of justice.
I believe that we are justified in concluding
that in our country the scope of possibilities for
psychiatric examination of the ‘mentally abnormal
delinquent as a contribution to a just and proper
approach 1s still widening., This does not imply 1in
any way that the mode of thinking and views of men in
the legal profession and of psychiatrists have become
1identical to the extent that all mutual distrust has
been eliminated and an optimum development of colla-
boration attained. Some Courts attach great value to
the psychiatric view, while other Courts are still
highly sceptical.lItis quite possible that the rather
too buoyant optimism concerning therapy which,in the
years of the Second World War (World War II), took
possession of a great many psychiatrists all over the
world, 1s one of the causes that disappointments
which were, of course,inevitable, have in a way made
outsiders rather sceptical about the possibilities
of psychiatry. On the other hand it looks as if we
are gradually coming to an equilibrium.

RESUME

Aux Pays-Bas, il arrive trés souvent que déja
avant le jugement un rapport psychiatrique soit établi.
Dans 1a plupart des cas,” ceci est fait par les soins
des psychiatres 1locaux, dans les arrondissements of
se trouvent les sieges des Tribunaux.En des cas spé-

- 17 -

ciaux, ordre est donné d'établir un rapport beaucoup
plus étendu; ceci se fait surtout dans 1la Clinique
d'Observation psychiatrique des Services Pénitentiaires
a Utrecht. Les travaux de cette clinique sont décrit
en détails,ainsi ceux d'un autre établissement chargé
de 1'examen des délinquants affectés de troubles
mentaux, 1'Institut de Sélection a Utrecht. Ensuite
une courte considération est consacrée ala coopérat-
ion avec 1'appareil judiciaire et avecles psychiatres,
comme aux Pays-Bas cette coopération se développe peu
4 peu au profit de 1'information des Tribunaux et du
Ministere de la Justice.

FOURTH INTERNATIONAIL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS

- THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

I11

THE LATE COMER TO CRIME

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands).

THE LATE COMER TO CRIME x)

by

Dr. Bruno M.Cormier, Psychiatrist
St. Vincent de Paul Penitentiary,
Assistant Professor Department of
Psychiatry, Mc. Gill University,
Montreal P.Q. Canada.

This paper will report on a research carried on
at St.Vincent de Paul Penitentiary,a maximum security
prison, for offenders with sentences of two years and
over.We have studied 176 offenders whom we call Late
Comers to Crime.
The term Late Comer to Crime is part of a clas-
sification created by the research team, as a frame
of reference for research and clinical work. In a
previous communication we presented a classification
based according to the age where true delinquency or
criminality manifested itself,and continued to domi-
nate the personality and activity of the individual
offender. This classification is based fundamentally
on the time in the life history when a fixated pattern
of delinquency first manifested itself (1).
This classificationis based on analytic princi-
Ples and can be summarized briefly as follows: in
Psychoanalytic theory the early formative years cor-
respond to the period from birth to about age 5, du-
ring which the child goes through the oral, anal and
Pre-genital stages to attain an emancipated ego when
the oedipal stage is resolved. The 1late formative

S ——

*)This paper is part of a research in Forensic Psychia-
try at Mc Gill University. The research group is
composed of Dr. Bruno M. Cormier, Mrs. M. Kennedy,
Dr. J. Sangowicz and Mr. Michel Trottier.
The research program is supported by a Dominion-
Provincial Grant.

-9 _

years refer to latency and puberty. Latency begins
with the resolutionof the oedipal stage and continues
up to the establishment of psysiological puberty,
roughly ages 5 - 12.Puberty goes on from physiologi-
cal puberty to the onset of manhood. The post forma-
tive years 1nclude the total 1life span from age 20.
In the early formative years we cannot describe
a behaviour disorder as true delinquency, which 1is
essentially a social activity and pre-supposes the
active recognition of an external code 1involving
social, familial and individual relationships. It
assumes also that this external code corresponds to
an organized i1nternal one. In the early formative
years any serious opposition to the external code must
be seen as a behaviour problem.and can be considered
as part of the learning process with the vicissitudes
that accompany growth. Behaviour disorders in the
early formative years may be the forerunner of true
del inquency later.
However, in latency, puberty and 1in maturity,
delinquency can be recognized and identified as a
symptom of disorder in individual and social relation-
ships. In taking the case history of our offenders
we came to realize how important it was both for cli-
nical evaluation, treatment and research to identify
at what period in the 1life history the ego became
criminally involved.
The young child in his own home with his parents
and siblings learns the basic rulesof living together,
the family being a training ground for him.These are
the rules which will later on help him live in amore
impersonal structure, society. The first important
experience outside the family takes place around the
age of 6 when the child 1eaves home to go to school.
By this time parents and society expect a child to
have learned enough about the social code for him to
regulate his conduct to a considerable extent. Most
children do, but there are some who even before
reaching puberty become seriously delinquent, and by

_ 3 _

that we do not mean the mischief and over activity of
childhood, but a well developed delinquent pattern
of behaviour, such as compulsive stealing. When we
see an adult offender who became truly delinquent in
latency and continued this pattern in puberty and
maturity, we are dealing with a deep-seated personal
and social disturbance where criminality is unlikely
to diminish without treatment or the passing of con-
siderable time. We <call this kind of offender a
Primary Delinquent.
There are children who conform to a normal fami-
lial and social code up to adolescence and from then
on resort to genuline delinquency.When we meet offen-
ders who become habitually delinquent for the first
time in their adolescence and have carried on from
then we call them Secondary Delinquents. This group,
like the primary delinquents, is unlikely to conform
to social codes without treatment.
The Late Comer to Crime, on the other hand, 1is
an offender who neither in childhood nor adolescence
had serious delinquent acting out, and was not in
trouble with the law. He may have had many emotional
difficulties, but he did not react in a delinquent
way 1in response to these problems. He managed to go
through his school years, to find work, to earn a
living, to make friends safely and within the law.
When we examined and studied this group of offenders
who became criminal only after reaching maturity we
discovered important differences between them and
those whom we called Primary and Secondary Delinquents.
Whether we were dealing with Primary and Second
dary Delinquents or with Late Comers to Crime we ob-
served that criminality follows a different course,
depending on the age when it first manifested itself
and the extent to which the personality becomes cri-
minally involved.We described what we call the natu-
ral history of criminality, that is, its origin, du-
ration and abatement, These differ greatly between
Primary and Secondary Delinquents and Late Comers to

4 -

Crime.This has beendescribed in a previous article(2).
This paper deals exclusively with the Late Comers
to Crime who represent the largest group of offenders
1n our courts and penal 1institutions,

Late Comer to Crime

In looking over the groupof Late Comers we can-
not help asking ourselves why aman who has succeeded
1n making a law-abiding adjustment wup to adul thood
suddenly begins to commit offences and to disobey
laws which he had previously accepted.
Criminality,like other human behaviour, must be
seen inalife context.It does not exist in a vacuum,
but is a highly complex relationship between an in-
dividual and society, though we may call i1t an anti-
social relationship.
We divided the Late Comers to Crime into two
types:the Late Delinquent, aman who becomes habitual-
ly delinquent after reaching maturity and the Late
Offender who becomes incidentally involved in crime.,
When recidivism occurs in the Late Offender it i1s se-
parated by periods of lawabiding adjustment.
In our study we divided the years of maturity
1nto the various decades: 20's,30's,40's and 50 plus.
We investigated our Late Comers to Crime who commi t-
ted their first crimes in these decades and we tried
to 1solate some factors that may have contributed to
criminality at these periods. The 176 subjects re-
present a cross section of the populationof late co-
mers in the 1nstitution where this study was made,

Age at Start |[First Offenders|Recidivists |Percentage
of Non-Recidivists of
Del inquency Recidivism
20 - 29 35 44 53.81
30 - 39 28 21 42,395
40 - 50 plus 42 6 10.63
TOTAL 105 71 40 .44

-5 -

First offenders in the 20's

In studying those who have committed their first
offence in the 20's, we note how stressful a period
this may be for a young man faced with a greatly ac-
celerated rate of responsibility. He is expected to
be economically self sufficient,to choosehis friends
and social milieu,to find work, to select a suitable
mate and found a family. Though most young people
succeed, a number involved in this process find them-
selves in serious conflicts. They discover that they
are unable to grow up and accept adult social values.
They may attempt to follow the normal processes, but
they are 1ill-equipped. Young men never previously
criminal, may commit a first offence 1in this first
crisis of maturity. Some of them come from a family
where a dictatorial authority prevented them from
learning from experience, or they may have been over
protected with the same result.Others come from bro-
ken homes, are illegitimate or have lacked a stable
family setting. In our study. those who commit an
offence in the 20's make up the 1largest group and
represent on the whole the most severe problem of the
Late Comer to Crime. We find that offences against
person and the use of weapons and other aggressive
means are more frequently encountered than in the
offender who starts crime later.
One of the criteria by which we judge the extent
of criminal involvement is the amount of criminal
association.In the groupof the 20's at least a third
of our offenders began to associate mainly with cri-
minals in their early 20's. Another third have mixed
contacts, frequenting both criminal and non-criminal
society. The rest do not as a whole become deeply
involved with criminals except at the time of commit-
ting an offence. Individuals in the first two groups
have a greater tendency to recidivate than those who
seldom mix in criminal society. They associate with
other criminals in and out of crime, but no longer

- 6 -

as a member of an adolescent "gang". Rather they will
have a few criminal partners.In the group who comm1t
a first serious criminal act in the 20's the rate of
recidivism is high; in our study 50% are already
recidivists,and it is likely that 50% of the remain-
der will recidivate. Our study, however. deals only
with those who i1n their 20's were first committed to
a penitentiary 1involving a sentence of two years or
more. It is among this group that we find many who
become Late Delinquents, that is habitual criminals.
It 1s likely that for young offenders in their 20's
who are involved with less serious offences recidivism
may be less (3),

First Offenders in the 30's

Let us examine the man who commits his first of-
fence after reaching the age of 30. In considering
this decade as a whole we note that a man faces for
the first time the fact that his early youth is be-
hind him. For a normal man this 1is a very positive
phase. He has gained experience and has begun to
achieve status.If he 1s married and has children his
personal relationships are wusually 1in a state of
equlilibrium.But corresponding to these positive fac-
tors are the difficulties and the problems.There may
be the growing disappointment in the realization that
things arenot turning out as planned.Disappointments
1n personal life begin to show up.
In describing individual s who commit their first
offence in the 30's an important point of difference
from offenders in the 20's should be emphasized.Those
in the 20's tend to see society as hostile,and there
18 some Teeling of retaliation.In this sense the re-
bellion of adolescence is carried on into the 20's.
A very different phenomenon occurs 1n the group of
30's,whose lives are not as a whole organized around
criminal association. They are men who have not com-
mitted an offence for nearlyhalf a 1life span, and have

in the main normal values and normal non-criminal
ways of living. Examined more closely, we note that
the criminal activities that brought them to the peni-
tentiary are usually accompanied by a complicated
stressful 1life situation. There 1s often very real
financial or occupational hardship; there may be 1ill
health or personal misfortune.By the 30's a marriage
has existed long enough so that it can usually be well
judged as either a success or failure, and for the
unmarried man the inability to find a suitable wife
may well be a problem for him.Stresses in interperso-
nal relationship are often a determining factor 1n
criminal acting out, and these are frequently within
the marriage (4). Resentment against society may be
present, but it is not generally the antisocial at-
titude seen in the 20's.
What type of offence does the man in his 30's
commit? We have mentioned that these subjects show
less aggression against society than those who commit
first offences in the 20's,and this 1s apparent when
we study the offender. Offences may seem similar 1in
character to those in the 20's, such as theft and
bank robbery, but the offender in his 30's is seldom
armed, or if he is he carries a toy pistol. More im-
portant, his feeling towards the weapon differs from
that of the younger offender who sees the gun as an
offensive and defensive means. For the man 1in his
30's the weaponis used more as ameans of frightening
than an intent to harm. Offences against person are
rare, with the exception of murder and manslaughter.
With regard to murder we do not find among the
group studied that the murder is committed as part
of another offence. Rather, they will, under stress
kill a wife or mistress or a personal enemy. Regard-
less of the extreme violence of murder it is seldom
committed in an antisocial context,but in one invol-
ving a very deep pathological relationship between
two people (5),The act of murder accompanying another
offence is generally found in habitual criminals who

- 8 -

have begun their career long before their 30's and
have chosen a dangerously aggressive type of crimina-
lity involving many risks,
There is a fair amount of recidivism in the 30's
al though not as great as in the 20's. But there are
sharp differences. The man in the 30's tends to re-
cidivate because his original problem remains unsol-
ved. He may have been sent to penitentiary for non-
support or criminality resulting from alcoholism,
and he finds himself out of prison with the same pro-
blem. He is therefore even more 1likely to get into
the same kind of trouble.
In the case of sexual offences, no matter what
type of offence or perversion is involved, the man
who commits a first sexual offence in his 30's seldom
resorts to violence. He is wunlikely to be dangerous
to society,contrary to the type of rape with violence
that we find in the 20's.
Criminal association in the 30's also presents
a different picture. The man in the 30's has usually
lived in a non-criminal environment, and meeting
criminals is for him therefore anew experience.Where
there is partnership it is often a group of non-cri-
minals who associate to commit an offence. Or an of-
fender in the 30's with no previous experience in
crime meets someone with a record who has been invol-
ved in criminal activity. For a new comer in crime
confronted with a criminal for the first time, the
encounter may be a deciding factor. It 1lessens his
feeling of guilt and it gives him the courage of a
group (6).
We also see in the 30's what is less common in
the 20's, the phenomenon of a man who commits an of-
fence on his own, often impulsively. As a general
rule 1t can be said that in the 30's criminal associa-
tion when it exists, tends to be restricted to the
offence and that most of the associations are non-
criminal .The group who commit a first offence in the
30's seldom become habi tuals,that is Late Delinquents.

-9 -

They tend to remain Late Offenders, involved only in
incidental delinquency-

First Offenders in the 40's

The decade from 40 to 50 is usually thought of
as an important one, and admittedly it is a point of
crisis. We see 1n psychiatric practice many people
who become seriously depressed in this decade, men
as well as women.It 1sacritical transitional period
1n particular with regard to changing family roles,
for instance a father sees himself as no longer the
gulde and protector of young children, but realizes
that they are almost adul t.This is generally a source
of satisfaction and pride, but in other cases of
disappointment and temptation.
Among the group who commit their first offence
1in the 40's personal problems abound, but no matter
what the immediate or deep rooted cause may be, in
none of the cases studied were we convinced that the
man was a criminal. On the contrary, we find a man
who has usually worked hard and honestly, but found
in his 40's no corresponding rewards. The failure is
often directly related to a severe personal problem
present throughout 1life, which becomes greatly in-
tensified in the 40's. He may resent his hard lot,
even blame the environment, but he 1s never really
antisocial.These men frequently blame themselves for
their failures. They wonder why they have been un-
successful in their sexual 1life, whether married or
whether they have failed to find a wife.This rumina-
tion about the past is so commonly found here that it
may partly explain why it is in this group that we
begin te see a certain kind of sexual offender. In
his dissatisfaction at having never attained a deep
and satisfying relationship,a man inmiddle age some-
times turns to deviant practices like homosexuality
with the young.We also find some fathers in the late
30's or 40's establishing incestuous relationships

- 10 -

with their daughters(7). We do not here talk about
rape and assault, but seduction by men of young boys
or girls who are sometimes atleast partially willing
victims. The rapist and the sadistic murdererisnot
found in this group of men who commit their first
sexual offence in the 40's,
One other striking featureis the high incidence
of depressive states that are severe enough to be
seen and treated by the psychiatrist in the peniten-
tiary. Criminal behaviour accompanying melancholia
or involutional depression is a well known phenome-
non (8, 9). Reactive depressions (10) and states of
pathological mourning (11) have been described as
important factors in late criminality,
In this group, putting aside cases of murder
and mansl aughter which occur as in the 30's only in
a personal relationship and not associated with other
offences, we do not see violence against person in
our series. There are a few cases of theft, some of
mischief and fraud,one case of arson associated with
a state of agitated depression, and various family
and sexual offences. In this group there 1is very
little criminal association, and the offences are
usually individual attempis.In the few cases where
there was association,the partners were either close
friends or daily work contacts.

First offenders in the 50's

The problem in this group is generally similar
to that of the 40's, with the added factors of ad-
vancing age,with its physical deficits and frequent-
ly its emotional deterioration. We see here men who
have often been 1living in isolation for years. They
may be widowed or have never married,and as a result
they haveno close ties.They are insecure about their
future and they feel themselves rejected. Depressive
states are often a significant factor. As a result
they can no longer manage their lives. Crime accom-

- 11 -

panied by violence seldom occurs., with the exception
of murder.We have observed cases of fraud and simple
theft. Frequently out of loneliness and the need for
love and human contact,some men indulge i1in a diviant
sexual practice for the first time in their lives,
Such men are often stunned by their own behaviour and
cannot understand how 1t came about.As may be expected
there 1s no c¢riminal association in such cases.The
offence 1s always an individual. localized act,

Implications and Conclusions

In our paper "Presentation of a Basic Classifi-
cation for Clinical Work and Research in Criminali-
ty" (1) we described our framework and terminology
defining the terms Primary Delinquent, Secondary
Delinquent and the Late Comer to Crime.Our classifi-
cation 1is not intended to replace others, but rather
locates, independently of the type and severity of
the offence, at what period in the life span the ego
became involved in criminality. whether incidentally
or habitually.Our view is that the severity and out-
come 18 closely related to the age when criminality
started, and that an awareness of when criminality
first occurred is an important factor in diagnosis,
prognosis and treatment. As an example, 1if we study
the ego formation and the mechanisms of defence in
one who became habitually involved in criminality
since latency, we note an arrest in ego development,
and a resort to fewer and more primitive mechanisms
of defence. We observe that the structurization of
the ego has been interfered with. This individual
faced with stress has few controls other than reta-
liatory mechanisms.
On the contrary in seeing a person w..o became
involved much later, even a habitual criminal star-
ting in his 20's, the fact that he has gone through
latency and puberty without delinquency, shows that
he has at his disposal many more defences, normal or

- 12 -

neurotic, that have prevented delinquency up to this
point and could be mobilized again., with treatment.
Within the group of Late Comer to Crime we
found it useful to divide them according to the decade
where they first became criminally involved. It was
felt there were significant differences between a
man who committed a first serious offence in his ear-
ly 20's or one at the end of his 20's or in his 30's.
The differences were even more marked in the later
decades. In the 40's and 50's we faced only inciden-
tal criminality and very rarely recidivism. One con-
clusion is that the course and duration of criminali-
ty, regardless of the severity of the offences, 1s
determined by different psychological factors accor-
ding to the life period when the ego first becomes
seriously involved in criminality (3).
Looking at the whole groupof late comers we see
many types of offenders committing many kinds of of-
fences. We note a variety of precipitating factors
others than only antisocial attitudes. These 1nclude
depressive 1llnesses, reactive depressions. patholo-
gical mourning, marital crises, etc. The term "late
comer" i1s not intended to replace others commonly
used like "normal offender","white collar offender",
"crime of passion",etc., but views these and others,
who may become criminal after maturity in a new pers-
pective.
This dynamic perspective places 1ts emphasis on
the ego and the mechanisms of defence, and sees the
offence as a symptomatic act.Two factors are signifi-
cant, the time the ego first becomes criminally in-
volved and the quality of the involvement. This ap-
proach also permits us to differentiate between the
important group which comes into trouble with the law
only after reaching maturity, and other types of of-
fenders whose egos are more deeply rooted in crimina-
lity.It also gives us a research,clinical and thera-
peutic approach to the problem of the Late Comer to
Crime.

- 13 -

LE DELINGUENT SUR LE TARD

RESUME

Cette communication decritun projet de recherche
sur un groupe de criminels appelé delinquants sur le
tard. Cette recherche est poursuivie au departement
de psychiatrie de 1'universite Mc Gill, Montréal.
Le terme "delinquant sur le tard" fait partie
d'une classification deja proposée par 1'équipe de
recherche de Mc Gill. Cette classification fournit
un cadre utile pour fins de recherche et de travail
clinique en psychiatrie médico-légale.
Dans une communication antérieure 1'équipe de
Mc Gill a decrit trois types de délinquants:

1. le delinquant primaire, i.e., un criminel qui
s'engagea sérieusement dans la delinquance durant
la periode de latence, continua durant la puberte,
et devintun criminel d'habitude durant 1'age adul te;

2. le délinquant secondaire, i.e., un criminel qui
s'engagea serieusement dans 1a délinquance durant
la puberte et devint wun criminel d'habitude durant
1'age adul te;

3, le delinquant sur le tard comprend tous les
délinquants qui se sont engages dans un ou plu-
sieurs actes criminels durant 1'age adul te,sans passe
délinquant sérieux durant la periode de latence et
puberté.

Cent soixante-seize délinquants sur le tard ont
été étudiés. Ils ont été répartis selon leur age a
la premitre offense, soit de 20 a 29 ans, de 30 a 39
ang ,de 40 a 49 ans et de 50 ans. et plus. Les patrons
de comportement criminel, les causes psychologiques,

le +traitement, le prognostic....sont habituellement

- 14 -

différents selon qu'une premiere offense aitéeté com-
mise dans une décade ou 1'autre,
Les délinquants qui débutent dans leur vingtaine
ont un taux élevé de récidive. Les attitudes et les
comportements antisociaux sont dominants, bien que
moins marqués que chez le délinquant primaire ou se-
condaire. C'est surtout dans ce groupe que se recru-
tent les délinquants sur le tard habituels.
Chez les délinquants qui débutent dans la tren-
taine,les attitudes anti-sociales sont beaucoup moins
prononcées, sinon absentes. La criminalité est sou-
vent en relation directe avec des problemes névroti-
ques. Les conflits familiaux, les depressions reac-
tionnelles,les réactions de deuil pathologiques sont
des facteurs étiologiques importants des actes délin-
quents rencontrés damns cette décade.Le taux de réci-
dive est plus bas que dans le groupe délinquant qui
commet une premieére offense sérieuse dans la vingtaine.
Chez les plus de 40 ans, les attitudes anti-so-
ciales sont presque inexistantes et la criminalite
apparait comme une résul tante de probleémes personnels,
d'états dépressifs oumaniaco-dépressifs larvés.Apres
la cinquantaine, les actes délinquants sérieux sont
peu fréquents,et souvent découlent du vieillissement
avec tout ce qu'il entraine de déficit émotionnel et
organique.
Le terme "délinquant sur le tard" ne remplace
pas d'autres concepts déja utiles, tels que "délin-
quant a collet blanc","délinquant normal", "criminel
passionnel" ,mais ce terme générique englobe tous les
délinquants adul tes sans passé sérieusement délinquant
durant la période de 1latence et puberté. C'est un
concept psychodynamique; le délit est envisagé comme
une fagon d'étudier 1le délinquant, et 1'étude est
centrée surla formationdel'égo et sur les mécanis-
mes de défense des délinquants qui ont enfreint les
loi1s apres avoir atteint 1'age adul te.

(1)

(2)

(7)

(8)

- 15 -
REFERENTCES

CGRMIER, Bruno M., KENNEDY, Miriam, SANGOWICZ
Jadwiga, and TROTTIER, Michel (1959) "Presenta-
tion of a Basic Classification for Clinical Work

and Research in Criminology". Can-J,Corrections.
1. no. 4, 21-34.

e e ————— (1959 ) "The Natural His-
torycﬂ?Crlmlnalltyzuuisome Tentative Hypotheses
on Its Abatement". ibid., 1, no. 4. 35-49.

TROTTIER, Michel (1960) "The Problem of Recidi-
vism and Treatment of the Late Comer to Crime".
Unpublished paper given at the Second Annual
Research Conference on Criminology and Delin-
quency, Montreal.

