AIC_2010

ANNALES

INTERNATIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIE

INTERNATIONAL ANNALS OF CRIMINOLOGY

ANALES

INTERNACIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIA

ANNEE 2010 (volume 48-1/2)

SOCIÉTÉ INTERNATIONALE DE CRIMINOLOGIE

INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY FOR CRIMINOLOGY

SOCIEDAD INTERNACIONAL DE CRIMINOLOGIA

Katholieke Universiteit Leuven

(Faculty of Law, Hooverplein 10, 3000 Leuven, Belgium)

phone

+ 32.16.32.51.15

fax

+ 32.16.32.54.63

e-mail : crim.sic@wanadoo.fr

ANNALES INTERNATIONALES

DE CRIMINOLOGIE

Organe officiel de la Société Internationale de Criminologie

Président de la Société : Prof. Tony PETERS (Belgique)

Secrétaire général de la Société :

Prof. Stephan PARMENTIER (Belgique)

COMITÉ DE RÉDACTION DES ANNALES

Rédacteur en chef

Prof. Georges KELLENS (Belgique)

adj. Prof. Michaël DANTINNE (Belgique)

Rédacteurs Associés

Prof. Setsuo Miyazawa (Japon)

Prof. Edmundo Oliveira (Brésil)

Prof. Louise Shelley (USA)

La redacciôn agradece a la Dr. Maria Jesûs Guardiola (Investigadora

«Juan de la Cierva», Universidad Autônoma de Barcelona) su colabo-

raciôn en la traducciôn de los textos en castellano.

The editors want to thank Dr. Maria Jesûs Guardiola (Investigadora

«Juan de la Cierva», Universidad Autônoma de Barcelona) for her

assistance in Castilian.

Merci à Dr. Maria Jesûüs Guardiola (Investigadora «Juan de la

Cierva», Universidad Autônoma de Barcelona) pour sa précieuse aide

en castillan.

Table de matières

Table of contents

Indice

President’s address

. . e » » » » 6 e + « + © + © © + + < < » + — » + + + « . © « e — « « e e

Message du président

Mensaje del Presidente

. « + e —. + « —. e e » e © e © e « e © …. e » » e « » e © » e e » e

10

La delincuencia en España en el marco de los cambios

sociales de las dos ültimas décadas

Elisa Garcia-España, José Luis Diez-Ripollés, Fâtima Pérez

Jiménez, Maria José Benitez Jiménez, Ana Isabel Cerezo

Dominguez

« « e + » + + * . + —s + « e < « %* « e . » + + … e © e » « e e « e e « e e e « « e « À

13

The Impact of Substance Abuse Treatment on Offenders rela-

tive to Time spent in Treatment

45

Serge Brochu, Fu Sun, Michel Landry, Jacques Bergeron, . .

school

Evaluating the relative effectiveness

of training

programs vs. probation on recidivism of japanese juvenile

delinquents

Yoshikazu Yuma, Yuichiro Kanazawa, Masaya Kuniyoshi .

63

Victims of sex crimes in Japan

Ayako Uchiyama

. e —. e » » « e » » » + . + » « % « e . e © » © » + » © » « * « » » « ® e »#

39

Etienne De Greeff (1898-1961) and his contribution to current

criminology

Joris Casselman

. . …. e . + e » e e … + + + e « …. … e » + * e © … » % « © e e e s < + » + + © +

109

Un

maestro

ejemplar.

Antonio

Beristain :

penalista,

criminôlogo, victimôlogo

José Luis de la Cuesta Arzamendi

. *. * * » + » e — — « « » » « « e * » e » © e

131

Un maître exemplaire. Antonio Beristain : pénaliste, crimino-

logue, victimologue

José Luis de la Cuesta Arzamendi

e « e « « . © « < « » « « e © « « e » — — « À

135

_ 5

&. Jean-Paul Brodeur (1943-2010)

Frédéric Ocqueteau

. » »* + + + + » . e » « s. + — e e = » « »s « + « e + »s < » e + — + + “ »

139

9. An Observatory on Academic Criminology Programs under

the Auspices of the ISC

Katrien Lauwaert

. …. «s »s + . e + » + + » < + + »s + » =. » e © < » « e e » « » « e e « + e =

143

PRESIDENTS ADDRESS

Dear friends and colleagues,

The year 2010 became a time of important and far reaching changes

in the future functioning of the ISC.

Our permanent secretary, Mrs. Rachida Touahria was accepted by

the French Ministry of Justice for retirement from May 2010 onwards.

Since the Secretary General Mr Georges Picca saw many difficulties

to continue the daily activities of the ISC, he urged the president to look

for a solution.

During a common meeting on January 5, 2010 at the Paris secretariat

and after consulting by phone as much as possible members of the

Board, it was decided to urgently call together a meeting of the Execu-

tive Committee. This meeting took place at the Paris secretariat on

March 26, 2010 to reflect on the new issues facing the ISC and to come

up with a proposal of solutions for the future of the ISC.

The meeting was held and discussed matters like the continuation of

the daily activities beyond May 2010, the management of the member-

ship, the management of the financial situation, the further preparation

of the 16* World Congress at KOBE 2011 and the organization of the

next joint meeting of the Board and the Scientific Commission.

The Executive Committee took the decision to appoint Stephan Par-

mentier as Acting Secretary General and asked an Ad Hoc group of five

members to prepare a report on the state of affairs in relation to the ISC

in view of the next joint Board an Scientific Commission meeting to be

held in Leuven Belgium on July 3, 2010.

The joint meeting took place as programmed on Saturday July 3, in

Leuven following a friendly dinner the evening before in the Faculty

Club.

During the joint meeting Stephan Parmentier reported on behalf of

the Ad Hoc group. The following decisions have been accepted.

The permanent secretariat of the ISC 18 moved to Leuven.

Stephan Parmentier is appointed as the new Secretary General.

Georges Picca was honored for his long lasting dedication to the

cause of the ISC.

He accepted the title of Honorary Secretary General.

Mrs. Rachida Touahria is given the title of honorary secretary.

The new Secretary General was asked to take care about the daily

activities of the ISC including membership management, the financial

management, the further preparation and coordination of the KOBE

17—

2011 16** World Congress together with the local organizers and the

preparation of the International course of Criminology (Porto Novem-

ber 2010).

He was also asked to work together in close collaboration with the

chief editor of the Annals of the SIC to safeguard 1ts further yearly pub-

lication.

The president of the Scientific Commission worked closely together

with the KOBE 2011 16'* World Congress organizers to develop a long

inspiring list of themes completing the content and structure of the ple-

nary sessions. Members and all interested colleagues are invited to intro-

duce proposals for workshops, round tables and poster sessions.

The next meeting of the Board and the Scientific Commission will be

held during the KOBE 2011 16* World Congress, August 5-9, on Glo-

bal Socio-Economic Crisis and Crime Control Policies : Regional and

National Comparison.

That is where we all will meet.

Friendly yours

Tony PETERS

PRESIDENT OF THE ISC

MESSAGE DU PRÉSIDENT

Chers Amis, chers