KENNEDY, Miriam (1960) "Family Conflicts and
Criminal Behaviour". Unpublished paper given at
the Second Annual Research Conference on Crimino-
logy and Delinquency, Montreal.

CORMIER, Bruno M. (1960) "Pathological Mourning
as a Component of Murder". Unpublished paper
given at the Canadian Psychoanalytic Society,
Montreal.

TROTTIER Michel(1960)"1a Complicité Criminelle"
(Rapport Préliminaire) Can. J. Corrections, 1,
no. 4, 56-61.

KENNEDY, Miriam (1960) "A Clinical Study of a
Group of Incest Offenders". Unpublished paper
given at the Second Annual Research Conference
on Criminology and Delinquency, Montreal.

BATT, J.C. (1948) "Homicidal Incidence 1in the
Depressive Psychoses". J.Ment. Sc.,94, 782-792.

(9)

(10)

(11)

- 16 -

FAURE,H. and RAPPARD, Ph. (1956) "Vol et mélan-
colie.Dela perte a la récupération de 1'objet".
Cahiers de Psychiatrie, Strasbourg, 96-107.

SANGOWICZ, Jadwiga (1960) "Criminal Acting Out
1in (Cases of Reactive Depression". Unpublished
paper given at the Second Annual Research Con-
ference on Criminology and Delinquency,Montreal.

----- (1960 ) "Pathological Mourning and Criminal
Acting Out". Unpublished paper given at the Se-
cond Annual Research Conference on Criminology
and Delinquency, Montreal.

QUATRIEME CONGRES INTERNATIONAL DE
CRIMINOILOGIE

- LA HAYE 1960 -

TRAVAUX PREPARATOIRES

I

LE TRAITEMENT AVANT LE JUGEMENT
DES DELINQUANTS ANORMAUX

Sccrétariat du Congres, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,

I.a Haye (Pays - Bas)

LE TRAITEMENT AVANTLEJUGEMENT
DES DELINQUANTS ANORMAUX

par

Vladimir Hadzi,
avocat, Novi Sad (Yougoslavie)

Arriver a 1'amélioration de 1'état mental des
délinquants anormaux, a leur rééducation morale et a
leur réadaptation sociale, c'est sans aucun doute,
contribuer a la solution de ce grand probleme qu'est
le récidivisme.
C'est la tache de la Psychiatrie que de rendre,
si possible & un individu malade 1'usage de tout son
appareil psychique, c¢'est-a-dire 1la 1liberté, 1la
responsabilité et 1a capacité de discernement.Pour y
parvenlir 11 seralt indispensable, en premier lieu,d’
établir un bon diagnostic et de déceler les véritables
causes des troubles mentaux. Ceux-ci peuvent etre de
nature tres diverse. Gu'ils soient constitutionels ou
autres, il est certain que dans une grande majorité
des cas on y rencontre le sentiment inconscient de
cul pabilité, et que celui-ci occupe la place centrale.
Pour arriver a "rétablir" 1la "santé clinique'
les psychiatres,encouragés par le progres de la Méde-
cine en général,étaient enclins a appliquer tous les
moyens techniques et particulierement la thérapeutique
des chocs.Il est vrai que de tels procédés ont donné
en certains cas des résultats satisfaisants,mals cela
n'est pas sans aucun danger, car tout en faisant enrayer
aux mal ades de 1 eurs souvenirs les effroisdel'acuité
dépressive,ces procédés leur enlevent aussi ce qu'il
y a "le mieux" et ce sont les symptomes. Pourtant le
sentiment inconscient de culpabilité (Schuldgefiihl)
tout en étant un symptOme de la maladie, est en m@éme
temps, chose curieuse, aussi une condition nécessaire
ala guérison.Ainsi en perdant ce symptdme ils peuvent
devenir encore plus malades de ce qu'ils étaient
auparavant, et devenir meme irrécupérables.

- 9 _

De ce fait il est préférable d'essayer de parvenir
ala purgation de lamaladie par un changement radical
et par un relevement dans le sens d'une véritable
reconstruction, par 1'accroissement de ses pouvoirs
inhibitifs et par une psychothérapie en profondeur
d'inspiration plus ou moins psycho-analytique. C'est
une méthode plus lente,plus difficile,mais certaine-
ment aussi meilleure,et des que la Science avance et
que les méthodes thérapeutiques s'améliorent, il est
certain qu'il y aura de moins en moins de ceux a qui
on ne pourrait pas 1'applilquer.
On traite et i1 faut +traiter. Mais il se peut
qu'on a tort que de laisser toujours ce traltement
pour une période spéciale que nous appelons la "phase
du traitement" ,Doit-on vraiment toujours trancher une
limite tellement aigué entre 1les phases et que nous
les juristes sommes habitués a distinguer. Ou alors,
ayant en vue que le succes oul'insucces d'un traitement
peut dépendre en grande mesure du faitsil'on a com-
mencé le traitement & temps et au moment le plus
indique.ne feraiil-on pasmicux que d'essayer de tirer
profit de cela que chaque situation puisse offrir.
De ce fait 1l paraft gqu'onne devrait pas tloujours
attendre cette phase du traitement pour pouvolir entre-
prendre certalnes choses quil sont indispensables et
qui sont meéme dans 1'intéret du délinquant anormal.
En effet.arrivé apres cette longue procédure et apres
le jugement dans cette "phase du traitement", 11 est
déja arrivé a surmonter,dans une certaine mesure,les
psychoses réactionnelles ou secondaires au délit, a
1'arrestation,au jugementou a la détention.A présent
il est déja un peu las et abruti, il commence a s'y
"habituer" un peu a cette nouvelle situation, et il
devient plus endurci, obstiné, récalcitrant.
Mais avant, au moment ou il a été repéré, et au
premier choc de 1'arrestation et au premier contact
avec les agents de 1'Autorité,puis tout le longdela
phase d'investigation et de 1'instruction il ressent
un profond changement de sa personnalité occasionné

- 3 -

par le vécu, avec le sentiment de culpabilité de ce
crime commis et qui souvent apres le premier soul agement
de ce sentiment inconscient de culpabilité et qui
existait encore avant le crime commis, vient de
s'ajouter a celui-ci.Il est inquiet et lugubre. Pour
lui a présent tout est changé, tout obtient une signifi-
cation particuliere, il a 1'impression que tout a
trait 3 lui,que tout est concentré sur lui.Il cherche
une issue et a ce moment-la il est souvent bien plus
flexible et perméable que d'habitude.
Ce moment-la serait déja tres propice a ce qu'on
cormence a appliquer certaines mesures du traitement
et qui se seraient appuyées sur le sentiment de
responsabilité, lequel existe aussi chez 1les délin-
quants anormaux. Mais 11 n'en est rien de tout cela,
car a présent onne se borne dans cette phase, que de
recueillir des preuves, a établir la matérialité des
faits, et dans des cas plus graves on procede aussi a
un examen médico-psychologique et social dudélinquant,
Pourtant, un tel traitement anticipé des délin-
quants anormaux ne manqueralt certalnement pas de
donner des résul tats plus satisfaisants.Poury parvenir
on devrait s'assurer d'une collaboration étroite du
psychiatre, des travallleurs sociaux et des autres
spécialistes des sciences humaines. Mais a coté de
cela une grande compréhension de la part des organes
d'investigation, du juge d'instruction ainsi que du
procureur et de la défense serait nécessaire.
Pour qu'un tel traitement des délinquants anormaux
puisse etre efficace,il faut se méfier des générali-
sations trompeuses et tacher dans chaque cas partiaalier,
a pénétrer dans la personnalité du sujet et a déceler
les causes de leurs troubles mentaux. 11 faut donc
tacher de trouver le véritable sentiment inconscient
de culpabilité, et particulierement 1le phénomene
primaire d'ou il dérive. Mais ce n'est pas si simple
que cela, car tout ce qui a trait & la "culpabilité"
ou plutdt au sentiment inconscient de culpabilité est
voilé de mystere. C'est pourquoi, pour trouver ce

- 4 -

sentiment, pour établir le diagnostic, on ne devrait
pas regarder tellement a travers les symptdmes appa-
rents, ni etre trop sous 1'impressiondu délit commis.
I1 faut seméfier aussi que d'admettre toujours ce que
disent 1les délinquants anormaux, et derriere les
mobiles apparents ou allégués,il faut pouvoir trouver
lesmotivations profondes de l1eurs actes.Assez souvent
ils commettent un vrai délit pour @tre coupables pour
de bon et pur se libérer ainsi de ce sentiment in-
conscient de cul pabilité et qui existait encore avant
ce délit commis.C'est une décharge et a ce moment-la
on aurait peut-etre plus de chance de détecter ce
sentiment et sa cause.
Mais méme ici il est rare qu'ils relevent ce
sentiment inconscient de cul pabilité.Aussi s'1ls disent
quel que chose,1ls 1ndiqucent presque toujours certailnes
cul pabilités qui comme telles n'existent pas et ne
peuvent pas exister. Alors on pense que c'est faux,
irréel et inexistant On prend cette culpabilité comme
sielleavait été cntiercment imaginéce et que lemal ade
ne la porte pas de son propre gré mais plutot a cause
d'un dérangement fonctionnel du cerveau.Dc toute fagon,
puisqu'en réalité elle ne peut pas @tre attribuée & un
événement déterminé, on la qualifie alors comme une
cul pabilité existentielle (Existenzielle Schuld). Ce
sentiment qui est encore pré-psychotique apparait sur-
tout lorsque 1'homme se trouve menacé dans sa valeur
personnel le.
Malgré que tout c¢e qu'ils disent puisse pa-
raitre tellement irréel et incohérent,car on n'arrive
pas a saisir leur logique intérieure ni les causes
profondes de leur comportement, on doit tout-de-meme
se demander s1 tout cela est tellement absurde et
1nexistant, et si 1'on peut vraiment parler d'une
cul pabilité et qui serait entiérement imaginée.ll est
hors de doute qu'il puissey avoir une certaine dispro-
portion, plus ou moins grande,entre 1'ampleur etl'in-
tensité de ce sentiment inconscient de cul pabilité et
la culpabilité méme,Pourtantil faut se demander s'il

- 5 -

peut y avoir une certaine culpabilité et qui serait
compl etement imaginée,car le sentiment de culpabilité
est tout-de-meéme un sentiment de quel que chose.C'est
un sentiment concret; il n'a trait qu'ala culpabilité
et pas a autre chose.
Du reste ces deux culpabilités ne peuvent pas se
séparer si nettement,car la culpabilité existentielle
cormence a la culpabilité réelle, ou celle-ci se
développe de celle-la.
Ainsi1 11 parait que dans chaque sentiment de
cul pabilité, qu'il soit meéme inconscient, 1l existe
un certain élément, une certaine dose de culpabilité
qu'elle soit mémeminime,Par exemple:si celan‘est pas
l'lnceste-méme, on doit y trouver au moins une sur-
vivance plus ou moins grande du complexe d‘0Oedipe.
L'inconvénient c'est que cette culpabilité nfest
pas tellement détectable car ils ne veulent pas la
révéler.Tres souvent ils ne peuvent méme pas le faire
car chez eux c'est tellement i1nconscient.c'est telle-
ment refoulé,qu'ils n'osent méme pas s'avouer a aux-
mémes.Pour se justifier a leurs propres yeux et pour
"s'excul per" ils projettent cette cul pabilité sur une
ou sur plusieurs autres personnes auxquelles 1ls
attribuent certaines culpabilités qu’'ils refusent de
se volr en eux-mémes.Ces culpabilités sont soit direc-
tes soit au moins indirectes,c'est-a-dire elles sont
soit-disant la cause de 1aleure.Cela provoque,alors |,
chez eux wune tendance justiciere et qui est aussi
autopunitive,et leur comportement anormal peut s'expli-
quer par cette tendance.
Cecl nous explique aussi pourquoi leur logilque
intérieure est plus forte que la logique extérieure,
qu'elle est tellement ferme et durable et que cette
dualité est devenue pour ainsi dire une véritable
nécessité.
Elle est incorrigible malgré un traitement soma-
tique prolongé et elle peut durer méme pendant toute
la vie. Il n'en serait peut-etre pas ainsi si l'on
arrivait a trouver avec plus de facilité sa véritable

-6 -

cause et les raisons de ce sentiment inconscient de
cul pabilité,et de la résistance permanente au milieu
Pour pouvoir faire ce dépistage il serait indis-
pensable de connaitre tout surle comportement présent
ainsi que sur les antécédents du sujet, d'établir un
bilan de personnalité, de connailtre ses déficiences
intellectuelles ainsi que ses traumatismes psychilques
méme minimes et qui ont plt 1'atteindre encore dés son
age le plus avancé. On devrait bien connaitre aussi
son environnement et surtout les circonstances de son
milieu familial,car les parents oule conjoint peuvent
souvent exercer une influence néfaste sur 1'aggravation
de son état. Tout cela et encore d'autres éléments
essentiels devralient figurer surle dossier de person-
nalité et qui ferait usage du "dossier mental",
Ce n'est qu'en établissant de cette fagon un bon
diagnostic qu'on arriverait a saisir et & comprendre
tous les symptOmes et & 1eur donner une interprétation
appropriée,a voir clair meéme a travers ce camouflage
symbolique et a éliminer ses réactions de défense et
particulierement cette projection.Ensuite, c'est par
une psychothérapied'inspiration psychanalytique qu'il
s'agitdel'orienter dansle sens a ce qu'il fasse une
"ré-projection", c'est-a-dire qu'il fasse a nouveau
le déplacement sur soi-méme de cette cul pabilité qu'il
avait projetée sur autrui.
Aces fins 1l faudrait faire accroitre son senti-
ment propre de culpabilité et de ce faitla culpabilité
imaginée ou projetée de 1'autre va nécessairement
diminuer.Dumoment que 1a cul pabilité projetee diminue,
en meéme tenps le sentiment propre de culpabilité va
diminuer aussi,C'est compréhensible, car c'est précisé-
ment pour se soustraire & sa culpabilité propre et
parce qu'il ne veut pas la porterqu'il 1'avait projetée
sur autrui. Ce sentiment de culpabilité diminuera
surtout lorsque de 1'inconscient 11 va passer aucons—
cient. Ici le sujet aura déja un véritable sentiment
de responsabilité et cela sera déja un commencement
de guérison.

- 7 -

Des procédéssemblables pourraient s'appliquer
peut—-etre aussi dans d'autres cas, par exemple en cas
ou le sujet a réagi a 1'injustice subie ou a 1la
frustration par accusation d'autrui, dans les cas
d'angolsse de naissance etc.Bien entendu dans 1les cas
ou la psychothérapie ne pourrait pas @tre appliquée
avec succes,on devra utiliser sur le plan individuel
les traitements traditionnels et 1les traitements
endocriniens, sur le plan collectif les thérapies de
groupe et sur le plan géneéral les thérapies occupation-
nelles. Par ces thérapies on peut +toujours essayer
d'amener les délinquants anormaux si ce n'est pas a
laguérison, ce qui est assez problématique et incertain,
alors au moins a une guérison sociale approximative,
a une améliorationde leur état qui les rende perméa-
bl es aux influences morales et permette 1leur réadapta-
tion sociale normale.

S UMMARY

With the improvement of the mental condition of
abnormal delinquents, a valuable contribution would
be made to the solution of the grave problem of reci-
divism,
Instead of applying shock treatment,which is not
without some danger, it is better to have recourse
to deep psychoanalytical psychotherapy, which, with
the progress of Science, can be applied in an 1in-
creasing number of cases. To achieve this, a good
diagnosis must be established,and the true causes of
the mental troubles must be detected; among these the
most frequent is an unconscious sense of guilt (Schuld-
gefithl ) .But thisis rather difficult,since everything
connected with "guilt" is veiled in mystery.

- 8 —

Since the offenceisoften a liberation,it would
be easier to detect this feeling and its cause at the
very moment of arrest, and at the first contact with
the agents of authority. For this reason it is not
always suitable to wait for treatment until the time
when the subject has already become hard and obstinate
after lengthy judicial procedure,and it would be bet-
terin the case of abnormal delinquents to apply anti-
cipatory treatment.
In the treatment one must try, with the help of
a "mental dossier" and a thorough investigation, to
probe clearly the mind of the subject, even in spite
of its symbolic camouflage; and to eliminate the sub-
ject's defence reactions, among which projection 1is
the most frequent.
In order +to "exculpate" himself, the subject
projects his guilt on to other people,and this provokes
in him a justificatory and autopunitive tendency; his
abnormal behaviour canbe explained by this tendency.
This explains why his interior logicis stronger
than the exterior logic,why itis so firm and lasting,
and why this duality has become, as 1t were, a real
necessity.
In order to eliminate +this projection, it 1s
necessary to induce the process of re-projection 1in
the subject; that is, to redirect on to himself that
guilt which he has projected on to others To achieve
this, his own sense of guilt should be aroused, in
which case the 1magined and projected guilt will
automatically decrease, since 1t was 1n order to
liberate himself from his own sense of guilt that he
projected 1t on to others.This sense of guilt decreases
most of all when it passes from the wunconscious to
the conscious. In this way the subject will acquire
a real sense of responsibility.which is the beginning
of a cure.

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS

— THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

I11

ORGANIZATION AND MANAGEMENT OF
A RESOCIALISATION-COMMUNITY AS A
SOCIO-THERAPEUTIC INSTITUTE FOR
THE TREATMENT OF NEUROTIC
CRIMINALS

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands).

ORGANIZATION AND MANAGEMENT OF A RESOCIALISATION -
COMMUNITY AS A SOCIO-THERAPEUTIC INSTITUTE FOR THE
TREATMENT OF NEUROTIC CRIMINALS
A REPORT OF THE EXPERIENCE OF 7 YEARS PRACTICE

by

Dr. G W. Arendsen Hein
Psychiatrist
Ederveen. Holland

Introduction

The problem of rendering help to abnormal delin
quents without depriving them of the feeling of per-
sonal responsibility has to be approached from two
angles:

a). form the side of the patient;
b). from the sideof the personnel in charge of treat.-
ment and nursing.

For the benefit of the patient it is necessary
that his problems and neurotic reactions come to the
surface and are expressed or acted out,thus becoming
accessible for treatment. Preferably these reactions
should contrast clearly against a soli1d social struc-
ture and an emotionally healthy background, providing
a safe opportunity for reality-testing,so that the
Patient himself may see the sick elements in his be-
haviour.
This 1s only possible,when a staff 1s available
that can tolerate a good deal of acting out and trans-
ference behaviour, without much change in the affec-
tive attitude to the patient.This means that, if the
Patient is to gain from his experiences, the staff
must be able to hold the patient responsible for his
acts without relapsing 1in moralising, depreciating
or punishing attitudes. If the staff shows negative
emotional reactions to the asocial behaviour of the
patient and tends to attitudes, which induce 1n the

- 9 -

patient the feeling,that he 1s falling into disgrace,
a chain of further neurotic reactions will be provoked.
Since criminal asocial behaviour 1s generally not a
primary goal for the patient. but an accombanylir.g
phenomenon of the neurotic personality under stress,
the patient will *eel misunderstood. 1lltreated. his
vision becoming blurred by feelings of revenge and he
will be inclined to hold the other party responsible
for his psychic pain and deny at the same time res-
ponsibility for himself.In short he will gain nothing
from his experience.
Not depriving the patient of the feeling of per-
sonal responsibility implies granting him the right
to make mistakes and learn from them.This process can
only take place 1n an atmosphere that is free from
anxiety for expulsion from the community.

A person who has shown little social competence
in the past cannot be expected to deal with a rigid
stressing situation in the 1nstitution.Therefore the
therapeutic community imposes at first mitigated de-
mands. shows more allowance for aggression and anti-
social behaviour than normal society. On the other
hand he 1s confronted constantly and extensively with
the consequences of his transgressions.As the patient
grows. demands are increased. The feeling of respon-
sibility springs from the feeling to belong; the feel-
ing to belong develops in a community that fulfills
basic human needs. The more the community 1deal be-
comes a reality for the patient,the more responsibi-
lity 1t imposes upon him,
Encounter of the fellowmen on the basis of human
equality and mutual respect. together with an encoura-
ging confident attitude as to tlie capacity for self-
determination of the patient form a great challenge
to the general personal responsibility of the patient.
He is approached and spoken to as if he were already
the man he really wanted to be, who would have done
better 1if he had known better

- 3 -
A patient put it once like this:

"When confidence is shown to me, 1 feel obliged
to act trustworthy,but if not I feel completely free
to do as I please. I've not been given anything and
I'm not supposed to give anything 1n Yeturn".

Since we have come to realize that the behaviour
of a person 1s largely dependent on the relationships
with his fellowmen,especially on the attitudes of his
fellowmen towards him. it became <clear. that 1in a
therapeutic institution the behaviourof the patients
can be inmany ways regarded as an answer to the beha-
viour of the staff.One might compare this interaction
of mind wupon mind with the seaworthiness of a ship
and its crew. A good crew can make the ship function
well even in a storm, a poor crew may wreck her even
in calm weather.
The more we leave the static concept of the human
being as a causally determined product of biological
and sociological factors, the more we recognize the
creative potentialities of the Ego.the more we study
the psycho-dynamic factors,that structure the patients
world design the more we become capable of rendering
help without depriving the subject of hilis personal
responsibility.
It also imposes a heavier responsibility on the
helper to abandon everything that tends to devaluate
the personality of the c¢riminal patient, to get rid
of the prejudice of incurability. to do away with
authoritarian attitudes to expose himaslittle as pos
sible to restrictions and frustrations and to enter 1into
an existential relationship with him, which may to
a certain extent indemnify the patient for the psychic
malnutrition and traumata which he suffered in the
past.
However, an understanding attitude, even love
are not enough to help the severely disturbed neurotic
patient.Scientific methods have to be applied to cure

4

the deenly disturbed patient.
Since every neuarotic criminal or so called psycho-
path 1s disturbed 1n his sociral relations. we regard
(t a=a primary necessity to approach him on a soctial
level 1nasocio-therapeuatic community,.To our opinion
such a communtty should not be too large 1 e. not
exceeding 60 patients 1n order to conserve the perso-
nal element 1n the relationships. on which the value
of sach a commantty 1s based.
The aims of the community- called the resociali-
sationcommunity Groot Batelaar at Lunteven - are dom1i -
nated by such questions as. [low canwe help the patient
to restore his selfconfidence to increase his social
feeling (0o get out of his social tsolation to 1mprove
his relationships with and responsib:lity towards hi=
fellowrren to unfold h.s personality and give full
scope to his natural gifts.
The answer to these questions bas been an attempt
to create a community with a true democratic culture
and a general therapeutic atmosphere,with opportuni-
ties for encouraging emotional experiences. Spectal
med1 co-psychological methods of approach to the pro-
blems of the individual patient are described i1n sepa-
rate reports to section I.

Principles and problems of the community organisation

The community consistsof + 40 patients. hospita-
l1zed 1n buildings with open doors.,adults from 20-40
years belng pat at Her Majesty's pleasure,exclusively
mnen who have recidivived wusually many times and who
are. after medical and psychological examination. con-
sidered as neurotics in a broad sense of the word,in
neea of psychotherapy.After treatment is proposed to
them and they liave shown their willingness to accept
1t they are referred Lo the psychiatric direction of
the community. They are only taken in,1f they have a
more or less realistic evaluation of the causes of

-5 -

their failure and the sincere wish to get well.It is
made clear to them that they are taken in on their own
request and free will for a trial period of 6 weeks,
in which both parties remain free to decide the pa-
tient whether he wants to stay when he thinks that
treatment can be of value to him 6 the staff whether
this particular patient has reasonable chances to
benefit from our form of treatment. It 1s 1mportant
that the patient gets a clear picture of the community
and 1ts requirements and that he experiences himself,
1n a so called orientation-discussiongroup, what psycho-
therapy means.
The point of free choice is strongly emphasized,
because nobody can be treated against his will, al-
though 1t must be admitted that the freedom of choice
1s not great, since the alternatives are with the
exception of one other therapeutic hospital (v.d.Hoe-
ven clinic), asylums with a much severer regime and
generally little or no opportunity for treatment.
Besides, one cannot expect much 1insight 1n the
necessity of treatment, because these people are not
acquainted with the procedures and aims of psychothe-
rapy.
Nevertheless we regard it as a very i1mportant
principle that the patient is always challenged to
make a decision of his own free will, aware of the
consequences and ready to accept responsibility for
them.In this case it means to accept his stay in the
community for treatment of indefinite time. On his
arrival at the institution he 1s welcomed by a recep-
tion committee of the patients.which presents to him
the house-rules and introduces him to the staff-mem-
bers. If, after 6 weeks, both parties agree, the pa-
tient is officially admitted to the community as a
full member and he declares that he'll strive to keep to
the rules of the community and to support i1t as good
as he can.
Because of the lack of social feeling we cannot
expect that the wellbeing of the community can serve

-6 -

as a primary and common goal for the average neurotic
patient, In order to counter-balance the patient's
feeling of being constantly the object of care,treat-
ment etc. we offer him to fanction 1n different sub-
ject-roles, including some responsibility for the
selfgovernment in certain sectors of the community.
thus stimulating him to 1dentify himself with the
community goal.that may gradually become a secondary
personal goal(f-i”membership of the order-committee,
grouprepresentative, housemaster etc.).

The community 1s divided 1n therapeutic groups
of 8-9 patients,which form also li1ving groups sharing
sleepingward and meals.
Other group-formations arenot living groups. but
functional groups, f.1. working groups, studygroups.
sportgroups etc.
Group-representatives have an advisory vote and
participate fully in the meetings of the managing
staff. that deals with practical matters.The order-
committee. that was to safeguard the house-rules,
consists exclusively of patient-members.0Organization
of clubs and entertainment is alsoin the hands of the
patients,
Obligatory work, for the upkeep of the buildings
and gardens, as well as for the management of the
household,is restricted to 5 hours a day.Therapeutic
sessions are held in the afternoon.Possibilities for
more work are available.Each working houri1is rewarded
with a small amount of pocketmoney.A minimum sum has
to be earned in order to get permission for leave.
The weekly total, an average patient may earn, 1s
about the equivalent of 10-14 shillings. A certain
amount of savings 1s necessary tobe entitled to apply
for supplementary funds for travelling expenses during
a weekend furlough, once a month.
Getting the patients to work more than the obli-
gatory hours has always been a problem, because they
know the law prescribes, that the Governmment has to

-7 -

provide nursing and treatment for them. While they
feel rejected by society, they find that society has
to pay for them. Besides. the neurotic patient gene-
rally works only for two reasons:

1). to gain material or social status;
2). togain gratification from an affective relation-
ship 1.e.appreciation and recognition of a sym-
pathetic person.

Since earningsare so small i1nterest in work 1s
lacking. Qur experience, however, has shown. that
after release from the institution, when the patient
earns normal wages, he usaally gives no trouble to
produce the average output. We consider it a much
better policy to pay the patient during his stay 1n
the community,normal wages for a normal performance,
thus proving to him,that his capacities are fully re-
cognized, which could add considerably to his self-
respect, At the same time a deduction for food, clo-
thing, therapy etc. could be made, which would make
it clearer to the patient that he earns and pays for
real values 1n his own interest. To earn money means
for the patient to be able to buy status, and the
more money. the more status, the greater his feeling
of rehabilitation.A very important therapeutic prin-
ciple is, that we have to grant the patient a good
deal of freedom to act on his own initiative and res-
ponsibility and to make mistakes, from which he can
learn and acquire self-discipline. Therefore we have
adopted the policy,f.i. - apart from a rare exception -
never to escort patients outside +the institution.
Ei ther they are considered capable to go alone or
with comrades, or, if not, permission for leave 18
not granted to them. We stress the point, that the
patient should always be kept fully aware of the con-
sequences, if he doesn't keep to his appointment.

At regular times the community meets in toto for
discussion of actual problems. The rules of the com-

- 8 -

munity, originally drawn up 1in such meetings, are
permanently open to specification or alteration as
the need may arise.
For a well-functioning of the community 1t 1is
important, that patients have a clearly defined pic-
ture of the roles of different staff members.A division
of tasks, especially to safeguard the psycho-thera-
peutic docter-patient relationship,is desirable; the
therapist should not be charged with directorial,
practical or social questions regarding his patient.
This principle. however,cannot be carried on too far
and works well only, if the director in charge has
psychotherapeutic training, being fully aware of the
psychological implications of his decisions and if
there is constant and close cooperation behind the
scene, A rigid, functional separation between direc-
torial administrative or social staff on the one hand
and therapeutic staff on the other hand, 1s to our
opinion an unworkable principle in community treat-
ment, contrary to the basic idea and the interest of
the community. A policy of non-cooperation between
the authorities tends to wreck the therapeutic atmos-
phere,brings about unnecessary tensions or misunder-
standings and facilitates,that people, not belonging
to the therapeutic staff, release their own frustra-
tions on the patients.

Certain other important points are:

The principle that every decision should be mo-
tivated and made comprehensible for the patient.When
authority is exercised, the reasons are always explained
to the patients. Important decisions can el1ther be
taken by the communitymeeting or, 1if this is not ap-
propriate,they are always open to criticism and dis-
cussion.

The principle of tolerance.The attitude of tole-

-9 -

rance,of lack of coercing the patient to act against
his will, to accept his being different,to grant him
the freedom to experiment and to make mistakes,finds
1ts natural restrictions where the interest of the
community or public safety are endangered by asocial
behaviour.

We regard a warm psychotherapeutic climate as an
important factor for the reconditioning of the patient.
The experience of being listened to,learning to live
together and relating himself to others on the base
of mutual confidence,may add considerably to the Ego-
strength of the patient.
However, 1t should be clear that our so-called
community has little in common with a real community
and when we say that the community tries to keep up
its culture and morale as high as possible,we have to
realize that 1t is largely the difficult task of the
staff-members, to whom the community culture is, to
a certain extent,a reality. They have to present the
living example in ordinary life to show the patients,
that the community principles are not only a philosophy
of life, but 1nstead a practical and better way to
deal with every-day matters.
Experience has taught us, that spiritual maturity
of the personality plays a much more important role
in the management of critical situations, than know-
ledge and training.
Themaintenance of a friendly atmosphere and good-
will to share each others difficulties, the feeling
of security to be allowed to criticize and to speak
about one's problems are of paramount importance to
the patient.If tensions arisein the staff,we observe
the repercussions in a chain-reaction.Patients react
with irritability, - staff-members fall back on more
authoritarian attitudes, - patients show opposition -
selfdiscipline of staff-members decreases,communica-
tion channels get clogged up - transgressions of the
house-rules increase-the inclination of staff-members

- 10 -

to use power and pression with the patients arises
- symptoms of anxiety and delinquency among patients
appear - symptoms of discouragement among staff-members
are seen who begin to express doubts as to the effi-
cacity of therapy and the curability of certain pa-
tients — a call for a stronger regime, critical re-
marks on the director or another scapegoat are heard,
requests to transfer difficult patients - diminishing
of groupactivity. intensity of therapy and output of
work - fading away of the therapeutic atmosphere -
panic reactions and patients running away.
Sooner or later the staff. according to experience,
personal maturity and cohaesion. realises what is
going on., Internal problems and personal antagonisms
are brought into the open and worked through.The pro-
blem situation and 1ts causes are openly discussed,
injustices are set right democratic principles are
reestablished. anxiety among patients is eased.
A complication may arise, 1f for one reason or
other relations with the surrounding population or
soclety in general are disturbed.Sometimes real trou-
ble, caused by delinquent patients, 6 can be the reason,
but the community can usually do something to compen-
sate for 1t. The situation becomes more serious, how-
ever when the community and 1ts treatment-methods as
such become the target of an aggressive press campaign,
as 1t happened i1in our case on the initiative of a dis-
satisfied ex-patient,.The staff may then feel threate-
ned from two sides and 1t is often difficult or im-
possible to fight public prejudice against "soft"
methods in the treatment of criminals as well as the
attitude of revenge against the public offender.When
these aggressions from the outside-world are of longer
duration and no measures are taken to counterbalance
their effect, the community tends to dissolution.

Experiences as mentioned above make it clear
that the maintenance of mental hygiene of the staff-
members, constantly exposed to psychic infection and

- 11 -

emotional disturbance.is very important for the well-
being of the community. We devote much time to this
problem in frequent staff-meetings.in different func-
tional groupings.
Besides a psychiatrist for our staff-personnel
18 avallable as a personal counselor. Preferably he
should not belong to the staff of the 1nstitution.

Suaming up, we could say that the problem of
rendering helpto the abnormal delinquent without de-
priving him of the feeling of responsibility is a
complex one.
For the severely disturbed recidivist it asks
preferably a sociotherapeutic approach in a community
and such a therapeutic community can only flourish
in the security of advanced democratic conditions.
From this point of view one could say that the cri-
minal in a certain society gets adequate help as much
as the maturity of its members can tolerate,

- 12 -

RESUME

L'organisation et le fonctionnement sont decrits
d'une communauté de reclassement en tant qu'un institut
socio-thérapeutique pourle traitement de délinquants
nevropathiques,
Le butde cet institut estde permettrele traite
ment psychique approfondi des delinquants de cette ca-
tegorie,
La communauté vise le renforcement de 1°'élement
re-educatif du traitement, de 1'entrainement et de
1'adaptation soci1ale du patient;la thérapie collective
vise ] approfondissement et la reprise intensive de
la problematique des membres du groupe, la prise de
conscience et 1'extériorisation des sentiments in-
conscients et 1'obtention d'une certaine compréhension
du probleme des relations interhumaines,
En tant que nécessaire sont appliquées en plus
des methodes speciales et individuelles de traitement,
cecl pour pouvoir mettre a nu les couches profondes
de la personnalité,
Les conditions sont mentionnées auxquelles doit
sat1sfaire une pareille communaute thérapeutique, ainsi
que les principes sur lesquels elle est basée et il
est expliqué comment peuvent s'influencer réciproque-

ment les cadres et les patients qui exercent les uns

13

sur les autres une certalne interaction.La facon est
décrite selon laquelle. chez la therapie collective
on vise a rendre le patient entierement responsable
de ses propres decisions et de 1 en faire porter les
consequences,
Des prejuges dotvent etre abandonnes comme aussi
la modalite statique de considerer 1'homme comme etant
determine par des facteurs sociaux et biologiques,
C est au contraire 1'etade psycho-dynamiqae de
la personnalite du patient qu: farLt ressortir ses pos:
sitbilites créeatives. On doit partir des resultats
d une telle etude s1 1 on veut ailder le patient sans
le priver de sa responsabilite personnelle Des atti-
tudes devaluantes et autoritaires vis-a-vis de la
nersonnalite du delinquant doivent etre abandonnees
les restrictions et les frustrations doivent etre re-
dultes au strict minimum. tandis qu‘au contratre on
doit essayer de nouer avec lul une relation existen-
tielle quir pourra - dans une certalne mesure - remeé-
dier au préjudice psychique souffert par le patient
dans le passe.
L' accent est donné au fait qu'une attitude com-
prehensive et charitable ou une disposition pedagog!
que ne sauraient suffire pour guerir un patient qui
est gravement atteint de troubles nevropathiques. A

cette Tin,des formes plus intensives de psychothéerapie

- 14 -

doivent etre appliquées. Encore est-il souligné que
c'est de son propre gré que le patient doit pouvoir
choisirle traitement pourque soit productif son séjour
dans la communaute,
L organisation et la structurede 1'institut sont
decrites.
La communaute est diviseée en groupes thérapeuti-
ques de 8 a 9 patients qui fonctionnent comme des
groupes fermes de vie en commun.,
On tache de faire accomplir par le patient,dans
la communauté outres ses roles d'objet aussi des roles
de sujet, ceci en le faisant participer a des formes
différentes de "self - gavernment" (autonomie) de cer-
taines sections de la communauté,
Sont exposésle probleme du travail a 1'établis-
sement et son importance dans 1'ensemble.
Si le travail ne peut pas eétre récompensé d'une
maniere reelle. on n'y reconnait - c'est a dire: au
travail comme tel - que peu de valeur thérapeutique
pour le patient nevropatique.
Comme des principes therapeutiques importants
sont mentionnes: 1'octroi aux patients d'une certaine
mesure de liberte dont ils peuvent faire 1'usage qui
leur plait, selon leur propre fantaisie; des fautes
qui seront faites on tirera profit.Ensuite on proclame

le principe que chaque decision doit @etre motivée et

- 15 -

rendue comprehensible pour le patient, surtout lors-

qu 1]l s'agit d'une forme quelconque de 1'exercice de
l'autorité. Les principes de la tolérance et celui
de 1'acceptation du patient rencontrent leurs limites
naturelles la ou une conduite non-adaptee menace de
faire du tout a 1'ordre public et a la seécurité,
Comme d'un important facteur therapeutique mention
est faite du climat psycho-thérapeutique qui peut sta-
muler de beaucouple developpement du pouvoir du Moi.
De fait cette communauté est assez éloignée d'une
societé veritableet le maintien dela "culture" de la
collectivité est surtout la lourde tache dont sont
chargés les cadres qui doivent etre comme une demon-

stration vivante du principe collectif.

Des qu'au sein deladirection se produisent des
tensions facheuses auxquellesles patients ne manquent
pas de repondre.il nait une reaction en chaine entre
les cadres et les patients, Ceci est un proces de sape
auquel 11 sied de mettre le hola des qu'il a eté re-
connu ceci en exposant clairement les problemes et en
réparant les dégats qui ont été causés. On y réussit
d'ordinaire en ressemblant la communauté dans son
ensemble et en la comprenant dans les discussions.
Une situation bien plus grave est née lorsgue
le monde extérieur commence 4 s'occuper de ces choses

et se met a saper le tout en dirigeant des attaques

- 16 -

contre la communauteée ou contre les methodes quiy sont

appliqueées.

On signale encore 1'importance de bons soins
psychiques-hygiéniques & donner aux cadres qui sont

perpétuellement exposés a 1‘infection psychique.

Quant a 1l‘'organisation, on estime inexacte la
distinction stricte entre la gestion directorale ad-
ministrative et sociale d'une part et la direction
therapeutique d'aatre part. I1 est vrai que 1'impor-
tance d'une certaine distribution du travail se fait
sentir pour que reste intacte la relation entre le
médecin et le patient, mais par rapport & toute dé-
cision prise & 1l'égard du patlent'on ne doit jamais
oublier d'envisager quelles en seront les conséquences

thérapeutiques.,

Pour terminer, la these est soutenue que, dans
une communauté donnée, le deélinquant ne regoit pas
plus d'assistance adéquate que ne le permettent 1'état

de mireté et la formation de ses membres,

FOURTH INTERNATIONAIL CRIMINOLOGICAIL CONGRESS

-~ THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

M

A PLEA FOR THE FEDERATION OF ALL AGENCIES
CONCERNED WITH STUDY AND RESEARCH
IN CRIMINOLOGY

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyploin,
The Hacue (the Netherlands).

A PLEA FOR THE FEDERATION OF ALL AGENCIES CONCERNED
WITH STUDY AND RESEARCH IN CRIMINOLOGY

by

Henri Ph. Junod, B.A.,B.D ,Ph.D.(Rand)
Director of the Penal Reform League
of South Africa. Pretoria S.A.

INTRODUCTTION

The problem of Crime in the modern world 1s one
of the most important direct challenges to the har-
monious development of humanity; 1ts solution requires
an effective concentration of all efforts, at all
levels of the fight against anti-social behaviour,
One of the difficulties facing a scientific, rational
approach to such a problem 1is the fact that, all
phases of its study being of equal importance, each
expert in one of these phases has a tendency to regard
his side of the approach as the most important of all.
We see that difficulty most clearly in the inter-
national organisation for criminological cooperation.,
It is easy to make fun of experts "knowing more and
more about 1less and 1less". or to tax them as being
"able minds imprisoned within high walls": this leads
nowhere.Criminology being a cross-road of other better
developed sciences, some already well-equipped with
well-proven techniques,our discipline 1s more vulner-
able than others, and it could easily become one of
those modern traffic circles, towards which all ve-
hicles converge, leaving the circle after a while, to
follow their own particular direction.lf Criminology
is to really become a Science in its own right, there
must be a fully integrated planning by all agencies
concerned with it. This does not mean that it 1s
necessary artificially tomerge all individual efforts
into an anonymous whole. Each and every agency can
fully keep its own individuality, its own particular
interest in the problem, and that is why the title
of the present paper is a plea for the FEDERATION of

- 9 -

all criminological associations: Those who are con-
vinced that prevention, being better than cure, 1is
all important, like the "Société Internationale de
Prophylaxie Sociale", can develop their work as they
wish; those who aremore concerned with Social Defence,
Probation, or Parole, must continue their effort un-
hampered; those who are dealing with penitentiary pro-
bl ems and build up as much of a penitentiary science
as 1s possible, must go on; and our own "Société
Internationale de Criminologie",in close cooperation
with those who build International Law attempt to
bring together all Criminal Lawyers for a common
approach to the theory of Crime and a scientific
policy for the +treatment of the criminal, should of
course pursue their task, but should tend to inter-
nationalise their efforts,by becoming truly interna-
tional in their outlook,using fully all those l anguages
which have now become international.
In order that all individual agencies may gather
the full benefit of the advance made by others, there
1s an urgent need for a recognized coordinating body,
or at least for an international organisation which
will fill the gap created by the change brought about
by the disappearance of the International Penal and
Penitentiary Commission,which is now only a Foundation.

(1) Development of international work

It is a well known fact of past experience that
international cooperation is not an easy task in the
field of war prevention,where the weight to powerful
national 1nterests often block the way to progress.
But as soon as universal problems regarding heal th,
disease,natural disasters,agricul tural or industrial
techniques, face humanity, international goodwill is
fully assured and results are spectacular.Even inwar,
when away from the heat of battle, humanity has been
able to restore some legality through the work of the
International Red Cross.In the field of social measures

- 3 -

agalnst Crime, nations and governments have already
united in the past for common study and the devel opments
of agreed policies.Since Dr.Enoch Cobb Wines succeded,
in 1872.,1n providing a truly international forum,with
the First International Penal and Peni tentiary Congress
in London, much useful international work has been
done. This work is going on, and the purpose of this
paper is to present a plan for the consolidation of
past efforts and to ask for the discussion and the
eventual acceptance of a federation of all agencies
concerned with criminological study and research., We
donot intend,in the words of Professor Louis Hugueney,
to urge that Criminology should become the "governess"
of Criminal Law. or any other related discipline,
instead of remaining its "maid"..., but we ask from
all interested associations the formulation of a
workable plan for extensive collaboration. If the
Fourth International Congress could pass a unanimous
resolution,whose general terms we propose to give at
the end of this paper, all individual efforts would.
be considerably strengthened. and an effective 1ntegra-
tion of our associations into a coordinated scientific
endeavour, in all parts of the world, would result.

(2) A few examples of the need for federation

(i) It has been our privilege to study, by no means
as completely as we would have desired, a spec-—
tacular instance of collective anti-social behaviour,
in which subconscious forces, crystallized in the
Mau-Mau Oath,have precipitated an African Bantu Tribe
into open rebellion, so much so that a civil war
resul ted, costing the state over fifty million pounds
and the death of over 20.000 persons, of whom only
about 250 to 300 were Whites. Behind what was in fact
an explosion of collective crime,there were features
of tribal life which have never been exhaustively nor
scientifically studied. This collective subconscious
background, the existence of which cannot be doubted,

- 4 -

in viewof the dramatic results obtained from its use
by Mau-Mau leaders, prompted us to write an article
in INCIDI, the review of the International Institute
of Differing Civilisations, with a view to urging
anthropologists to return to the study in depth of
man himself. This experience, coupled with 28 years
of Christian ministry to about 1800 condemned African
prisoners, in the Union of South Africa, convinced
us that the study of subconscious motivations in the
incidence of crime is an urgent need. We apprecilate
the reluctance of many scientists to enter a field
which is far from the solid ground of many sciences,
but 1t cannot be ignored, as many lawyers and judges
are tempted to ignore those elements of human perso-
nality which touch the irrational in criminal cases,
and fall to the temptation to turn away from them
and to give most of their attention to the less trying
subtleties of civil cases. We urgently need a follow-
up of "Man the Unknown" of Alexis Carrel.
Fortunately for wus, there are criminologists
who work outstandingly in this field: the fine work
of Victor Fontes of Lisbon has already delved into
the possible roots of criminal behaviour in psycholo-
gical disorders of early infancy; the equally fine
work of the Gluecks has already shown that a large
proportion of criminals are anti-social long before
any consistency of personality emerges. In so-called
primitive peoples who are sometimes older than we
are in terms of human history,crime motivation seems
very often to rest on unknown features of subconscious
life,whose deflagrating -powers are such that they can
destroy all normality of an adult person. This 1s a
field of work in which a coordinated study 1s badly
needed in the whole world,a difficult field, because
new methods must be found: the techniques elaborated
by Freud, for example, cannot be applied as such,
the complexes of African people, as an illustration
of the problem, being emotionally totally different
from ours, because of the totally different patterns

- 5 -

of family relationships. I have chosen this problem
first, because it has nothing theoretical about it,
but touches most vital immediate situations of our
time.

(ii) Most criminologists and criminal lawyers have
understood the universal character of the present
'anarchy of youth', the grave increase 1in juvenile
delinquency especially in civilized countries. Much
international valuable work is already going on in
that field but thereis need for much more adequately
coordinated study and finance to get a true picture
of this frightening feature of our time. The Social
Commission of the UNO has already shownby its Inter-
national Reviewof Criminal Policy how much important
data and specific informationwe can get when a central
organisation gathers them for us; we must all press
for unanimous support of this effort.

(iii) With regard to the concept of normality and
abnormality, a thorough reconsideration of the
legal principles accepted by various legislations for
the certification of a criminal as a mental case 1s
badly needed.We have reached a time when the concepts
of responsihility and accountability are gradually being
clarified,and the comparison of national legislations
with a view to accepting a universal norm of certifi-
cation would help considerably. It would bring these
legislations into agreement with the advance of mental
sclence.

(iv) We need only mention the treatment of psychopathic
criminals and the recent development of neurol ep-
tics by modern chemistry, and their possible use for
certain categories of criminals, to show other important
issues on which the experiences of various administra-
tions should be pooled and brought to the knowledge
of others. The specific term 'nmeuroleptics' should
be accepted, because the term 'tranquilizers' only
refer to one of the phases of the action of these mo-
dern drugs.

-6 -

One could multiply examples, but in a Congress
such as ours, there is no need to belabour the point.
We make this plea without in any way underestimating
the very valuable work done in the past.No humanitarian
action, based on rational, scientific knowledge, 1is
ever wasted 1n the perspective of our constantly
growing world population. Nevertheless. at a time
when links with all parts of this world can be so
eas1ly established, it 1s the duty of all those who
attempt to develop a field of science, to prevent
overlapping. duplication of effort, and above all
1gnorance of results already achieved.This duty holds
for all phases of criminology: for all legal,K6 judicial,
penal and penitentiary progress,for criminal law, and
for all social welfare advance. In all sciences, it
becomes more and more difficult to remain fully 1in-
formed and up-to-date in one's knowledge.In Crimino-
logy, a federation of all associations will help us
all. and especially those who ,like us, live very far
from Europe and America.

RESOLUTION

The Fourth International Congress of Criminology
records with satisfaction the results of the research,
study and work of criminologists during the last twenty
years.It accepts nevertheless the fact that no 'Dis-
cours de 1la Méthode', in their field, has yet been
evolved,which has been universally accepted.In order
that a fruitful collaboration of all sciences concerned
with criminology may continue and be encouraged, the
Congress resolves that it is essential for the best
results to be achieved that:

I. OUR "SOCIETE INTERNATIONALE DE CRIMINOLOGIE"
SHOULD EXPAND ITS INVALUABLE WORK, AND ALL SISTER
ORGANISATIONS OR ADMINISTRATIONS SHOULD BE EN-
COURAGED TO JOIN US, WITH A VIEW TO BRINGING A
TRUE FEDERATION OF ALL CRIMINOLOGICAL EFFORTS:;

- 7 -

II. THE REMARKABLE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE INTERNATIONAL
PENAL AND PENITENTIARY CONGRESSES SHOULD INSPIRE
FURTHER EFFORTS THROUGH THE FULL AND OFFICIAL
RECOGNITION OF THE SOCIAL COMMISSION BY THE UNO
AS THE COORDINATING AGENCY IN THIS FIELD, WITH
ADEQUATE FINANCIAL PROVISIONS AND PERSONNEL;

I1II. AN INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE OF CRIMINOLOGY SHOULD
- BE CREATED WITHOUT DELAY,AND NATIONAL INSTITUTES
SHOULD BE CREATED, AND WHERE THEY ALREADY EXIST,
SHOULD BE ENCOURAGED TO ADOPT A GENERALLY ACCEPTED
PROGRAMME; THESE NATIONAL INSTITUTES SHOULD BE
URGED TO DEVELOP THEIR WORK ON COMPREHENSIVE
AND AGREED CONSTITUTIONAL FPRINCIPLES, RULES AND
REGULATIONS.

RESUME

Toutes les associations, tous les départements
d'Etat dont le travail touche aux problemes crimino-
logiques souffrent du fait que dans leur domaine,une
documentation scientifique complete est difficile.
Les diverses phases de ces problemes ont une égale
importance et la division entre 'prévention' et
'traitement' n'est utile que pour le développement
pratique du programme anti-criminel.
L'urgente nécessité de la collaboration 1inter-
nationale pour la solution des problemes criminolo-
giques est démonstrée par un certain nombre d'exemples
actuels; seule elle peut amener le développement de
la criminologie comme une science autonome(motivations
subconscientes du crime;délinquance juvénile; princi-
pes acceptés pour l'internement du criminel anormal;
psychopathes criminels; emploi des neuroleptiques,
etc).La résolution suivante est présentée au Congres:

RESOLUTION

Le quatrieme Congres International de Criminologie

- 8 -

exprime sa satisfaction pour les résultats obtenus
par la recherche,les études et le travail des crimi-
nologues durant les 20 années écoulées. Il reconnait
cependant qu'aucun "Discours de la Méthode" n'a encore
été présenté dans notre domaine, qui ait été univer-
sellement accepté.Pour assurer la continuation de la
collaboration fructueuse de toutes les sciences qui
s'intéressent ala criminologie et pour 1'encourager,
le Congres décide, dans 1'intéret du meilleur rende-
ment possible, que:

1. NOTRE SOCIETE INTERNATIONAL DE CRIMINOLOGIE
DEVRAIT ETENDRE SON EXCELLENTE ACTIVITE ET TOUTES
LES ASSOCIATIONS SOEURS ET TOUTES LES ADMINISTRA-
TIONS DEVRAIENT ETRE ENCOURAGEES A SE JOINDRE A
NOUS POUR AMENER UNE FEDERATION DE TOUS LES
EFFORTS CRIMINOLOGI QUES:;

II. LES RESULTATS EXCELLENTS DES CONGRES INTERNATIO-
NAUX PENAUX ET PENITENTIAIRES DEVRAIENT INSPIRER
UN EFFORT PLUS ADEQUAT PAR LA PLEINE RECONNAIS-
SANCE OFFICIELLE DE LA COMMISSION DES QUESTIONS
SOCIALES PAR L'UNO COMME L'ORGANE DE COORDINATION
DANS CE DOMAINE, AVEC LES ATTRIBUTIONS NECESSAIRES
EN FONDS ET EN PERSONNEL:

ITI. UNINSTITUT INTERNATIONAL DE CRIMINOLOGIE DEVRAIT
ETRE CREE SANS RETARD; DES INSTITUTS NATIONAUX
DEVRAIENT AUSSI ETRE CREES DTIJXOU ILS EXISTENT
DEJA ILS DEVRAIENT ETRE ENCOURAGES A ADOPTER UN
PROGRAMME GENERALEMENT ACCEPTE, CES INSTITUTS
NATIONAUX DEVRAIENT ETRE DEVELOPPES SUR LA BASE
DE PRINCIPES CONSTITUTIONNELS, ET DE REGLEMENTS
D'ENSEMBLE AYANT LE CONSENTEMENT GENERAL.

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS

— THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

M

A PROGRESS REPORT TO THE MEMBERS OF
THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS
OF CRIMINOLOGY

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands).

A PROGRESS REPORT TO THE MEMBERS OF THE FOURTH
INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF CRIMINOLOGIE

by
Sheldon Glueck, El eanor T. Glueck
Roscoe Pound Professor of Law Research Associate 1n
Harvard Law School Criminology
Cambridge Mass. Harvard Law School
U.S.A. Cambridge Mass.

U.S A,

The meeting of the Fourth International Congress
of Criminology affords an opportunity not only tomeet
foreign colleagues in person (an opportunity we deeply
appreciate),but also, to acquaint them with the pro-
gress of the researches we are carrying out under the
auspices of the Harvard Law School. Since so many
colleagues 1nquire elther directly or by mail about
our activities, we have decided that instead of sub-
mltting a paper to the Congress on some special aspect
of our research program, it might be more useful to
summarize what we have been doing during the five years
since the last Gongress, and what oar current activities
are.

Follow-Up Studies

At the time of the last Congress we had already
begun a follow—up to age twenty five of the five hun-
dred delinquents and five hundred non-delinquents of
Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency.1) Two years ago, we

1) New York, The Commonweal th Fund, 1950. For a more
popul ar version, without Tables, see Glueck, S. and
E.T.,Delinquents in the Making, New York, Harper and
Bros., 1952.

— 9 _

completed this. Al though the findings are tabulated,
we have not yet analyzed and written the results. We
think 1t will be more revealing to wait until a still
further follow-up has been completed to age thirty-
two. This has been 1in progress for two years and
necessitates three years more of field 1inquiry. In
general ,we can say that in very large measure the boys
of Unraveling Juvenile Del inquency who had been origi-
nally selected as true non-delinquents are still non-
delinquent; and that such changes as have taken place
in the criminal history of the original groupof five-
hundred delinquents appear to follow the general pat-
tern established in our various other researches;
namely, that with advancing years there 1s a slowlng
up of criminalistic activity.

The follow-up study encompasses over 150 factors
including a review of the familylife of the delinquents
and non-delinquents, their work history,use of 1eisure,
neighborhood and community relationships, habits and
interests; an intensive study of their contacts with
the law; and in those instances in which they have
served 1n the Armed Forces of the United States, an
1nquiry into their behavior and activities.In addition
to the general descriptive value of this, the major
purpose 1is to develop a device on the basis of which
1t should be possible to identify,before the point of
induction, those men (delinquents and non-delinquents
alike) who are and are not good risks for the Armed
Forces. |

We might also mention that 1t is our hope that
from these long-range studies of delinquents and non-
delinquents we can develop predictive devices on the
basis of whichitmay be possible,among other things,
to determine perhaps even before adolescence the likely
course of an individual's adaptation and adjustment to
schooling,industry,marriage, leisure time and so on.
Thereis in the literature of criminology no such long-
term study of delinquents and matched non-delinquents.

- 3 -

Publications

At the 1955 Congress in London, we presented a
preview of the volume,Physique and Delinquency, which
1s a study of the relationship of the characteristics
of various body types to delinquency-proneness. This
volume was published in 1956.2)

STUDIES OF ASPECTS OF DELINQUENCY

In addition to the field 1investigations are a
number of intensive studies growing out of the data
of Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency, each focussing on
a special aspectof the delinquency problem.Since the
last Congress, many intercorrelations of the data of
UnravelingJuvenile Delinquency have been going forward
and have been placed into tabular and statistical form.
A few 1llustrations of the subject matter of these
studies,which throw light not only on special aspects
of delinquency but, in some cases, on atypical del-
inquents, 1s the problem of working mothers and del-
inquency, neuroticism and delinquency (both already
published in articles——see appendedlist)ethnic origin
and delinquency; 1ntelligence and delinquency; a
comparison of minor and serious delinquents;delinquents
from wholesome families and non-delinquents from un-
whol esome families; comparison of gang and non-gang
delinquents; and others. There are about twenty such
individual studies, all ready for writing.
We are well on the way to completion of a companion

R ——— e,

2, Harper and Brothers, New York.

— 4 -

volume to Physique and Delinquency,3) to be called
Social Conditioning and Delinquency. This deals, as
its title suggests,with the extent to which the early
environment contributes to the development of those
delinquency-related traits already found in Physique
and Delinquency to be 1largely biological in nature,
and of those not found to be related to one or another
type of constitution.The volume, Social Conditioning
and Delinquency, together with Physique and Delinquency
provide what appears to be a substantial basis for
focussing on the most relevant aspects of the preven-
tion and management of juvenile delinquency.
In addition to these two works, there appeared
in September, 1959, our volume Predicting Delinquency
and Crime. This has an Introduction by the Chief
Justice of theUnited States,the Honorable Earl Warren,
Some of our colleagues may recall that at the 1955
Congress, Mrs. Glueck presented a summary of the
predictive devices we had developed to date. 1t 1s
this series of tables that has furnished the basis for
the present volume, together with several checkings

3) In a symposium of reviews in the International Journal
of Social Psychiatry (Summer 1957,Vol.III, No.1) the
following statements were contributed by Julian Huxley
and Professor Hermann Mannheim, respectively: ..." an
interesting and important book, as demonstrating beyond
any doubt the 1importance of specific and readily
detectable genetic factors determining the psycho-
physical type,in predisposing boys to delinquency..."
(Huxley).
"...The present volume is a remarkable example of
the Glueck technique of along-term follow-up,in this
case of problems rather than, as in most of their
previous studies,of individuals...and it succeeds in
presenting amore balanced and therefore possiblymore
widely acceptable picture of the etiology of del-
inquency". (Mannheim)

- 5 -

of the tables,particularly those referring to juvenile
of fenders and pre-delinquents.It is our hope that as
our foreign colleagues become acquainted with this
work they will wundertake checkings of some of the
tables and will keep us 1informed of the results. We
are encouraged to suggest this because of the evidences
that come to us that the table developed in Unraveling
Juvenile Delinquency and designed to identify potential
delinquents at the time of entering school appears,in
"retrospective" applications, to operate quite as
effectively in two non-American cultures (Japanese
and French) as 1t does in the United States where it
has already been tested.
In addition to the publications already mentioned
1s a collection of readings i1n juvenile delinquency
prepared by Professor Glueck entitled The Problem of
Delinquency (1959) 4), the first book in this field
designed primarily for lawyers. It is, however, also
intended for use as a teaching instrument in schools
of social work,and colleges,since itis an integrated
presentation of articles (anthropologic, sociologic,
psychiatric, and psychologic) regarding the causes,
treatment, prediction and prevention of delinquency
together with a collection of 1egal decisions involving
constitutional problems, jurisdictional and related
issues, problems of proof and problems of sentence,
The chapters are preceded by editorial notes by Profes-
sor Glueck.
In addition to the volumes already described,we
have since the last Congress, published a number of
articles. These, together with the books, are listed
at the end of this paper in the order of their publi-
cation.
Several of them were either originally published
in foreign-1language journals or were translated into
foreign languages. This gives us great satisfaction,

——

4) Houghton-Mifflin Company, Cambridge, Mass.

- 6 -

as only when the research results of workers in one
country become known to a far greater circle of readers
than would be encompassed 1in the country of origin,
can there be any hope of developing a Comparative
Criminology.

TRANSLATIONS OF ARTICLES AND BOOKS

Many of the suggestions for publication of articles
in foreign-language journals have resulted from our
personal contacts with colleagues at the London Con-
gress in 1955.This is likewise true regarding trans-
lations of some of our books.
As regards translations of Unraveling Juvenile
Delinquency, we should like to report that a new and
modified edition of the original Japanese translation
issued in 1953 is now under way. The original trans-
lation ordered by the Supreme Court of Japan and made
by nine distinguished Japanese scholars,consisted of
three thousand copies. These have been completely
exhausted, requiring a new and briefer edition. It 1s
our understanding that most of this new printingis to
be distributed free of charge to judges, prosecutors,
psychiatrists, psychologists, sociologists, social
workers and other practitioners in the delinquency
field.
A Spanish translation of Unraveling Juvenile
Delinquency 1is also under way, by Dr, Hector Soles
Quiroga of the University of Mexico, Instituto de
Investigationes Sociales.
Since the last Congress,a French translation has
been made of Delinquents in the Making,under the title
Délinquants en Herbe by Maurice Verdun S.J.,Professor
of Physical Athropology at the Insti t ut Catholique in
Paris (Emmanuel Vitté, 1956). (It is to be mentioned
that an Italian +translation, under the title Dal
Fanciullo al Delinquente had appeared in 1953).Plans
are also under way at present for a German translation,

-7 -

and Professor Dr.Hudolf Sieverts of the University of
Hamburg has already arranged for a translator and a
publisher.A Spanish translation of this book i1s under
way by Professor Juan del Rosal of the Law Faculty of
the University of Madrid.,
After the last Congress arrangements were made
with our publishers,Harper and Brothers, for the rights
to a Dutch translation of Delinquents in the Making;
thus far,this volume has to our knowl edge not appeared.
A.Japanese translation of this volume 1s now under way,
by Nobuyoshi Takemura and others and will be published
shortly.
As regards Physique and Delinquency, an Italian
translation with an Introduction by Professor Benigno
DiTullio of the University of Rome,has been completed
by a colleague of his, Dr. Franco Ferracuti of the
Institute of Psychology of the University of Rome, and
Dr. S.P. Fragola, an Assistant in Penal Law of the
University of Rome.This volume is awaiting a publisher.
A translation of the volume, After-Conduct of
Discharged Offenders was undertaken in 1957 by Mr,
Zenko Sakurai,a probation officer in the Tokyo Family
Court. This 1s not yet published.
Al though Predicting Delinquency and Crime 1s a
very recent publication, interest in its translation
has already been expressed in Japan and i1n Germany.

PROGRESS OF PREDICTION STUDIES

At the last Congress,Mrs.Glueck reported briefly
about the various "retrospective" checkings of the
Prediction Table designed to identify potential delin-
quents at school entrance. All the reported studies
appeared to confirm the fact that about 90 percent of
all the delinquents had, in their early history, the
cluster of the five factors that comprise the Table
(Egor Supervision of Boy by Mother,poor Discipline by
Father, 1little Affection of Mother for Boy, little

- 8 -

Affection of Father for Boy,Lack of Family Cohesiveness).
Since the 1ast Congress,other retrospective checkings
have been made, not only in the United States but in
Japan and in France.These additional studies continue
to point in the same direction; namely that about 90
percent of delinquents could have been identified 1n
their early years as likely to develop into serious
offenders.
The interested reader i1s asked to consult Predic-

ting Delinquency and Crime,5) for details.Limitations
of space make it impossible to recapitulate the con-
tents of the Chapter.All we can do is to mention the
fact that since its prevaration, which 1includes a
brief description of the status of the checkings of
the Social Prediction Table under way not only in the
United States but in Japan and Strasbourg, Irance,
there have been further significant developments.For
example, we reported that a Japanese checking of the
Table, applied to thirty delinquents and a control
group of thirty non-delinquents had resulted 1n the
finding that 87 percent of the delinquents would have
been identified correctly and 92 percent of the non-
delinquents. A more recent study in Japan, encompas-
sing a far greater number of cases is showing a similar
trend.The findings that the same factors which served
to distinguish delinquents from non-delinquents as
reported in Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency,likewise
served to distinguish a sample of delinquents and
non-delinquents in Japan cannot be overestimated.
The interest in Japan in the possibility of the
early identification of potential delinquents 1is
manifested in the appearance in the spring of 1959
of a paper-bound volume of two hundred pages (in
Japanese) under the title INTRODUCTION TO GLUECK
PREDICTION METHOD.The authors of this are Haruo Abe,

5) Chapter X,"Checkings of Tables Identifying Poten-
tial Delinquents",.

|
N
|

public prosecutor of the Ministry of Justice, and
Dr. Kokichi Higuchi, psychiatrist.
Another ‘"retrospective" study reported upon
briefly in Predicting Delinquency and Crime 1s one
being carried out in Strasbourg,France, by Professor
Jacques Léauté and several of his colleagues(Professor
Didier Anzieu,Director of the Institut de Psychologie,
Université de Strasbourg; Dr. R. Durand DeBousing,
Laboratoire de Psychologie Clinique Psychométrique,
Hopital Civile, Strasbourg; and Dr. Réné Oberlé ,
Centre d'Observation pour Garg¢ons, de Strasbourg-
Bischeim), was undertaken following a visit which
Professor Leauté made to our laboratory in Cambridge,
Massachusetts in 1957. The preliminary findings of a
pilot study of forty-six cases had indicated that 91.2
percent of them would have been correctly identified
as true juvenile offenders had the Prediction Table
been applied to them at the age of six.In a subsequent
and much larger sample, it was personally reported
to us during the summer of 1959 that similar resul ts
were obtained.A written report of this investigation
1s anticipated.
We are also able to report progress in two pros-
pective checkings of the Social Prediction Table since
the preparation of Predicting Delinquency and Crime.
One deals with the application of the Social Prediction
Table to (a) young boys at school entrance, by the
Youth Board in New York City; the other (b) to school
age boys and girls described by their teachers as
"behavior problems", by the Maximum Benefits Project
of Washington, D.C., under the auspices of the Com-
missioners' Youth Council.

(a) As regards the New York City Youth Board Project,
in a review of their cases in April, 1959, six years
after the onset of the project, 96.3 percent of 187
boys rated by the Youth Board as non-delinquents are
still non-delinquent; while of 36 boys rated as
potential delinquents,10 have already been arrested,

- 10 -

4 have exhibited persistently hostile and destructive
behavior and 9 more are beginning tomanifest destruc-
tive behavior in school.6) The investigation will
continue until the boys included are seventeen years
of age.

(b) As regards the Maximum Benefits Project,in which
the Social Prediction Table has also been applied
(Washington, D, C.) to 179 young school children, a
followup study thus far shows that 70 percent of the
children already having a police and court contact
had been previously identified by the Table as having
a very high chance of becoming juvenile offenders.
We quote from an Interim Report dated January, 1959,
prepared by Drs. C., Downing Tait, Jr., and Emory F,
Hodges (both psychoanalytic psychiatrists) and Mrs.
Nina Trevvett: T7)

"Since the average child still has 5.9 years
to go before reaching 18,and since the inci-
dence of juvenile court appearances increases
in the teen—-age group,we are inclined to think
the percentage will draw near expected levels".

6) Al though some non-delinquents are also persistently
misbehaving in school,it is to be remembered that the
Social Prediction Table has already been shown in a
study by Richard E. Thompson ("A Validation of the
Glueck Prediction Table," Journal of Criminal Law.
Criminol ogy and Police Science,Volume 43 No.4, Novem-
ber-December 1952)to distinguish,among school problem
boys, the ultimate delinquents and non-delinquents.

7) Executive Director, Commissioners' Youth Council,
Rm. 704, 1145 Nineteenth Street, N.W., Washington,
D.C., U.S.A.

- 11 -

It might alsobementioned that those predictive
tables presented in Predicting Delinquency and Crime
which relate to the behavior (during probation,on
suspended sentence,in correctional schools,on parole,
and five to fifteen years after their appearance 1in
Juvenile Court) of already adjudicated delinquents,
initially constructed from the cases of our volume
Juvenile Delinquents Grown Up,have now been success-—
fully checked on the 500 delinquents of Unraveling
Juvenile Delinquency in a sixteen year follow-up.8
They are currently being checked also in a Juvenile
Court in the State of Ohio. The Judge of this Court
has written that "in a number of instances 1 find
that the recommended treatment corresponds with my
own evaluation based on the testimony and other facts
involved",

CONTRACTION OF PREDICTIVE TABLE

We would like to report that we have been success-
ful 1n reducing the number of predictive factors 1n
the Social Prediction Table from five to three, and
even to two. Experience with the table has indicated
that 1t 1s difficult to assess the factors Affection
of Mother and of Father for Child because of the
different connotations of "affection",6as interpreted
by investigators with differing psychological back-
grounds . Those schooled in psychoanalytic psychology
tend to make interpretations that differ quite radically
from those made by workers not steeped in the Freudian
psychology.In order to avoid the obvious difficulties
of this situation, we have, through a process of
correlation of the original five-factor table with
each of the remaining three factors (Supervision by
Mother, Discipline by Father, Family Cohesiveness)

8) Predicting Delinquency and Crime, Chapter III.

- 192 -

found that a combination which does not contain the
factor of "affection" is quite as adequate for predic-
tive purposes as the five-factor table. In instances
in which the father of a child has not been part of
the family group since the boy was three years old
and there was no father-substitute,even a two-factor
table can be used; namely, Supervision of Boy by
Mother and Cohesiveness of Family.Interested readers
are asked to consult the volume Predicting Delinquency
and Crime, which contains all of these Tables. 9)
Without going into any detail, we might mention
also that we have succeeded in developing a Predictive
Table which identifies the children who are more,
rather than less, treatable by the wusual methods of
peno-correction. 10)

VISITS TO FOREIGN COUNTRIES

We have during these years received a number of
invitations to visit foreign countries in order to
deliver lectures. It has not been possible for us to
accept them, mainly because such activities distract
from our major work of research--and because there
are limitations imposed on our time by our University
schedul e. However,after considerable urging, we have
responded to an invitation extended by the Japanese
Ministry of Justice to spend a month 1in Japan to
conduct a joint seminar for some thirty specialists,
on the subject of the Prediction of Delinquency, and
to deliver a few lectures to the IFFaculties and students
of several Universities in Japan on the causation,
prediction, prevention and management of Juvenile

9) Predicting Delinquency and Crime,Appendix B, pps.
233-235.

10 )Predicting Delinquency and Crime, Appendix B, P. 244,

- 13 -

Delinquency. In addition to this,Professor Glueck is
to deliver a few lectures on the general subject of
the Criminal Law as a Sclence. ,
If plans work out as contemplated, we will hawve
returned from our Japanese trip before the meeting
of the Congress at the Hague.

MISCELLANIES

We wish to take this opportunity +to thank the
many colleagues overseas who have from time to time
sent us information about the development of interest
in prediction work in foreign countries, most parti-
cularly ,Mr .Haruo Abe of Japan,who has been a constant
and prolific source of information, Mr. Preban Wolff
of Copenhagen, Judge Wolf Middendorf of Freiburg/
Breisgau, Germany; Professor Wilhelm H.Nagel of Hol-
1and,Professor Jacques Léauté of Strasbourg,and many
others.
We wish also to express our pleasure at the
visits we have had from our overseas colleagues.
Among them in addition to Professor Léauté,have been
Professor Leon Radzinowicz of the University of Cam-
bridge, England, Dr.D.W.Pearce, Dr. J. Wilson Wheeler
of the London County Council and Dr.Hermann Mannheim;
Judge Middendorf of Germany and Professor Paul Cornil
of Belgium; Dr. P.A.H. Baan psychiatrist of Utrecht,
Holland, the Rev. Junod of South Africa, and others.
We hope that any colleagues who include the Boston
area in their visits to the United States will be 1n
touch with us, as we are always pleased to see them.

- 14 -
RESUME

Nous avons produit un bref sommaire des progres
de nos recherches et de nos projets en cours depuils
le Troiséme Congres International de Criminologie qui
en 1955 a eu lieu a Londres.
C'est que nous avons re¢u,de nos colleégues dumonde
entier, tant de demandes pour etre renseignés sur nos
travaux que nous nous sommes décidés a profiter de
cette occasion pour préparer,en vue du Quatrieme Con-
gcres International de Criminologie de La Haye, un
"Rapport sur les Progres",
Dans ce Rapport nous donnons une description de
1'état de nos études qui surveillent K jusqu'a 1'age de
32 ans. le comportement des 500 délinquants et des 500
non-délinquants de "Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency"
(Débrouillement de la criminalité juvénile) et nous
ajoutons une courte description des études nées des
materiaux de base de "UnravelingJuvenile Delinquency",
en donnant une attention spéciale aux délinquants
a-typiques.Nous faisons aussi mention des progres de
plusieurs essals faits, aux LEtats Unis et ailleurs,
pour appliquer & des cas appartenant a des catégories
différentes 1'instrument de travail développé dans
"Unraveling Juvenile Delinquency" qui,dans la litté-
rature criminologique,est connu sous la dénomination
de "Glueck Social Prediction Table".
En plus, nous donnons le résumé des traductions
de nos livres et de nos articles de revauae qui ont paru
depuis le dernier Congres et nous annexons au présent
Rapport la liste complete de nos publications depuis
le Troisieme Congres International de Criminologie de
septembre 1955.
Nous espérons qu'en plusieurs parties du monde
certains de nos collegues seront intéressés a faire des
expériences avec 1'application des"predictive devices"
comme la description en est faite dans notre dernier
volume intitulé "Predicting Delinquency and Crime"
(Surla prévision en matiere de délinquance et de crime)

=8

et nous souhaitons aussi que les collegues en visite
aux Etats Unis ne manqueront pas de comprendrelaville
de Boston dans leur itinéraire parceque nous serons
toujours tres contents de les recevoir.

- 16 -

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PUBLICATIONS BY SHELDON GLUECK
and/or Eleanor T. Glueck

SINCE THIRD INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF CRIMINOLOGY,

LONDON

September, 1955.

(Books are indicated by *)

and E. Glueck

and E. Glueck

and E. Glueck

and E. Glueck

Glueck

"Détection Anticipée des Futurs
Délinquants'",4 Nouvelle Serie,
Revue de Science Criminelle et
de Droit Pénal Comparé, (oct.-
déc.1955) pps. 639-651. Paris.

*PHY SIQUE AND DELINQUENCY, New
York,Harper and Brothers, 1956,
339 pps.

"Deteccion Anticipada de Futuros
Delincuentes" 5 Revista de
Criminologia, Vol. II (1956)
Julio-Septembrio, pps. 95-107,
Direccion general de Institutos
Penales, Montevideo, Uruguay.

"Early Detection of Future Del-
inquents", Vol .47 No.2 Journal
of Criminal Law, Criminology
and Police Science,July-August
(1956) pps. 174-182. Chicago,
I1lino1is.

"The Nature of Predictive Tech-
niques, "Salute to Youth (Boston
Conference of National Juvenile

Court Foundations, Inc., June
17-21, 1956) pps. 47-56.

6.

70

8.

9.

10,

11.

E. Glueck

S. Glueck

S. Glueck

S. Glueck

S. Glueck

E.T. Glueck

- 17 -

"The Workability of Predictive
Techniques,"Salute to Youth
(as above des cribed), pps.57-66.
(Note:both these articles were
combined under the title, Pre-
dictive Techniques in the Pre-
vention and Treatment of Del-
inquency".

"Two International Criminologic
Congresses: A Panorama", Vol.
XL No. 3-4., Mental Hygiene
(1956 ) pps. 384-405, 599-630.
Concord, N.H.

"The Sentencing Problem", Vol.
XX No. 1 FEDERAL PROBATION
QUARTERLY(Jan,1956) pps.15-25.
Washington, D.C.
(Also translated into Japanese
by Haruo Abe and Takanori Ko-
bayashi: Horitsuno Hiroba (The
Law Forum) Vol.9 No.12, Novem-
ber-December 1956,

"Mental Illness and Criminal
Responsibility", Vol. 2 No, 3
Journal of Social Therapy Oct-
Dec. (1956) New York.

"Theory and Fact in Criminology",
Vol.VII,No.2 The British Jour-
nal of Delinquency(1956)London,
pps. 92-109.

"Identifying Juvenile Delin-
quents and Neurotics", Vol. XL
No.1 Mental Hygiene,Jan.(1956)
Concord, N.H. pps. 24-43.

12,

13.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

.T. Glueck

.T. Glueck

.T. Glueck

.T. Glueck

Glueck

.T. Glueck

and E. Glueck

- 18 -

"Guideposts to Crime Preven-
tion",Family Service Highlights,
Vol .XVII, No. 6, June 1956 New
York, pps. 81-86.

"Status des ]gltudes en Prédiction
de Glueck", Revue de Science
Criminelle et de Droit Pénal
Comparé, avril-juin 1956 ,Paris.

"Status of Glueck Prediction
Studies", Vol, 47, No. 1 Jour-
nal of Criminal Law,Criminology
and Police Science (May—June
1956 ), Chicago, I111.,pps.18-32.

"Spotting Potential Del inquents:
Can It Be Done?"Vol. XX No., 3
FEDERAL PROBATION QUARTERLY,
Sept. 1956, Washington D.C.,
pps. 7-13,

"Further Comments on the Sen-
tencing Problem", Vol .XXI No.4
FEDERAL PROBATION QUARTERLY
(Dec.1957) Washington,D.C. pps.
47-54,

"Directives pour la Prévention
du Crime", Vol. XI No, 2 Revue
Internationale de Criminologie
et de Police Technique.Geneve,
Suisse avril-juin (1957) pps.
77-87,

"Working Mothers and Delin-
quency", Vol. 41 No. 3 Mental
Hygiene (July 1957) Concord,
N.H. pps. 327-352.

19.

20 .

21.

22.

23.

and E. Glueck

Glueck

Glueck

Glueck

Glueck

24, E.T. Glueck

- 19 -

"Les Rapports entre les Caracté-
ristiques Physiques et la Dé1-
inquance", 1 Nouvelle Série,
Revue de Science Criminelle et
de Droit Pénal Comparé(janvier
mars 1957), Paris, pps. 73-83.

"Predictive Devices and the In-
dividualization of Justice",
Vol. 23 No. 3 Law and Contem-
porary Problems(1958)Duke Univ.
School of Law, Durham, No.
Carolina, pps. 461-476.

"Internationellt om Ungdoms-
brottslighet", Jurist Nytt ,No-
vember (1958) p. 292,

"Techniques de la Prévision et
le Traitement de 1a Délinquance,
Vol .XII No.4 Revue Internatio-

nale de Criminologie et de Po-

lice Technique (oct.-déc.1958)
Geneve, Suisse, prps. 241-247.

Introduction to ALEXANDER MA-
CONOCHIE OF NORFOLK ISLAND(by
JusticedJ.V.Barry of the Supreme
Court of Victoria, Melbourne,
Australia) Melbourne, Oxford
Univ. Press, (1958) 277 pps.

"La Conformation Somatique dans
laPrévisiondela Délinquance",
Nouvelle Série 1 Revue de Science

Criminelle et de Droit Pénal

Comparé (janvier-mars, 1958)
Paris, pps. 81-85.

25. E.T. Glueck

26. S.

27, S,

and E. Glueck

Glueck

Editor

28, S.

and E. Glueck

- 90 -

"Body Build 1in the Prediction
of Delinquency", Vol.48, No. 6
Journal of Criminal Law, Crim-

inology and Police Science(Mar-
Apr 1958) pps. 3(7=-519.

"Predictive Devices 1in Aid of
the Clinician", in HOMMAGE A
GEORGES HEUYER, Jubilee Volume
edited by Dr. J.L. Lang of the
Association Régionale de Paris
pour 1l a Sauvegarde de 1'Enfance
et de 1'Adolescence (1959 )
Presses Universitaires de Fran-
ce, 108, Blvd., de St. Germain,
Paris VIe.

¥ THE PROBLEM OF DELINQUENCY ,
Boston,Massachusetts Houghton-
Mifflin Company, (1959)1183 pps.

¥ PREDICTING DELINQUENCY AND
CRIME, Cambridge,Massachusetts,
Harvard University Press, 1959,
Introduction by the Chief Jus-
tice of the United States. Earl
Warren. 283 pps.

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS

_ THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

M

CRIMINAL LAWS AND CODES OF PROCEDURES
DEALING WITH NORMAL JUVENILE
DELINQUENTS,IN THE NEAR
~ EAST ARAB STATES

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands).

CRIMINAL LAWS AND CODES OF PROCEDURES DEALING
WITH NORMAL JUVENILE DELINQUENTS
IN THE NEAR EAST ARAB STATES

A COMPARATIVE STUDY

by
Professor Mohamed Mazhar Said

Dean of Psychology and Sociology,
The Egyptian Ministry of Education;
Professor of Educational Psychology,
The Azhar University;
Professor of Criminal Psychology.
Police College; and
Expert Cultural and Social Adviser
to the Arab States League.

Foreword:

In 1956, the Social Administration of the Secre-
tariat General of the Arab States League at Cairo,
formul ated and forwarded to the concerned authorities
of the Arab States in the Middle East region,a questi-
onnaire about the Criminal Laws and Codes of Procedu-
res, enacted or contemplated, dealing with normal
juvenile delinquents.
The comparative study of the answers received
from Egypt,Iraq,Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi-Arabia, Syria
and Yemen, shows that all these States have special
criminal laws and codes of procedures, except Saudi
Arabia and Yemen,who religiously follow the dictates
of the Koran and Islamic Legislation.
Panels of legislators, psychobgists,sociologists,
educationalists, medical specialists,police officers
and social workers were charged to formulate new 1aws
and codes and amend the old ones.

- 9 -

Categories of delinquents:

Delinquents are generally divided into three ca-
tegories:

a. children who are presumed to be incapable of com-
mitting a crime,unless 1t can be proved by evi-
dence of precocity that they must have known that what
they were doing was wrong.

b. young persons who are tried in special juvenile
courts and are liable to more severe treatment,

C. adul ts who may be tried in adult courts,with some
restrictions upon the courts in dealing with them.

Children under 7 cannot commit a crime,no matter

how they try. nor can be guilty of any offence, and
consequently are not included in these categories.,

Delinquency age:

1. Delinquency age ranges from 7 - 18 years. Key
ages,in the criminal laws are 7 (9), 12, 15, 17
(18). The age limits of each category differ from one
country to another, as shown in the following table:

Country D. age Cat. a Cat.b Cat.c
Egypt 7 - 17 7 - 12 12 - 195 15 - 17
Iraq 7 - 18 " " 15 - 18
Jordan 9 - 18 9 - 13 13 - 15 "
Lebanon 7 - 18 7 - 12 12 - 15 "
Saudi-Arabia - till maturity ——————- -
Syria 7 - 18 7T - 12 12 - 15 15 - 18

Yemen 12 - 18 —_— R ——

Definitions:

1. The juvenile delinquent is usually defined as
any minor person,male or female,under a certain
age,who 1s convicted for committing a crime, felony,
misdemeanour or any other indictable offence, but
treated 1n a special manner prescribed by law,accor-
ding to his age category and circumstances.

2. In Egypt, Iraq, Lebanon and Syria, an adult ot
15- 17 or 18 years could be indicted and convi c-
ted under special regulations,yet juveniles under 17
are legally considered as irresponsible for any offence
committed, and hence could not be criminally penalised.
In Saudi-Arabia and Yemen they are tried,but acquitted
1f proved incapable of discrimination between right
and wrong, according to the discretion of the judge.

3. In Jordan, a minor under 15,in need of care and
protection,is considered as a delinquent juvenile,
if 1t could be proved that:

a. heis addicted to alcohol,a habitual offender,
or under custody of a bad parent or guardian.

b. habitually keeping company of a prostitute or
a thief.

c. living inabrothel,or with a woman other than
his/hermother,or subject to indecent practices
leading to prostitution or homosexuality.

: Juveniles under 15 are tried at special juvenile
courts,even if they were accomplices in offences
committed by adults,.
In Jordan, adults over 15 (to 18) may be tried
at adult courts’and assizes,subject to the authorities
discretions, with certain restrictions.

9., The law of evidence applies in juvenile courts
as in all criminal courts, and in general the
usual procedure is followed,subject to certain modi-
fications,

Procedure:

1. Procedures of trial differ slightly from one
country to another.
In Egypt,all procedures are undertaken by a ju-
venile court, presided by awell chosen competent judge,
male or female,who has jurisdiction to deal with all
offences of juveniles of all categories. The judge
must have studied courses of child psychology.socio-
logy and principles of education. and have had a
thorough training in juvenile - treatment, added to
being a graduate of the Faculty of Law, with several
years practice at the bar or the bench.
In Syria,cases are tried at the juvenile court,
yet judgment is passed by a magistrate in misdemea-
nours,and by the chief justice of the primary assizes
1in all other offences.
In Lebanon, the magistrate deals with misdemea-
nours, the appointed primary assizes judge with felo-
nies and the chamber of assizes with crimes.
In Jordan,the court is presided by a magistrate
or a primary assizes judge as the case may be.

2., The district attorney submits the case to the
juvenile court,on receiving a police or a c.1i.d.
report, or a petition from the parent, guardian or
any other complalning party.

3. Preliminary investigations are undertaken by a
panel of experts,including a psychologist, neu-
rologist, sociologist,educationalist, social worker,
barrister and a medical expert. The final report 1is
submitted to the judge, but its recommendations are
not binding.

4. During trial the juvenile is kept in a special
institution, or set free on parole or bail, in
custody of his parent or guardian,but never in prison
or police confinement quarters.

S . A council for defence may be briefed by the de-

-5 -

fendant or the court,especially in cases of felony or
crime, Fees are paid by the defendant's parent or
guardian, or by the government in case of poverty.

6. The juvenile court must sit in camera, and the
hearing must be virtually in private,

7, Many States take certain measures to protect the
integrity of the accused juvenile. The procee-
dings must not reveal the name, address or any other
personal information that may lead to the indenti 'i-
cation of the juvenile concerned in the proceedings |,
either as defendant or witness. Before judgment,
nothing could be published or exposed, by any means
of publication or exposition.
In Egypt and Lebanon, no person is allowed to
attend the trial,other than the juvenile, his parent
or guardian, council for defence, witnesses, repre-
sentatives of the panel and the authorized social in-
stitutions and the concerned employees of the Ministry
of Social affairs attached to the court.The juvenile
court is virtually closed to press-reporters and the
public.
In Jordan,any person violating these regulations
1s liable to a fine of 25 dinars.

8. Witnesses, except parents, give evidence wunder
oath, The Egyptian Law allows the parent or
guardian to assist the juvenile 1in conducting his
case, including the cross-examination of withesses
for the prosecution, and the juvenile has the same
right. The parent or guardian also has the right ¢ to
refuse giving evidence against his child, unless he
1s the claimant or injured party. According to 1aw,
heis legally incompetent to give evidence for prose-
cution,against the child or his accomplice,and shall
not be asked to,unless he is the injured party.Judg-
ment shall not be based on the child's evidence, 1f
not given under oath,unless evidence is corroborated
by other evidence.

-6 .-

In Lebanon and Syria, the court shall not refuse
or repudiate the parent's evidence, if he chooses to
give it.The judge may not hear the juvenile, and may
order him to leave the court 1f he finds the evidence
of the parent the guardianor the council for defence,
quite sufficient.
In Jordan. the law holds the parent or guardian
responsible. 1f the juvenile commits certain offences,
but 1n Egypt Lebanon and Syria,he may be responsible
for negligence, but not criminally punishable.

Penalties:

1. Children and young persons are not criminally
penal 1Zed.The terms "conviction" and "sentence"
are not used in relation to them.Any reference in any
enactment,to conviction or sentence., is so construed
asmerely 1ncluding a reference to a person found guilty
of an offence.A sentence of imprisonment passed on a
juvenile delinquent 1s not considered as a retributive
penal ty,but merely as a form of confinement in custody
of the parent. guardian or certain authorized proper
reformatories, homes or institutions, to create a
heal thier atmosphere and ensure reform and rehabilita-
tion .

2. Adults, from 15 to 17 or 18, on the other hand,
could be indicted and convicted,but under special
regul ations,
In Egypt, sentence of death or penal servitude
could not be passed on juveniles under 17. Juveniles
between 15 - 17, committing capital crimes, may be
imprisoned for not more than ten years.Juveniles be-
tween 12 - 15 are confined for a period not exceeding
one third of that prescribed for adul ts.
In Iraq,sentence of death or penal servitude, on
a delinquent adult 15 - 18, 1s replaced by imprison-
ment for not more than 15 years, and juveniles from
7 — 15 serve one third of the prescribed period.

-7 =

In Jordan, the maximum punishment for a juvenile

12 - 18 1s five years imprisonment, and in certain
cases for 1/4 or 1/2 the penalty prescribed for adults.
In Lebanon and Syria, juveniles between 15 - 18

may be punished by hard 1labour for a period 5 - 10
years for crimes punishable by death or penal servi-
tude, and 1 - 3 years imprisonment for other crimes,
one thirdof the prescribed term for felonies and one
half for misdemeanour.

Treatment of Juvenile Delinquents:

1. The juvenile courts have +the right +to punish
delinquents,under certain restriction yet they
resort to a variety of measures that may help to re-
form and rehabilitate the young offender such as re-
moving him from his undesirable surroundings. and
securing hls proper education and training.0ffenders
may be placed on probation,or in custody or discharged
conditionally or absolutely. Instead of prisons they
may be detained in a remand home, a reformatory or a
social institution.

2. In Egypt, the judge may put the juvenile from
7 - 12 under the custody of his parent or any
other fit person,if there is no one amongst his kin,
who will be solely responsible for his conduct. and
be penalized if the juvenile,under his care, commits
another offence within a year.In cases of young per-
sons, 12 - 15. the parent or guardian is 1liable to
be fined for juvenile's offences, at the rate of 1/2
pound for a misdemeanour, 2 pounds for a felony and
4 pounds for a crime.
In Jordan, the delinquent juvenile may be put
under the custody of a probation officer,even if the
parent or guardian vouches to take good care of him,
or any other institution; or the juvenile may be set
free 1f the judge is convinced that the juvenile could
not cope with the surrounding circumstances.Probation

- 8 -

period extends from 3 - 12 months, If the juvenile
violates the terms of probation,he becomes liable to
a fine not exceeding 10 dinars,plus a further period
of probation.,
In Lebanon and Syria,the custodian of the juvenile,
from 7 - 15,1is liable to a fine ranging from 10 - 50
liras, if the juvenile commits another offence.
In Saudi-Arabia and Yemen a juvenile under 14.
could not be sent to prison, but remains under the
custody of his parent or guardian,or any other rela-
tive over 30 years old, if the parent is unfit,

3. Parents may be ordered to deposit a certain sum
of money as security or bail, to be seized if
the juvenile commits another offence.

4, Fines are imposed upon parents or guardians merely
as ameans to make them aware of their responsi-
bility and as a penal measure if they fail.They also
have to compensate the injured party.Failing to pay
fines or damages,they are liable to imprisonment for
a term not exceeding 12 months in Lebanon and Syria, 6
months in Iraq, and 91 days in Jordan,

9. Adoption of juveniles by families of repute 1is
permissible in Lebanon and Syria.InLebanon chris-
tian female orphans are sent to a nunnery,and moslems
to a charity institution or an orphanage.

6. Corporal punishment was abolishedin all the Sta-
tes,except Iraq,where a juvenile under 16, con-
victed for any crime other than those punishable by
death or penal servitude, may be punished by whip-
lashes up to 25,

Reformatories

1. There are two kinds of reformatories:

a. Government penal reformatoriesinall States,

-9 -

b. Government and non-government reform insti-
tutions in Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria.

2., In Egypt, a juvenile, from 7 - 12, committing a
misdemeanour may be sent to a charity institution
for a week, if necessary, or to the model farm at
Al exandria. Juveniles, from 7 - 15, committing a fe-
lony or a crime, are sent to any of the four refor-
matories, run by the Police department. The per-od
of confinement does not exceed 5 years, or until he
delinquent reaches 18,o0or is set free for good conduct.
In Jordan, the period is three years, or until
the male delinquent reaches the age of 15. and the
female may remain under certain conditions till 18.
In Lebanon and Syria,delinquents are confined in
reformatories till 18, if proved incorrigible,.

3. Delinquents are thoroughly examined, psychologi-
cally,socially and medically, before admittance
to reformatories. There. they receive a fair amount
of school education,vocational and physical training.
Services and amenities are ample. Correspondence and
visits are permissible.
In Egypt they spend a month's yearly vacation
amongst their faiilies, and are allowed to see them
once a week and on special festivals and official
holidays. In Lebanon they are allowed 2 or 3 days
holiday every 3 months, and may visit their families
on special occasions if their conduct is satisfactory.
The other States do not allow such privileges.

4. Corrective measures adopted by Government refor-
matories are:

a. reprimand

b, deprivation of certain amenities and privi-
leges, such as games and cinema

c. solitary confinement for a certain period 1n
violent cases.

- 10 -

de The money they earn from their work in the re-
formatory 1s deposited to their account, and
handed over to them, when set free, or 1invested 1in
some profitable enterprise,

6. In Egypt there is a placement bureau for the
juveniles who served their terms. Work is found
for them,in the reformatories themselves,or in other
government and private concerns. It is noteworthy
that the majority of delinquents remain faithfully
attached to their reformatories and institutions.

- 11 -

RESUME

1. ,'Egypte, 1'Irak, la Jordanie. le Liban et la
Syrie ont des 1lois criminelles et des codes de
procédure spécialement rédigés en vue des jeunes dé-
linquants et récemment amendés ou promul gués.
La Saoudie Arabie et l1e Yemen observent consciencieuse-
ment les prescriptions du Coranet la léegislation :s-
lamique.

2, Ces lois ont été formulées en des "discussions-
panel" comprenant des experts représentant tous
les organismes des secteurs de la 1legislation pour
enfants, de la pédologie et de la puéricul ture.

3. L'age des délinquants juvéniles estde 7 a 18 ans,
Les ages—clefs sont:'7(9), 12, 15, 17 (18) ans,
Seulement les enfants demoins de 7 ans sont exemptes.

4. Les jeunes delinquants sont répartis sur trois
catégories:
les enfants: de 7 (9) & 12 (13) ans;
les jeunes personnes: de 12 (13) a 15 ans;
c. les adolescents: de 15 a 17 ou 18 ans.

o e

5. Les jeunes de moins de 17 ans sont léegalement
considerés comme étant des individus irresponsa-
bles et pour cette raison ils ne peuvent pas etre
punis criminellement, mais ils sont jugés et traités
d'apres des regles spéciales prescrites par la Loi.
Les adolescents peuvent @tre poursuivis et condamnés
suivant une réglementation speciale.

6. Les procédures de jugement ne different d'un
pays & 1'autre. En Egypte, en Jordanie,au Liban
et en Syrie, tous les delits commis par des jeunes
sont jugés par des cours spéciales pour 1les jeunes
délinquants qui sont présidees par des juges choilsis
et formées spécialement pour traiter les affaires ou

- 12 -

sont impliquésles jeunes;avant d'@tre jugés certains
cas sont soumis & un "panel" d'experts a fin d'études
et de recherches,
En plus,la cour siege en chambre fermée aux reporters
de 1a presse et au public. Certaines mesures sont
prises dans le but de proteger 1'intégrité des jeunes
accusés et aucune information n'est donnée ou publiée
pouvant conduire a leur identification.,
L'Irak, la Saoudi Arabie et le Yémen ne suivent pas
la méme ligne de conduite,

7. Les jeunes condamnés de moins de 15 ans sont
placés sous la tutelle d'un parent gardienou de
quel que autre personne capable, ou bien sont diriges
vers quel que malison gouvemementale d'éducation ou vers
une institution sociale autorisée, ou encore sont
libérés sur parole ou sur caution.

8. La peine de deétention pour cause de délit ou de
crime ne depasse pasla durée de 5 années ou dure
jusgu' au jour ou le jeune atteint 1'age de 18 ans.
En Jordanie on connait un systeéme de sursis et au
Liban et en Syrie, les jeunes sont examinés a fond
et sérieusement soignés avant d'etre admis a une maison
d'education ou ils regoivent une bonne part d'éducation
scolaire,de formation professionnelle et d'entraine-
ment physique et ou leur sont accordés certains privi-
leges et des complaisances.

9. Les adolescents peuvent etre condamnés a une
peine d'emprisonnement d'une durée de 15 années
au maximum pour des crimes punissables de 1la peine
capitale oudes travaux forcés et d'une durée moindre
pour d'autres crimes,

10, En Egypte 1les jeunes sont salariés pour leur
travail accompli dans les maisons d'éducation et
11 y existe un bureau de placement au service de ceux
qul ont purgé leur peine ou qui ont été libérés pour
cause de bonne conduite.

QUATRIEME CONGRES INTERNATIONAI DE
CRIMINOILOGIE

- LA HAYE 1960 -

TRAVAUX PREPARATOIRES

M

EVOLUTION EN DROIT PENAL YOUGOSLAVE
DES DIFFERENTES SOLUTIONS RELATIVES
AUX DELINQUANTS MENTALEMENT
ANORMAUX

Scerétaniat du Gongres, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,

[.a Haye (Pays - Bas)

EVOLUTION EN DROIT PENAL YOUGOSLAVE DES DIFFERENTES
SOLUTIONS RELATIVES AUX DELINQUANTS MENTALEMENT
ANORMAUX

Par dr Janko Dj, Tahovieég,
prof. de droit criminel a la Faculte
de Droit de Belgrade. Yougoslavie,

I. L'evolution du droit pénal yougoslave en ce qui
concerne les delinquants mentalement anormaux etait,
pour ainsi dire, analogue a 1'evolution de cette
question dans les autres pays europeens., Ainsi, deja
dans le droit du Moyen-Age. on considerait que les
delinquants mentalement anormaux ne pouvaient etre
responsables, de meéme ne pouvaient étre punis., Mals,
comme d'aill eurs partout a cette epoque le traitement
des delinquants mental ement anormaux n'etait pas regle
par des dispositions du droit penal, Le soin des de-
linquants mentalement anormaux, ainsi que le soiln
d'autres personnes mentalement anormales, etait 1le
devolr d autres organismes sociaux,par exemple. celui
de 1'eglise, des organes administratifs locaux., etec,
Naturellement. on trouve dans cette periode de meéme
les exemples d'accusations pour 1la possession de-
moniaque ou démonomanie.Mais on peut dire que dans le
droit yougoslave les proces de démonomanie n'étaient
pas aussi nombreux que dans les autres pays européens
de cette epoque.
Au cours du dix-septieme et dix-huitieme siecle
la situationdes delinquants mental ement mal ades était
la méme, quoique le droit pénal de ce temps ait ete
déja influencé par les idées humanitaires , surtout
dans le dix- huitieme siecle,

II. On peut citer comme premieres lois contenant un
systeme de dispositions concernant les délinquants
mental ement anormaux, le code pénal de la Principauté

- 92 o

Gt

de Serbie de 1360, et le code de procedure judiciaire
pour les crimes et delits de 1356, D'apres 1'article
53 de ce code penal, il n'y a ni1 crime ni delit si
1'auteur au temps de la perpetration de 1'infraction
est fou ou prive de volonte libre, D'apres 1'article
67 du code de procedure judiciaire, lorsqu'au cours
de la proceédure, 1'imputabilité de 1'auteur de 1'in-
fraction est mise en question, la cour doit ordonner
un examen de 1'etat mental de 1'auteur de 1'infraction
de la part de deux medecins. Si les medecins consta-
tent que 1'auteur de 1'infraction est mentalement
mal ade,1ls doivent determiner la nature de la maladie
et sa duree, ensuite, si 1 infraction a eté commise
dans etat de +trouble mental. Dans ce cas 1la cour
prononce un jugement d'acquittement a cause de non-
imputabilite. Cependant, cette legislation ne con-
naissait pas encore des mesures de stireté, de meéme
elle ne prévoyait pas la mesure de placement du dé-
linquant mentalement anormal dans un établissement
pénitentiaire de garde ou de traitement. Par consé-
quent, le traitement des delinquants mentalement
anormaux dans cette phase était analogue au traitement
d'autres personnes mentalement anormales.c'est adire
s'1l s'agit de personnes dangereuses pour leur en-
tourage, on peut 1les placer dans un établissement
sanitaire ordinalre pour les personnes mentalement
mal ades.

IIT. Un systeme complet de dispositions relatives aux
delinquantsmental ement anormaux se trouve dans le Code
pénal yougoslave de 1929, et le Code de procédure
judiciaire pénale de 1la meme année. Tout d'abord
l'article 22 du Code pénal détermine les causes de
non-imputabilité. Ainsi, d'apres cette disposition,
n'est pas pénalement responsable la personne qui @au
temps de 1a perpétration d'une infractionne possédait
pas la faculté de comprendre la nature et la portée de
son acte ou de régler sa conduite a raison d'un état
d'aliénation mentale, de trouble mental, de non-

- 3 -

développement mental ou de débilité intellectuelle.
A part 1'état de non-imputabilité complete, le Code
prévoit aussi 1'état d'imputabilité essentiellement"
diminuée qui existe lorsqu'a raison de 1'un des états
mentionnés, la faculté de comprendrelanature et la
portée de son acte ou de régler sa conduite, est
essentiellement diminuee au temps de la perpétration
du délit.L'auteur du délit commis dans 1'état de non-
imputabilité complete,n'est pas pénalement responsa-—
ble,par conséquent il n'est pas puni et envers lui ne
peuvent ®tre appliquées que 1les mesures de sfretée,
L'auteur du délit commis dans 1'état d'imputabilité
diminuée est pénalement responsable,il est puni,mais
le juge peut atténuer la peine et appliquer envers lui
a part la peine, des mesures de sfireté, L'article 53
prévoit les mesures de sureté applicables aux delin-
quants mental ement anormaux, soit envers les auteurs
a non-imputabilité complete soit envers les auteurs
a imputabilité diminuée. Le Code connait deux genres
de mesures de slUreté: la surveillance protégée et le
placement dans un établissement de garde ou de traite-
ment.La durée du séjour du condamné 4 responsabilité
diminuée dans 1'établissement de garde ou ‘de traite-
ment est imputée sur la durée de la peine privative de
liberté.Le Code de procédure judiciaire pénale prévoit
des dispositions relatives au procédé de fixation de,
non-imputabilité et toutes les autres dispositions
concernant le traitement des délinquants mental ement,
anormaux devantla cour pénale. Le mode d'application
des mesures de sfireté est reglé par les dispositions.
prévues dansla loi sur 1'exécution des peines et des
mesures de sfireté.

IV. Le nouveau Code pénal yougoslave de 1951 et 1le
Code de procédure pénale de 1653, prévoient de meéme
un systeme complet de dispositions relatives aux dé-
linquants mental ement anormaux.Ce systeme est pareil
au systeme prévue dans lalégislation de 1529, quoique
un peu modifié. Les causes de non-imputabilité sont

- 4 -

prévues dans 1'article 6 du Code pénal, et ce sont:
l1'aliénation mentale permanente ou temporaire,le trou
ble mental temporaire et le développement retardé,
L'auteur d'une infractionn'est pas pénal ement responsa-
ble si, a raison de 1'un de ces états, ne possedait
pas la faculte de comprendre la portée de son acte. ou
de régler sa conduite,Si,au moment de la perpétratioq
de 1'infraction, le délinquant, a raison de 1'un des
etats mentionnés, possédait une facul te essentielle-
ment diminuée de comprendre la portée de son acte ou
de regler sa conduite, le tribunal peut atténuer la
peine.Par conséquent, ce Code connait de méme a payt
1°état de non-imputabilitée complete, et 1'état d' im-
putabilité diminuée.Les mesures de sureté applicables
aux délinquantsmental ement anormaux sont prevues dans
1'article 61 du Code pénal .D'apres cette disposition,
lorsque le tribunal a constaté que 1'auteur a commis_
1'infraction dans 1'état de non-imputabilité ou dans
1'etat d'imputabilite diminuée et qu'il est dangereux
~pour son entourage,il peut ordonner son placement dans
un asile d'alienés ou dans un autre établissement de
garde et de traitement. La duree du séjour dans cet
etablissement de garde et de traitement n'est pas fixee
et le tribunal est autorisé d'ordonner 1'élarcissement
del'interne des qu'il a constate que le prolongement du
sejour dans 1'établissement n'est plus nécessaire., La
durée du sejour du condamné a imputabilité diminuée
dans 1'etablissement de mesure de surete est imputé
sur 1a durée de lapeine privative de liberté. L'article
6la prévoit deméme comme mesure de sureté le traite-
ment obligatoire des alcooliques et des narcomanes,
Le Code de procédure pénale consacre un chapitre
particulier a la procedure d'application des mesures
de siirete.notamment les articles de 436 a 443, En ce
qui concerne les delinquants mental ement anormaux,la
loi prévoit les dispositions ci-apres.Si 1'inculpe a
commis 1'infraction dans1'état d'aliénation mentale,
le procureur public peut proposer au tribunal, s'1il
juge que 1l'auteur de 1'infraction est dangereux pour

-5 -

son entourage, de le diriger dans un établissement
d'alienes ou dans un autre éetablissement de garde et
de traitement. Si 1'inculpé se trouve en etat de
detention d'instruction oude détention d'enquéte, 1l
n'est pas remis enliberte; il est placé provisoirement
dans un établissement de garde et de traitement ou
dans un autre endroit convenable jusqu'a la fin de
la procédure d'application des mesures de stirete,C'est
le tribunal pourle jugement en premiere instance qui
décide. apres tenue d'une audience, de 1'application
de lamesure de sureté,de placement dans un établisse-
ment d'alienes ou dans un établissement de garde et
de traitement.Outre les personnes dont la convocation
~a 1'audience est de rigueur,on convoque également des
meédecins-experts. autant que possible des psychiatres,
L'inculpée est convoqué de méme si son état est tel
qu'il puisse assister a 1'audience.Le conjoint marital
de 1'inculpé, ses parents ou son tuteur sont informés
de 1'audience. Le tribunal base sa decision sur 1le
placement dans un établissement de mesures de surete
sur les preuves apportées et tenant compte del'opinion
des personnes convoquees et des conclusions des experts,
Toutes | es personnes qui jouissent du droit d'en appeler
du jugement peuvent introduire un recours contre
1 arrét du tribunal sur 1'application de cette mesure
de surete. La méme procédure est pratiquee lorsqu' il
s'agit de 1'applicationdu placement dans un é¢tablis-
sement de traitement & 1'égard des delinquants a
imputabilité diminuee. L'arret relatif au placement
dans un établissement d'aliénés ou dans un etablisse-
ment de garde ou de traitement doit etre communiqué
au tribunal qui est compétent pour décider de la
privation de la capacité juridique et a 1'organe de
tutelle. Le tribunal qui a rendu 1l'arret relatif a
l1'envoi de 1'inculpe dans 1'établissement, agissant
sur la proposition du directeur de 1'établissement ou
de 1'organe de tutelle et apres avoir entendu le
procureur public, rend un arrét d'élargissement de
1'établissement lorsqu'il estime,se basant sur 1'avis

- 6 -

des médecins, qu'il est inutile de poursuivre le
traitement ou la garde de 1'inculpé.
Les dispositions relatives & 1'exécution des
mesures de sireté envers les délinquants mental ement
anormaux sont prévues danslaloi sur 1'exécution des
peines,des mesures de sfireté et des mesures d'éduca-
tion,notamment dans les articles 178 & 189. La mesure
de placement dans un établissement de garde ou de
traitement, est exécutée soit dans un établissement
spécial de ce genre soit dans un établissement commun
pour les personnes mentalement anormales.Ce sont les
delinquants qui souffrent d'une aliénation mentale
permanente et qui1 sont continuellement dangereux pour
leur entourage qui sont places dans un établissement
spécial. Dans ces établissements les plus nouvelles
méthodes de traitement sont appliquées envers les
délinquants mentalement anormaux. La restriction de
la 1liberté dans ces établissements est appliquée
seulement tant qu'elle est nécessaire pourla garde et
pour le traitement de ces délinquants. La mesure de
traitement obligatoire des délinquants alcooliques et
narcomanes est appliquée soit dans une section spéciale
d'établissement penitentiaire soit dans 1'établi ssement
de garde et de traitement.

vV, En ce qui concerne les méthodes d'examen et de
traitement,dans les établissementsou les deélinquants
mental ement anormaux sont placés, les deux méthodes,
médico-psychologique et sociologique sont pratiquées.
Un dossier particulier existe pour tout délinquant et
contient toutes les données biologico-psychologiques
et sociologiques relatives a sapersonalitéet sa vie.
Toute personne ou tout organe engagé dans le traitement
des delinquants mentalement anormaux est obligé de
rassembler toutesles données sociologiques concernant
lavie du délinquant.Par exemple,les données relatives
4 son origine, & sa famille et & tous les stades de
son évolution., L'attention est particulitrement
consacrée aux détails qui sont les plus intéressants

-7 -

et décisifs dans la formation de la personalité, dans
le sens biologico-psychologique et sociologique., Par
exempl e, toutes les maladies et anomalies, organlques
et mentales, des ascendants et des parents du delin-
quant, les maladies et anomalies, organiques et men-
tales, dans la famille, et naturellement de meme
délinquant; ensuite, toutes les passions et inclinations
nuisibles,dans la famille et chez le délinquant, par
exemple, 1'alcoolisme, la narcomanie. les anomalies
et les perversitésdela vie sexuelle, etc. Le but de
cet examen sont aussi les facteurs sociaux dans
1'evolution de lapersonalité du délinquant,par exemple,
l'origine sociale des parents, leur profession et
occupation.,les conditionsmatérielles dans la fami lle,
les conditions d'éducation dans la famille,1l'éducation
scolaire et professionelle du délinquant,etc.;ensuite,
les environs et les circuits sociaux ou le délinquant
a passé le plus son enfance et son adolescence, ses
amusements et jeux préférés, ses inclinations pour
s'associer ou pour s'isoler, et tous les détails qui
peuvent découvrir et expliquer 1'évolution et 1'état
actuel de défaut de sens moral et social.
En ce qui concerne le traitement médico-psychia-
trique, envers les délinquants mentalement anormaux,
on pratique toutes les méthodes aijourd'hui connues.

SUMMARY

Yugoslav Criminal Law concerning mentally ab-—
normal delinquents similarly to the evolution of the
same problem in other European countries, has passed
through different phases.The idea of non-responsibility
and non-punishment of mentally abnormal delinquents
was known already 1in the Middle Ages but until the
beginning of the nineteenth century,the treatment of
mentally abnormal delinquents was not regulated by

- 8 -

prescriptions of criminal law,
Criminal Code of 1860 and Code of criminal proce-
dure of 1856 promulgated in the Principality of
Serbia, were the first acts containing a system of
prescriptions relating tomentally abnormal delinquents.
But to thislegislationwere still unknown the measures
of security applied to thementally abnormal del inquents,
Therefore the treatment of these delinquents at this
time was 1like the one applied to other mentally
abnormal persons,
A complete system of prescriptions concerning
mentally abnormal delinquents was established in the
Yugoslav Criminal Code of 1929, and in the Code of
criminal procedure of the same year, Beside the
prescriptions pertaining to causes of non-imputability,
this legislation regulated the entire treatment of
mentally abnormal delinquents, and provided the
measures of security applied to these delinquents, The
measures of security of this kind were: protective
supervision and sending to institutions for custody
and medical treatment,
The new Yugoslav Criminal Code of 1951 and the
Code of Criminal Procedure of 1953, provide in the
same way a complete systemof prescriptions concerning
mentally abnormal delinquents, which is a similar
system to that of 1929 but with some modifications.
Beside the complete non-imputability, the Code
knows also the state of reduced imputability. The
measure of security of sending to institutions for
custody and medical treatment 1s applied to thementally
abnormal delinquents,The prescriptions pertaining to
execution of this measure of security are provided in
the Code of execution of punishments; of measures of
security and of measures of education. The measure of
sending to institutions for custody andmedical treat-
ment 1s executed either in a special establishment or
in ordinary establishments for the mentally, abnormal
persons, Those delinquents that suffer of a lasting
mental disease and are constantly dangerous for their

-9 -

surroundings are sent to the above-mentioned special
establishments.
Concerning the examination and treatment methods,
in the institutions for mentally abnormal delinquents,
both medico-psychological and sociological methods
are applied. For each delinquent exists a special
dossier containing all records-biologico-psychological
and sociological-relative to his origin, evolution
and 1life. These details are recorded from the first
day of criminal procedure against thementally abnormal
delinquent till the end of the treatment., Concerning
themedico-psychiatrical treatment of mentally abnormal
delinquents, all methods today known are practiced.

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAIL CONGRESS

~ THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

M

PREDICTION STUDIES AND PERSONALITY
FACTORS

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands).

PREDICTION STUDIES AND PERSONALITY FACTORS

by

Allen A.Bartholomem, M.B.,B.S.,
(Lond.); D,P.M.(Lond).
Psychiatrist in Charge, Psychiatric Clinic,
Pentridge Prison, Melbourne, Victoria

There would appear to be an increasing interest
in the subject of Prediction Studies and the compiling
of prediction (or experience) tables. The earlier
history of this subject has been well summarised by
Mannheim and Wilkins (1955) in their book "Prediction
Methods in Relation to Borstal Training". Apart from
this English work, the pioneering studies of the
Gluecks over the last 35 years are particularly well
known and need no further comment.
It 1s by no means unknown for some workers,even
in the field of criminology, to feel critical of
such a technique,contending that it is purely mathe-
matical and devoid of humanity. This is not so, any
more than 1s the actuarial approach regarding continued
health and 11fe made by any insurance company.Further,
it has to be recognized that nearly every sentence
passed by a Judge or a Magistrate is in reality a
sentence that is based upon some individualized perso-
nal prediction (experience) table. These personal
tables,however, are never tested objectively and are
often a reflection of great bias and prejudice. The
discrepancy between any two sets of these personal
tables can be seen without effort in the markedly
different punishments imposed on almost identical
offenders by different Judges and different Courts.
A possible reason for the feeling that prediction
tables are not satisfactory as a method of dealing
with human beings is that a number of the tables (one
of the best known being the Social Prediction Table
of the Gluecks) are exclusively concerned with the
environment and appear to 1ignore the 1individual

completely. It must, however, be recognized that the
Gluecks,when considering delinquency, prepared three
tables based upon (1) social factors; (2) a psychia-
tric assessment and (3) responses derived from the
Rorschach Test. Whilst the Gluecks (1956) have pro-
duced evidence that prediction is improved if all
three tables are used itis pointed out (Glueck 1959)
that no one yet has adequately investigated the tables
based upon psychiatric and Rorschach data. Further,
it needs to be remembered that the Gluecks (Glueck
1956 ) have produced a number of . K perhaps lesser known.
prediction tables that 1include data regarding the
personalilty:mental abnormality,intelligence, physical
condition etc,
A large number of these tables are set out in
"Criminal Careers in Retrospect" (Glueck and Glueck
1943) .
Not only are prediction studies coming to the
fore 1in criminological research and as a predictive
technique used by such as Parole Boards, but it 1is
interesting to note that such work has,to some extent,
inspired political activity as regards initiating
social legislation.In this context the State Parlia-
ment of Victoria are passing a new Act - the Social
Welfare Act (1960) — that will bring the Penal Depart-
ment and the Child Wel fare Department together under
one Director.The Director will have under his control
six subsiduary departments that will be under the
charge of Deputy Directors. The six subsiduary de-
partments will be (1) Research and Statistical; (2)
Training;(8)Probation and Parole;(4) Family Welfare;
(5) Youth; and (6) Adult Correction. To some extent
this structure has been inspiredby (a) the necessity
for adequate longitudinal research and (b) the notion
of 'pre-delinquency' or the potential delinquent
(Glueck, 1959) 1mplicit in the concept of prediction
studies.
In so far as all behaviour (including criminal
and delinquent) 1s generally recognized as being the

- 3 —

resul tant of the interaction of the organism(a complex
of innate factors and 1learnt responses) and the en-
vironment,it is to be expected that the most accurate
prediction would come from tables incorporating fac-
tors that relate to (1) the individual's early environ-
ment ; (2)‘Huepresent environment and (3) personality
factors that are often considered innate but which of
necessity must be modified by opportunity and life
experience.Glueck (1959), appreciating the importance
of improving prediction by using the various types
of table incorporating dataof all different origins,
states: "A matter requiring further exploration 1s
whetheritis possible to use other psychological tests
in place of the Rorschach Test,which 1s not only very
time consuming but requires exceptional skill in ad-
ministration and interpretation..... " later he states:
"The same question arises in connection with the per-
sonality characteristics that form the basis of the
psychiatric prediction table".
This paperis concerned with three main persona-
lity variables that are easily assessed by question-
naire or test technique that may be administered 1in
a group situation.The first of these is the well known
'dimension' or concept of intelligence. The second
and third are two dimensions of personality known as
extraversion-introversion and neuroticism. These two
dimensions have not been used before, as far as 18
known, from the point of view of behavioural predic-
tion as understood by the criminologist.They have been
used to predict the response of individuals to a
standard dosage of a drug(Bartholomew and Marl ey, 195%a) .
These two dimensions have soue features in common with
certain of the factors used by the Gluecks in their
psychiatric and Rorschach tables: Emotional Lability
and Emotional Instability having kinship with neuro-
ticism and Adventurousness and Extraversion in action
being closely related to extraversion-introversion.
Intelligence is a personality factor that is well
recognized and has been much studied. Its value as a

— 4 -

predictive factor with regard to criminality and de-
linquency is not entirely clear as the results obtai-
ned by various workers are not in complete accord.
The Gluecks (1943) in a number of their tables use
intelligence as a factor sometimes considered as "Nor-
mal or Superior; Borderline or Feebleminded; and"Dull"
or "Normal and Below Normal", or, again, '"Normal or
Dull and Borderline or Feeble-minded". On the other
hand Mannheim and Wilkins (1955), assessing intelli-
gence by the Columbian Test, found no association
between it and recidivism.In accord with such a fin-
ding are the results obtained by Marcus (1956) who
stated, with the proviso that he was working with a
highly selected population,that "so far as the Wake-
field population is concerned, 1intelligence level
offers no basis for the prediction of recidivism".It
would therefore seem that further study regarding the
importance, or otherwise, of intelligence as a pre-
dictive factor 1s required.
Eysenck has, over the last years (1947, 1952,
1953 and 1957), proposed a scheme whereby the perso-
nality may be, in part at 1least, considered as com-
pounded of a number of dimensions, and he has so far
postul ated four such: (1) Intelligence; (2) Psycho-
ticism; (3)Extraversion-Introversion; and (4) Neuro-
ticism. Intelligence has already been referred to
and Psychoticism is still far from being set upon a
firm footing.Itis therefore with extraversion-intro-
version and neuroticism that this paper 1s now con-
cerned.,
These two personality dimensions may be assessed
in a simple manner with the use of a questionnaire:
the Maudsley Personality Inventory.This inventory has
been well described regarding its construction, de-
velopment and norms by Eysenck (1956) and has been
critically reviewed and compared with other persona-
lity inventories by Jensen (1958).The temporal stabi-
lity (test-retest reliability) has been investigated
by Bartholomew and Marley (1959b). It consists of 80

questions 24 of which relate to extraversion-intro-
version and 24 to neuroticism whilst 18 are 'lie'
questions that allowof an assessment of "halo" effect,
The remaining 14 questions are "spares" and are not
used.All the questions are to be answered either 'Yes',
'No' or '?'_,the scoring being1l for an answer in con-
formity with the key; & for a ?2 and 0 if the answer
be not 1n conformity with the key.
Of particular interest to the writer is the fact
that Franks (1956a) has alleged on the basis of ex-
perimental evidence that there is an association be-
tween extraversion-introversion and ease of Pavlovian
conditioning as assessed by eyeblink conditioning to
a tone delivered through earphones.He found that ex-
traverted personalities acquired conditioned responses
with difficulty,and the acquired response was extin-
guished with facility, whilst the introverted perso-
nality demonstrated a quite contrary picture. If this
evidence be accepted, and if the statement made by
Eysenck (1655a)be considered as stating the truth in
particular terms, viz.,
"The process of socialization i.e. the ac-
quisition by the individual of a certain set
of standards of conduct and behaviour pres-
cribed by society(in different terminology
the acquisition of a conscience or super-
egco), is considered to be mecdiated by a
process of conditioning"
then it might well be that the recidivists,or many of
them, might well be extraverts; persons conditioning
with difficulty and losing the acquired responses with
ease; having littleor no sense of guilt or remorse;
not learning from the past and having little 1insight.
As was once commented to me (Barry, 1960) theywould
"rather like Garofolo's criminal with no probity or
pity".If such a proposition were found to be true then
ahigh extraversion rating would have to be recognized
as a predictive factor that boded i1l for the individual.
The extraversion-introversion score, with 1ts

-6 ~-

possible correlation with conditioning,isof interest
in that two types of recidivists have been postulated
in terms of it by Franks and Willett (1954), Bartho-
lomew (1955) and Franks (1956b). These two types are
(1) the recidivist with a high extraversion rating
who comes from a variety of social backgrounds, and
(2) the recidivist with alow extraversion rating who
would tend to come from a 'poor home' and a criminal
milieu and for whom "repeated prison sentences are
merely a re-inforcement of the undesirable society to
whose mores they condition readily". (Franks 1956)
An endeavour to clarify the position regarding
this dimension and recidivism was undertaken by the
author in 1955 and the work:is still continuing. In
1959 some results were published regarding the mean
extraversion scores of'normals'(non-criminals defined
from a legal standpoint), first offenders and recidi-
vists. The extraversion scores in descending order
were recidivista,'normals' and first offenders with a
statistically significant difference between the mean
scores of the recidiviste and first offenders.The dif-
ferences in score betweenrecidivists and 'normals’' and
first offenders and 'nmormals' were not significant.
These findings, as regards the recidivist and first
offender,were in the predicted direction but a number
of methodological problems caused the results to be
less clear cut than had been hoped.
In some unpublished work (Bartholomew, 1957) it
was found that the psychopath (using this term in the
sense of a person showing no remorse, guilt or overt
anxiety), who forms very superficial relationships
quickly,who is glib,indifferent to accuracy and truth,
who 1s egocentric to a marked degree and who has no
real capacity for emphathy - the Anethopath of Karpman
(1941) formed some 20-25 per cent of ahighly recidi-
vistic population., Further, 1t was found that such
individuals significantly differed from the rest of
the prison population (and from the 'normal' popula-
tion) with regard to the mean extraversion scores at

- 7 -

the 0.1 per cent 1level of confidence. This result,
derived from the use of the Maudsley Personality In-
ventory, was supported by results using quite diffe-
rent technique such as Kinaesthetic After Effect
(Eysenck, 1956), the Pattern Rotation Test (Brengel-
mann, 1958) and the subjective perception of time
(Bartholomew, unpublished data).
The figure of 20-25 per cent for the incidence
of psychopathic personality ina recidivistic po pul a—-
tion 1s considerably higher than that for the 'normal'
popul ation. Thus extraversion may well be a variable
of predictive value.
There i1s no shortage of evidence that recidivis-
tic criminals tend to have a higher score on measures
of neuroticism than the 'normal' population. Such a
finding 1is attested to by Stafford-Clark et alii
(1951 )Field (private communication)and is in confor-
mity with my own findings (Bartholomew, 1957, 1959 )
when 1t was noted that recidivists had a higher mean
score than first offenders who,in turn, had a higher
mean score than did the 'normal' population. I sug-
gested then (1959) that this was in accord with ex-—
pectation in that
"an untreated neurotic, or neurotically
disposed person, who copes with his 'con-
flict' by acting out, is hardly to be ex-
pected to cease his antisocial activity
following nothing more therapeutic than
'3 or 6 months' or more".
This neuroticism score it should be appreciated
1s not the same as a neurotic illness. It is to be
understood as representing a predisposition to a
neurotic 1llness that will become manifest in an en-
vironment productive of sufficient stress as acknow-
ledged by the particular person.
There is evidence that both these personality
dimensions have a genetic basis (Eysenck and Prell,
1951; McLeod, 1954), that neuroticism relates to
autonomic reactivity and extraversion to the concept

- 8 -

of reactive inhibition. and that both factors have a
test-retest correlation of about 0.7 over a period
of 12-18 months even if 1in the 1ntervening period
psychotherapy or imprisonment have been accepted or
inflicted (Bartholomew and Marley, 1959b).
The two personality dimensions discussed in this
paper require more intensive 1nvestigation that they
might be better understood and thus more valuably
used .Many alleged correlations require verification,
and further information is needed as to how far limited
experimental findings are to be regarded as beling
representative of the larger problem: i1f there be a
correlation between extraversion-introversion and
conditioning of the eyeblink by a tone does this de-
monstrate a general relationshipbetween extraversion-
introversion and conditioning of all types involving
all the sensory modalities? Hamilton (1959) notes a
report by Dr. Gwynne Jones that recent work has not
demonstrated the presence of a general factor of con-
ditionability. If this be the case then the problem
of conditionability itself will require clarification.
An interesting piece of work is being undertaken at
the present time that will be of more direct value to
the criminologist is that by Field who 1s Investiga-
ting the problemof conditioning using prisoners (all
recidivist) serving a prison sentence.
Accepting all these problems that still challenge
the psychologist, it 1is submitted that the wuse of
these personality factors might well be of value in
the construction of prediction tables as regards the
criminal and his later conduct. Therefore, in view
of the findings outlined above, empiric though they
may be, the two variables, extraversion-introversion
and neuroticism as well as intelligence, are at pre-
sent being investigated i1n Victoria,Australia, under
the auspices of the Penal Department, the Parole and
Probation Department, the Mental Hygiene Authority and
the Department of Criminology of Melbourne University,
Itis too soon to speak of results but one interesting

-9 -

feature has already been noted at this early stage.
This 1s that persons convicted of the crime of False
Pretences (Swindling)who are generally recognized as
being almost '1ncurable' and inevitable recidivists
are found to have frequently markedly high extraversion
(and neuroticism) ratings.
It 1s important to state, finally, that whether
or not extraversion and neuroticism are found to be
of value from a predictive point of view, this paper
makes no claim regarding criminal causality: an entirely
different, though related, problem (Wilkins et alii,
1955).The author 1s,in any case,a strong protagonist
of the mul tifactorial approach and so would not sup-
port any pleas for an isolated factor being THE cause
of any piece of reasonably complex behaviour.At this
stage, however, no plea 1s being made that either of
these personality variables are to be considered as
even causal 'factors',they may prove to be predictive
pointers but nothing more.

RESUME

Dans cet exposé, on donne un bref apergu sur
l1'histoire des études de prévision, en se référant
particulierement aux travaux des Gluecks.
Ce comportement est 1le résultat d'une action
réciproque entre 1'organisme et son entourage,et est
relevé étant tenu compte du fait qu'il serait normal
que la plus précise des tables de prévision renferme
une évaluation de la personnalité.
I1 a aussi été question ici d'ouvrages sur 1'in-
telligence et la prévision de la criminalité.
On fait allusion aux travaux d'Eysenck et de ses

- 10 -

condisciples, en se référant particulierement aux
dimensions conceptuelles de sa personnalité, extra-
version-introversion et névrose. L'évaluation des
facteurs de cette personnalité est notée aux moyen
d'an questionnaire,
Ce travail envisage une relation entre 1'extro-
version-1l'introversionetle conditionnement(Pavlov),
et un rapport éventuel entre celles-ci et le fait
d'apprendre les coutumes sociales. Le travail déja
réalisé par 1'auteuret d'autres sur les deux concepts
de 1a personnalité, fait suggérer que ces deux facteurs
peuvent,d'appreés enquéte,avoir une valeur de prévision,
Il est reconnu que les {facteurs eux-mémes demandent
encore beaucoup de recherche, mais on ne doit pas
manquer aussi de considérer les possibilités de la
prévision,
Aucun principe de causalite n'est postulé dans
ce travail.

REFERENUCES

Barry, J.V. Private Communication (1960 )
Bartholomew, A.A. "The Psychopath" Broadway (1955)
205-208
Bartholomew,A.A. "An Investigation of Intelligence 1n
Recidivists, (Prisoners Serving

Sentences of Preventive Detention and
Corrective Training)" Unpubl. DPM
Dissertation, Univ.of London (1957)
Bartholomew, A. A. "Extraversion-Introversion and Neu-
roticism in First Offenders and Re-
cidivists" Brit. J. Deling. (1959)
10 120-129

Bartholomew, A A

and Marley,

Bartholomew, A. A

and Marl ey,

Brengelmaan,J C.
Eysenck, H J.
Eysenck, H.J.
Eysenck, H.J.

Eysenck, H.J.

Eysenck, H.J.

Eysenck, H.J.

Eysenck, H.J.

Eysenck,H.J. and

Prell, D.

Field, J.
Franks, C.M.

Franks, C.M.

Franks,C.M. and
Willett, R.A.

- 11 -

"Susceptibility to Methyl pentynol:
Personality and Other Variables"
J.Ment.Sci. (1959a) 105 957-970
"The Temporal Reliability of the
Maudsl ey Personality Inventory"
J. Ment. Sci. (1959b) 105 238-240
"Learning in Neurotics and Psycho-
tics"Acta Psychol.(1958) 13 371-388
"Dimensions of Personality"Routledge
and Kegan Paul Lond.(1947)
"The Scientific Study of Personality"
Routl edge and Kegan Paul .London(1952)
"The Structure of Human Personality"
Methuen. London (1953)
"A Dynamic Theory of Anxiety and
Hysteria" J. Ment. Sci. (1955a) 101
20-51
"Cortical Inhibition, Figural After
Effect, and Theory of Personality"
J . Abnom. Soc.Psychol.(1955b)51 94-106
"The CGuestionnaire Measurement of
Neuroticism and Extraversion"Rivista
di Psicologia (1956) 50 113-140
"The Dynamics of Anxiety and Hysteria"
Routl edece and Kegan Paul London(1957)
"The Inheritance of Neuroticism: an
Experimental Study"J.Ment.Sci.(1951)
97 441-465
Private Communication (1958)
"Conditioning and Personality: A
Study of Normal and Neurotic Sub-
jects" J.Abnorm.Soc.Psychol.(1956a)
52 143-150
"Recidivism, Psychopathy and Perso-
nality" Brit. J. Deling. (1956b) 6
192-201
"Algunas sugestores subra a canduta
delinquente"Rev.de Psicologia norm.
e pat. (1954) 2 3-10

Glueck, E.T.

Glueck, S.

Glueck, S. and
Glueck, E.T.
Glueck, S. and
Glueck, E.T.

Glueck, S. and
GGlueck, E.T.

Jensen, A.R.

Karpman, B.

Marcus, B,

McLeod, O,

Mannheim,H, and
Wilkins, L.T.
Stafford-Clark,D.
Pond, D., and
Doust, J.W.L.
Wilkins, L.T.,
Hill, C.P. and
Gibbens, T.C.N.

- 12 -

"Status of Glueck Prediction Studies
J. Crim. Law Crimin,Pol.Sci. (1956)
47 18-32
"The Problem of Delinquency"Houghton
Mifflin Co.Boston(1959) pp1003-1010
"Criminal Careers in Retrospect"
The Commonweal th Fund.New York(1943)
"Early Detection of Future Del in-
quents" J, Crim.Law Crimin.Pol.Sci.
(1956) 47 174-182
"Prediction of Delinquency" reprin-
ted in "The Problem of Del inquency"
(1959) pp1010-1023
"TheMaudsl ey Personality Inventory"
Acta Psychol. (1958) 14 314-325
"On the Need of Separating Psycho-
pathy 1into Two Distinct Clinical
Types: Symptomatic and Idiographic"
J. Crimin., Psychopath. (1941) 3 112
"Intelligence, Criminality and the
Expectation of Recidivism" Brit,
J. Deling. (1955) 6 147-151
"An Experimental Study of the Inheri-
tance of Introversion-Extraversion"
Unpubl . Doctor's Dissertation, Uni-
versity of London (1954)
"Prediction Methods in Relation to
Borstal Training" HMSO London(1955)
"The Psychopath in Prison" Brit. J.
Deling. (1951-2) 2 117-129

"Symposium on Predictive Methods 1n
the Treatment of Del inquency" Brit.
J. Deling. (1955) 6 82-68

FOURTH INTERNATIONAL CRIMINOLOGICAL CONGRESS

— THE HAGUE 1960 -

PREPARATORY PAPERS

M

SOCIAL CONSCIENE AND VIOLENT CRIME

Secretariat of the Congress, 14, Burgemeester de Monchyplein,
The Hague (the Netherlands).

SOCIAL CONSCIENCE AND VIOLENT CRIME

by

Walter Bromberg,
Sacramento, California
U.S.A.

olent crime can be said to be Man's
first inhumanity to man.For centuries,the causes and
circumstances of homicide,1ts morality and consequen-
ces,1ts punishment and legal justificationhave fallen
to the provinces of law,morals and religion.More re-
cently sociology and the mental sciences have been in-
vited to l1end their aid in understanding this endemic
plague.During the last half-century,a new field cal-
led psychiatric criminology has evolved from the at-
tempt to psychologically analyze the complex socio-
psychiatric matrixin which violent crime is émbedded.
The psychiatric criminologist has extended his work
from diagnosis to the treatment of criminal offenders
applying psychodynamic principles developed after study
of the mental and nervous patient and the apprehended
offenders. The result, encompassed under the general
term "rehabilitation" has been successful in indivi-
dual cases butit hasnot altered the rate or incidence
of violent crime, especially homicide.
It 1s true that the contribution of psychiatric
criminology has been reflected in the administration
of correctional institutions,penitentiaries,prisons,
reformatories,homes for juvenile delinquents. It has
merged with the world-feeling of humanitarianism and
altruism,as in the case of the drive to abolish capi-
tal punishment, to bolster rehabilitation as a basic
program for dealing with criminal offenders. Mental
hygiene and educational psychology have been enriched
by concepts developed by psychiatric criminologists
and the parent field of psychoanalysis.Nevertheless,
the society to which these expositions have been ad-
dressed have largely ignored the findings of criminal

- 92 -

psychodynamics,or have unconsciously repudiated their
significance. As with its sister discipline, mental
hygiene,individual efforts at prevention and mass ef-
forts at i1mproving mental health havenot reduced the
total incidence of maladjustment and neurotic behavior
in modern life.The principles are valid, the techni-
ques tested and effective but the total results, at
least in the area of criminal behavior, are minimal.
Where is the difficulty? Is the vast population of
potential offenders 1mpervious to prevention?

Science and Socliety in Criminology

One stumbling block in the acceptance and prac-
tical effect of these profound psychologic truths,
which are based on a half century of solid clinical
work 1s the problem of communication.For example the
following statement offered as an explanation of the
genesis of criminal behavior:

"A person becomes delinquent because of an ex-
cess of definitions favorable to violation of
law over definitions unfavorable to violation of
law ...
While <c¢riminal behavior 1is an expression of
general needs and values, it 1s not explained
by those general needs and values since non-
criminal behavior is an expression of the same
needs and values". 1)

What could thismean in terms of concrete criminal
offences? Can this statement be translated into temrms
of human action to help in preventing violent crime?
Brief consideration tells us that formulations of
this type flowing from analysis of crime by a life-

1) Sutherland, Edwin H.: Principles of Criminology
(5th Ed.), Rev.by Donald R. Cressey, J.B. Lippin-
cott Co.,, Chiago, 1955, p. 77.

- 3 -

long student of the subject have only abstract meaning.
To comprehend crime as a human actuality. the pre-
sentation must be vibrant and replete with action-
laden terms of the criminal act 1itself. To follow
this idea to 1ts logical conclusion, however, would
mean that only the criminal offender would be quali-
fied to write of crime, only the murderer could des-

cribe his anxieties, guilts, satisfaction, in the
swirling semi-conscious world of passion.To describe
crime at the 'moment of doing', in gtatus nascendi,

would recapture blood-stirring urges, surges of pri-
mitive hate, sudden cunning, the quake of anxiety
that feeds muscles with +tension, the organic sense
of satisfaction or the hot panic that follows. These
feelings,if they could be remembered and communicated,
could depict violent crime as an experience every
human could understand. Understood and experienced
vicariously, for deep within the well-repressed layers
of the psyche,every human is psychologically 1nvolved
with murder.
This 1nvolvement is fortunately denied access
to conscious thinking and action in the overwhelming
majority of persons.But the crime of murder is present
"in potentia", lurking at times distorted and at
times undisguised in the human fantasy. No analysis
is required tonote how frequently fantasies of host-
ility and 1ts action derivative - violent assault -
are encountered 1n daily li1fe. The practising psy-
chiatrist meets them often in his work in the dis-
guised murder wishes of his patient's dreams, in the
only avenue of escape for the tormented paranoid in-
dividual ,in the introjected,sel f-punishing reproaches
of the depressed patient, in the daily play and free
association of children, in wit and anecdote.
So deeply involved are we in murder images that
common language in jest and in "dead" earnest,richly
reflects allusions to natural and inflicted demises.
Consider these simple examples: a well used +tennis
ball is "dead"; a play-off in a golf match 1s called

- 4 -

"sudden death"; amarksman is a "dead shot"; a player
in any game who falls behind 1is a "dead duck". Or
consider the use of "dead" to cover situations far
removed from murder: we say "he slays me" of a comedian;
a "dying cause" or a "dead issue" for a lost propos-
ition; a bill was "killed" in committee; the "dead"
of night; he was caught "dcad to rights"; "let's kill
some time",or "he murdered the music" or the team was
"slaughtered"etc.,not to mention a score of technical
uses as "dead" center,"dead reckoning","dead ahead",
"dead head" (an empty railroad car) and so on.
Another measure of the prevalence of this ob-
sesgive interest in violent crime 1s readily seen 1n
the public’s fascination with homicide +through news
reports, stories, dramatic portrayals and so on.
Entertainment value does not of itself explain this
universal and irresistible fascination with criminal
fantasies within law-abiding citizens.Every generation
has its Mickey Spillane, its Earle Stanley Gardner,
Conan Doyle,Bdgar Allen Poe and its"Penny Dreadfuls".
Even the ancient Greek historian-writer, Herodotus,
wrote stories which dealt in mystery, crime and hor-
ror. 2) The mystery thriller and the detective story,
as well as the daily crime story in the press holds
the reader's interest with a fixity unlike that pro-
duced by other types of stories, including romances.
The complete absorption induced by crime stories is
a direct 1indication of the closeness of aggressive
impul ses to our innermost psychological core.
The mechanism of murder identification on the
part of law-abiding citizens with the perpetrator,
follows a tortuous course.The average man, realistic
in his daily life, when reading crime stories, slips
into a world of fantasy with surprising ease and al-
most with psychologic comfort., This free flow of

2) Wright, W.H.: The Great Detective Stories, Scrib-
ner's, N.Y., 1927, p. 11 et seq.

-5 -

fantasy is correspondingly exploited by writers. The
more sadistic, aggressive or unconventional the crim-
inal, the better the story. The more gruesome or ob-
scure the murder, the more the reader 1is fascinated
and the author successful. But the orgy of criminal
fantasies in a reader soonis restricted.The emergence
of unconscious antisocial impulses stimulated by the
story 1s defended against by not admitting them to the
ego 1n actions of daily life.A number of eventualities
have developed which restrict this free flow of fantasy-
happily for the reader. One is that the story ends,
and the reader,although identified with the criminal
in his terrible adventures, is relieved to find him-
self not to be the criminal. The play is ended, the
story 1is concluded, the book closed, the reader's
deeper criminal fantasies slip away as he resumes con-
tact with reality.
This direct encounter with fantasies of murder
becomes complicated with reactions formations that
developed silently as a counter-reaction to fascination
with criminal stories. For example, the reader of
such stories may become interested in working for the
abolition of capital punishment and engage in community
activities designed to reduce juvenile delinquency.
Or he may develop another reaction formationby dealing
directly with amiscreant reforming and rehabilitating
the latter. This psyche-saving device is shared by
writers of crime or horror stories, as attested by
their weaving into the dramatic tale, an element of
reformation in the offender or indicating the eventua-
lity of good resulting from malefactions of the crim-
inal. In the technique of modern plays the offender
sacrifices himself for the betterment of the oncoming
generation, the juvenile delinquent "finds a good
home", an understanding woman stands by a desperado,
a plastic surgeon cures a scarfaced professional killer,
the stool-pigeon saves a citizen in sacrificing him-
self,etc. If the miscreant is mentally ill or has a
psychopathic or incurable defect, that aspect of his

,_6._

make~up which is socially sick or evil, excuses him,
Sometimes the i1ncurable evil aspect 1is exposed or
brought to justice;for example,the eventual vanquish-
ment of evil Mr Hyde lurking behind the adjusted per-
sonality of Dr. Jekyl. Redemption symbolically wipes
out the aggressive and criminal aspect of the charac-
ter's (and the reader's) personality. The criminal
acts and 1mpulses are defended against by this auto-
matical device.
Let us note now another psychologic mechanism
by which social individuals handle their own uncon-
scious criminal impulses evoked by witnessing or rea-
ding of criminal exploits. In this the law-abiding
member of society unconsciously turns detective. The
reader's fantasy merges with that of the scientific
detective, as he searches for clues, worries over
"leads",and fits the puzzle together. The scientific
detective is cold, obviously immune to brutality or
cunning, knowledgeful of every turn of the criminal
mind, righteous 1in ferreting out motivation,modus
operandi and 1in exposing guilt.All doors to depravity,
malice,sadism and nobility are opento the scientific
detective, and with him his partner in criminal ab-
sorption--his public.In a sense he is a social hero,
a saviour and defender of too-human impulses and ob-
sessive interest in violent crime. He sums up in one
capsule of psychologic defense,6 the "proper" attitude
toward crime; the safe projection and burying of un-
conscious participation in crime by objectivization
through the science of criminal investigation.
The utter absorption of crime stories resides
in the all important questions to which the detective
addresses himself: "What are the clues leading from
the body?" (or the act of injury), "To whom do the
clues lead?" (perpetrator of the act) and "Why did he
do 1t?".Deep in each person's unconscious woven into
the fabric of his (or her) fantasy and conscience is
the fear that he himself perpetrated the crime. Ab-
sorption with clues is both a defence against and a

-7 -

searching for, the wunconscious guilt within the in-
vestigator. Reik 3) in a classic called "The Unknown
Murderer"has shown how the interminable cry in murder
of "Who did 1t?", and "the wurgent need to find the
culprit, bear witness to a defense against his (the
citizen's) own repressed 1impulses". Psychologically
speaking,through a metamorphosis of deeply repressed
conscience, the Who Dun it becomes a You Dun it!
Equally impressive evidence of the universality
of murderous fantasies can be observed paradoxically,
in the entertainment medium of television. Here the
choice 1is wide. Should one watch a warehouse killing
of a slightly mildewed night watchman by a trio of
hoods,or a quiet murder by an umbrella-carrying enemy
agent; a shooting through an open window by a lonely
sadist or a pistol whipping by the minions of a fasti-
dious college-bred "Brain" ,who in his off-duty hours
is a connoisseur of oriental art? Perhaps a quick-draw
assassination before the Red Dog Saloon or a suffocating
clutch by a pair of gloved hands 1in the dark would
suffice.For those with a sense of righteousness there
are counterkillings by the police,tear gas raids, the
resul ts of stake—-outs planned by police Inspectors ,
objective gunnings by private "eyes" and government
men and so on, The crime portrayed, the clue, the
chase and apprehension of the criminal become public
matters which each viewer absorbs into his private
mental world. This sharing of aggression leads to a
species of dissociation in the reader or viewer of a
criminal act which splits him psychologically into
one part which 1dentifies him with the hunted murderer
striving to escape,and the other with the inevitable
capture. On the surface the spectator is vitally in-
terested in discovering and trapping the offender,
thus making his own deeply buried criminal fantasies,

3) Reik, Theodore: The Unknown Murderer, Trans., by
Kath. Jones, Prentice-Hall, Inc., N.Y.. 1945.

- 8 -

the possession of which he would vigorously deny. That
old sleuth Conscience. that eternal Javert, has to
be satisfied after our liberated fantasies have run
riot. The pleasure derived from witnessing the crime
story must be paid for in the coin of punishment.
Each viewer of a crime story must cover up a private
worry 1lest his criminal fantasies embedded in the
murder, the sadist betray him.
In a sense the symbiosis between writersof crim-
inal stories and the reading or viewing public lies
upon a psychological balance invisible on the surface
of social life. The criminal acts out those impul ses
and fantasies which the law-abiding citizen represses
and abhors. To put it succinctly and epigrammically,
society loves its crime but hates its criminals.
Evidence thus far presented seems to support the
contention that impulses towards violent crime 1loom
large in human mentation. That these impulses and
their accompanying fantasies are viable within "nor-
mal" persons indicates how easily provoking circum-
stances,or mental or emotional illness may light the
fuse of overloaded impulse.For it is well substantia-
ted by criminal court records that the majority of
murders are committed not by professional assassins
or gun-men but by individuals caught in the net of
passion, humiliation, revenge, jealousy, careless
sadism, uninhibited destructive urges and the like.
The professional killer makes good copy.the mentally
111 or psychopathic murderer provides the background
for a gripping story but the crimes that fill the
record books are perpetrated by persons psychiatrical ly,
and correctly., called "normal",
Yet clearly a difference exists between fantasy
and actuality and society through its legal institut-
1ons is determined to implement this difference through
punishment. The crime of homicide, though it is ego—
syntonic,i.e, not alien to the ego,still is the most
strongly prohibited human action, carrying the ulti-
mate penalty in civilized communities. But once we

-9 -

have glanced behind the grey curtain of crime and found
it not uncongenial to human feelings, we can regard
it less prejudicially.Violent crimeis not necessarily
the result of insanity.Criminals may be mentally and
emotionally sick but violent crime 1s not mental 1llness.

Creative experience and Crime

The view which has been urged,that violent crime
is an actuality not distant from normal fantasy,allows
us to reconsider the philosophic position of crime
experience 1n human mentation.Since criminal fantasy
and criminal acts cannot be dissected or atomized or
even predicted it would seem accurate to conceptualize
crime as a total human experience.As such it presents
many facets and resemblances to creative activity of
approved type. A creative act involves conception,
pl anning and execution. Further, 6 the criminal act has
an alm and a meaning, which though at times not pre-
meditated,1nvolves conscious and unconscious sources
of satisfaction such as result from any object—-directed
impul se.
It is well knownby criminologists that there 1is
a drive for creative satisfaction among criminals, just
as strong as that present in law-abiding individuals.
The chronic criminal or the thrill-offender derives
inner satisfaction in his success in using force,
deception, trickery or stealth to accomplish his act
of crime. This brings us to a paradoxical situation,
How can destruction, assault or murder be considered
creative? From the point of the actual phenomenon
described, the prejudice surrounding crime needs to
be momentarily set aside to see how completely a crim-
inal act succeeds in organizing, perhaps for a fleeting
instant ,a new set of life arrangements,new emotional
configurations and so on. The revenge murder, the
embezzlement,the assault, even the rape reconstitute
in lurid outline, a new alignment of human feelings
or a new constellation of human emotions. Within the

- 10 -

offender,and the more perceptive criminal will attest
to this analysis in the privacy of his cell, there 1s
a psychological sense of creation in his crime. Oc-
casionally the mentally ill despoiler will indicate
this formulation in his symbolic way as did Irwin,
the sculptor, two decades ago when he strangled a
mother and daughter to achieve that schizophrenic
perfection of "Idealization of Matter" which he thought
his victims were entitled to. In 1larceny, swindling
and embezzl ement,for example,one sees a close relat-
ionship between the wuse of trickery in overselling
and underselling an idea and the gratification observed
in business promotional enterprises.However,al though
the neurotic roots of larcenous impulses are closely
related to acquisitive tendencies present in everyone,
they have been carefully regulated by law and control-
ling devices have evolved which are accepted by the
law-abiding individual. This ethical code accepted
as basicin the world of commerce allows the individual
the "personal" satisfactionof gain through "selling"
or exploiting an idea.There is similarly a basic ego
satisfaction in criminal action though conscience may
prick and realization may deflate the ego after the
crime has been accomplished.
But this paradox calls for explanation and for
this the crime of larceny is chosen since the creative
aspects of larceny closely parallel those of commerce.
Of thedistinguishablemotives whichlie behind gainful
activity, the foremost one is that of profit. This
motive 4) is also foremost in the mind of the larcenist,
The second motive is that of self-esteem. The worker
experiences pleasure inhis skill in proportion as his
work satisfies the needs of his ego and his recognition
as an effective social unit. Likewise, the larcenist
has his own group of peers who exchange their expe-

4) Bromberg, W.: Crime and the Mind, J.B. Lippincott
Co., Phila., 1948, p. 151

-— 11 -

riences, successes or failures, and are sensitive
about their technique and reputations.The third motive
is that of service, which encompasses the pleasure
given others by the product which is used or enjoyed.
Satisfaction derived from giving service contains a
mixture of reality values (larger gains and greater
self-esteem)and psychological elements (sublimations
of masochistic tendencies in the one who serves made
acceptable by traditions of work).
For both the reputable businessman and the offen-
der the element of gain or profit is uppermost.Candid
revelations by professional larcenists indicate that,
like the reputable worker or businessman antisocial
persons derive true self-esteem from their criminal
activity A professional thief knows the conditions
favorable to his trade,just as the businessman under-
stands problems in production and merchandizing.Only
the motive of service is lacking in the criminal.
From a psychological point of view, the motives
described above could be equated with the modality of
creativity in the sense of ego mastery, self-esteem,
realistic gain and human values. The direction which
creativity takes and its human values would then be
the main difference between the work activity of the
offender(and this includes the juvenile offender)and
the law-abiding citizen. When, however, we think of
murder or assaultive crime as the result of impulsive
physical action,one cannot so readily visualize this
crime as a matter of creative activity.But a destruc-
tive act 1s a creative act when viewed from the indivi-
dual's standpoint.It accomplishes aims consonant with
the total configuration of his inner drives.There is
much evidence 1n psychiatric writings to show that many
murders are unconscious acts of creative value in the
life of the offender.Violent crime satisfies l1i1bidinous
urges however distorted,for examplein creating new fa-
mily situations or destroying old ones,reconstructing
and restituting psychological groupings acting out in-
fantile hostilities which have meaning for the offen-

- 12 -

der's deeper conflicts.For this reason murder can be
more understandably represented in drama than in the
terms of psychologic and sociologic science.Crime is
an "act of the moment",a psychologically creative one
whose totality is beyond expression in language. In-
deed, in ordinary speech we cover inexplicable hap-
penings which arose out of dimly recognized wells of
feeling by such inominate,yet understood phrases as,
"It was just one of those things". The closer one
comes to inner comprehension of criminal action, the
more one needs action rather than words, a living
through of the experience, to encompass the total
picture 1n a perceptible way. A dull criminal will
report,"It just happened".An offender under emotional
strain, though anxious to understand what he has done,
will forthrightly state,"I just don't know what hap-
pened".The more articulate offender might say, "Some-
thing came over me".Even a re-enactment of the crime
does not supply the full flavor of the moment,though
the investigator in this way can intuitively approach
the experience of crime.
But what has creativity to do with destruction?
Socliety views crime as a destructive act while pheno-
menologically speaking the offender's criminal expe-
rience 1s to be considered creative,This socio-psych-
ologic paradox might be expected todevelop conflicts
within each culprit,and in a deeper sense also within
each law-abiding citizen. However, reciprocal react-
ions between the unconscious preoccupations of society
with violence and the anti-social drives of the actual
criminal seem to eventuate in an mvisible balance. A
kind of homeostasis develops, for truly society, for
its own equilibrium, needs the criminals it spawns,
The concordance of violent fantasies and criminal
actions in the non-criminal and the offender respec-
tively alluded to, does not imply that any sort of
mystical bond existing abstractly amongevil impul ses
throughout the world.What is meant by the paradox of
aggressive psychic homeostasisis this: that the fan-

- 13 -

tasies of the law-abiding person and the impulses of
the perpetrator of murder, for example, derive from
the same submerged emotional stuff. The difference
between the 'dreamer' and doer of violent crime resides
in the uniqueness of each individual - in his ego
strength, predominant social images, the vigor of his
repressive mechanism, balance of the various aspects
of his ego and so on. But in the concordance of the
substratum of fantasy and act, and indeed, in the
everyday sense of the phrase,"There but for the grace
of God, go I", can be discerned a buried Program for
Murder in all humanity.

Criminal Law and Social Conscilence

This reciprocal relation between social feelings
and criminal action can be glimpsed in parts of the
actual 1egal structure dealing with homicide.Take for
example,the medico-legal problem of determination of
legal insanity in capital offenders before the bar. 5)
The basic concept that guilty intent (mens rea) must
be present 1n a criminal before he can be punished for
his offense, implies that he acted out of a free cho1ice
of conduct. Man has the capacity of free choice of
action and each man or woman is held responsible for
an evi]l choice, i.e. he or she 1s subject to punish-
ment for those evil choices described in legal codes
as "crimes".The only exception to this universal rule
is in the case of the insane, the mentally defective
or an infant (child),whose minds are distorted, mal-
formed or unformed to the extent of being unable to
form the intent of wrong-doing. From this it follows
that one unable to form an intent cannot be held res-
ponsible,hence these three classes of persons cannot

5) Bromberg, Walter and Hervey Cleckley: The Medico-
Legal Dilemma, A Suggested Solution. J.cf Crim.Law
and Criminology,vol.42, No.6, March 1952, p.729.

- 14 -

be punished for capital offenses.It is at this point
that psychiatry enters the legal structure to aid in
the definition, in each case, of that degree of in-
sani ty and feeblemindedness, which relieves of crim-
inal responsibility. It is here also that confusion
enters and psychology finds itself enmeshed in apply-
ing legal "tests" for insanity and thorny problems of
medical jurisprudence.Through this struggle to avoid
punishing those rendered irresponsible by mental
disease, can be discerned a glimpse of the paradox
developed in the preceding paragraphs.
From the early days of English common law. the
semantic and psychologic bog into which the courts have
been thrown by this question,has hampered the adminis-
tration of criminal justice. The principle laid down
by Bracton. Chief Justiciary of England (1265) that:
"An insane personis one who does not know what he is
doing, is lacking in mind and reason, and is not far
removed from brutes" underwent a tortuous and tortured
evolution over six centuries to eventuate in 1843 in
the famous M'Naghten Rules.6) These rules,which form
the basis formuch current practice in criminal courts
of our l1and,were laid down by a group of Her Majesty's
Justices in England in answer to queries from the
House of Lords seeking to understand the relation of
insanity to irresponsibility inamurder trial of one
M'Naghten.The Justices statedin effect that the test
involved two essential questions:"whether the accused
party did not know at the time of such a crime that
he was acting contrary to law" and more significantly
"whether the party accused was laboring from such a
defect of reason,from disease of the mind, as not to
know the nature and quality of the act he was doing,
or, 1f he did know it, that he did not know he was
doing wrong".
It is unnecessary for the present purpose to de-

6) Finelly and Clark: 200, 8 Eng.Reports,718 (1843).

- 15 -

tail the history of the "right and- wrong" test and
its application to murder pleas. Among legal and me-
dico-legal scholars who have exhaustively discussed
the shortcomings and advantages,if any,oef this legal
test for insanity, the names of James FitzStephen,
Isaac Ray,Edwin Keedy,Benjamin Cardoza, Jerome Hall,
Sheldon Glueck,Henry Weihofen and more recently Win-
fred Overholser,Gregory Zilboorg and Philip Roche 7)
stand out prominently. The extent of the difficulty
of applying the 'right and wrong' test to a given
murder case beforethe court at present almost matches
the problem of applying the crude "wild beast test"
of ancient days. No decade has been free of a cele-
brated case wherein the invoked insanity defence plea
has brought the M'Naghten rules under criticism,where
emotions have not run high at the time of trial. The
Harry K. Thaw trial which added the expression "to
get away with murder" to our colloquial language was
such a medico-legal battle ground.The essential dif-
ficulty in explaining moral responsibility in terms
of cognition, i.e. 'wrong' in terms of 'knowledge of
right and wrong' has been the unacceptable element
from the psychiatrist's point of view. In Zilboorg's
words, "the problem would suggest that there is some-
thing immoral in this forcible conversion of the psy-
chiatrist to formalistic concepts of legal insanity -
concepts which certainly have no clinical existence in

7) Stephen, Sir James F. History of the Criminal Law
of England, London. Macmillan Co., 1883 (Glueck,
Sheldon, Mental Disorder and the Criminal Law,
Boston, Harcourt Little Brown Co., 1925).
Overholser, W. The Psychiatrist and the Law.
(Harcourt, Brace Co., N.Y., 1953).
Roche, Philip Q.The Criminal Mind. Farrar, Straus
and Cudahy, N.Y., 19538.
Complete literature on the subject is included in
these works.

- 16 -

psychiatry orinlife 1tself, and which exist on paper
only in our penal codes". A century and more of dis-
cussion can be summed up by two quotations. Psychia-
trists have found the M'Naghten rules to be unrealistic

"(The psychiatrist)cannot fit any scientifically
validated entity of psychopathology into present
legal formulae of insanity ..." 8)

whilst legal scholars 9) have answered:

"The problem of criminal responsibility makes
sense only if human responsibilitymakes sense...."

and the courts 10) have said:

"The law has laid down what may be termed as a
working rule ... and,while medical men may cri-
ticize that rule ... when you see its extreme
simplicity ... I am not aware of any better rule
working that these medical men or anyone else
has put forward ..."

In recent years several decisions have modified
the severity of the M'Naghten rul es.The Durham decis-
ion 11) broadened the use of psychiatric testimony in
a case where insanity was pleaded as reason for irres-
ponsibility by finding that the criminal act was the
"product of mental disease ormental defect". The Dur-

8) Com. on Psychiatry and Law, Group for Advancement
of Psychiatry,"Criminal Responsibility and Psychia-
tric Expert Testimony",Topeka, Kansas. Report %—26
May 1954, p. 6.
9) Hall,Jerome,Mental Disease and Criminal Responsi-
bility - M'Naghten vs. Durham and the American Law
Institutes Tentative Draft. Indiana Law Journal,
Vol. 33, No. 2, 1958, P. 212.
10 )Charles Knott,Judge.Peo.vs,Purcell, N.Y., p. 741.
11 )Durham vs.United States.214,F., 2nd, 862 (1954),

- 17 -

ham rul e allowed the expert witness to rely on a "dyna-
mic and changing medical concept of mental disorder
than on a rigid and static "test". 12)
Further, the American Law Institute, cognizant
of the complaints of medico-legal practitioners con-
cerning the applicationof various "tests" for 1nsanity
(and the Durham decision has opponents al so Jhas entered
into a sweeplng re—-examination of criminal law parti-
cularly in relation to tests for insanityin criminal
cases. 13) Revision of the law meets the practical
need that "our penal codes are fragmentary,old, dis-
organized and often accidental in their coverage ...
their form a combination of enactment and of common
law that only history explains".These words of Prof.
Herbert Wechsler, Reporter for the American Law In-
stitute, explain the purpose of the re-assessment of
criminal law particularly in relation to tests for in-
sanity. The practical problem of bringing justice to
human beings demands such revision.On the other hand
psychiatrists ask a pertinent questionin this regard;
to witness the question of Manfred Guttmacher,a pro-
minent criminologic psychiatrist: 14)

"Fundamentally, why should it make any diffe-
rence whether a person who has committed a crim-
inal act was sane at the time and therefore guil-
ty, or "not guilty by reason of insanity?"In
elther case,he has shown himself a menace to so-
ciaty who must be taken into custody and control",

12) Weihofen,Henry.In Favor of the Durham Rule.Crime
and Insanity, New York, Philosophical Library,
1958, p. 162.
13) Wechsler,Herbert.The AmericanLaw Institute: Some
Observations on its Model Penal Code. Crime and
Insanity ,N.Y., thlosophical Library,1958, p. 208.
14) Manfred S, Guttmacher and Henry Weihofen.Psychiatry
and the Law,Chapter 17,W.W.Norton Co.,N.Y., 1952,

- 18 -

The subtle significance of this struggle to pre-
serve the rights of the insane to escape responsibili-
ty, and the monumental task of conforming the law to
practical contingencies simultaneously,brings to fore
the meaning of insane criminality in terms of social
psychology.The centuries-old effort to find a suitable
formula for diagnosing insanity in legal terms,which
Guttmacher's question impliedly decries as academic,
rests on an unconscious need for society to nullify
its own aggressive impulses. albeit wunknown to 1t
through projection to an insane,and hence criminally
irresponsible person. Society percelves the insane
criminal when the individual member of society can
relax his defences sufficiently, as the carrier of
"allowable" aggression. We are careful that no truly
insane person is punished in a murder case because
the latter is the unwitting carrier of our own violent
fantasies and impul ses: freeing him from criminal
responsibility., frees us all. That done, after full
examination of the facts of the case and the psycho-
logical 1llness involved,both humanitarian and defen-
sive purposes are served. The wrath of society may
be fully visited upon the sane, responsible criminal,
the wrong-doer out of a free choice, while society
has cleansed itself, of its own aggressive impulses,
through projection to the insane person. The scape-
goat — the criminally insane person - bears the burden
of our collective expiation,receiving simul taneously
the benefit of our defensive humanitarianism.
The development of these 1deas seem to suggest
that the phenomenon of homicide can be more easily
understood by studying the psychiatrically normal
murderer than the mentally sick one. The microcosm
of the individual psychologically adumbrates the micro-
cosm of society.
But more important +than this point is the need
to present +to the public the true nature of crime,
uniting the public and the criminal.
The golden opportunity to disseminate such infor-

- 19 -

mation through a dramatic type of representation is at
hand with the establishment of the institution of tele-
vision.The proposal 1s to present crime as a compl emen-
tary phenomenon in society and the individual offender.
Tremendous inroads on public attitudes have ac-
tually been accomplished in connection with other
health programs such as cancer,heart disease and mus-
cular dystrophy.An example of changed public attitudes
in matters also affecting deep-grained prejudices is
demonstrable in the social hygiene campaign which, du-
ring the past two decades,has eradicated almost entirely
the prurient attitude towards venereal diseases.
The project sketched above calls for a virtual
reorientation of presentation of crime as news and
as entertainment. Such a presentation will add a new
dimension to criminal reports; it will include the
reactions of police, detectives and society as well
as the acts and psychological statusof the criminal.
This type of crime reporting will show through the
dramatic arts those inner fantasies which tie the
reader to crime stories and glue the viewer to criminal
presentations.lt is quite possible that the attitude
toward murder and other aggressive crimes will be in-
sensibly i1nfluenced by a decade of this type of crime
presentation,

RESUME

Depuis déjaun demi sietcle,le meurtre etle crime
violent font des objects d'étude pour les criminolo-
gues psychiatriques. Les recherches entreprises dans
ce nouveau secteur se sont dével oppées en partant d'un
essai d'analyser psychologiquement la matrice socio-
psychiatrique dans laquelle est englobéle crime vio-
lent .Dansla dite périodeonn'a pas encore pu consta-
ter la diminution du nombre des crimes de ce genre,.

- 20 -

Comment se fait-11 que les résultats des recher-
ches n'ont pas donné lieuala décroissance du nombre
des crimes? La seule raison possible en estle profond
embarras qu'éeprouve,vis-a-vis du crime, par 1l'action
de sa propre fantaisie, le citoyen qui, lui, se com-
porte conformement aux prescriptions de la loi. Ceci
est démontré par 1'attraction exercée par les "his-
toires de sang",par la préoccupation au sujet de "la
mort", aussl bien en blaguant et dans le langage de
tous les jours que chez les fantaisies névrotiques,
les reves etc.
La classification et la projection de 1'incon-
sciente identification de la sociéte au crime sont
caractérisées par l1a popularite deshistoires criminel-
les en littérature,dans les journaux,chez le cinéma,
la T.V., etc. En plus, le probleme médico-légal de
1'insanité 1égale respectivement médicale - probleme
auquel les experts médicaux—-legaux donnent beaucoup
d'attention - représente en soi un autre aspect de la
réaction dela société devant son identification avec
le crime. Isoler le criminel aliéné qui, du point de
vue criminel, n'est pas responsable, c'est se servir
du malade pour endormirle sentiment de sa propre cul-
pabilité.
L'analyse de criminels prouve que, du point de
vue phénoménologique,le crime est pour son auteur un
acte créateur;quoique de nature destructive,le crime
a,pour le délinquant individuel,le sens philosophique
d'un acte créateur dans son propre monde psychique
a loi.
Vu ces considérations. une technique a été éla-
borée pour utiliserle crime comme source de nouvelles
et de divertissements.Du moment ou le crime est con-
sidéré comme étant de nature dramatique et créatrice,
on a découvert une bonne opportunité pourle présenter
comme un phénomene complémentaire tant dans la société
que chez le délinquant individuel. Comme, par les
mesures sanitaires regardantle cancer,;les affections
cardiaques, la dystrophie musculaire, etc., il a éte

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possible de modifier 1'attitude par rapport aux mala-
dies, les attitudes sociales internes vis-a-vis du
crime sont susceptibles d'etre éclaircies, changées,
c'est a4 dire: d'etre traitées.
L'auteur propose que ce ne sera plus seulement
le délinquant qui,dans toutes ses complications psy-
chologiques, sera dépeint, mais que - par la voie
d'identification inconsciente — 1'embarras social sera
systématiquement introduit dans les présentations
dramatiques du crime. Ceci avec 1le but utopique de
parvenir & une campagne "thérapeutique",de large en-
vergure destinée & nourir imperceptiblement la popu-
lation mondiale,.

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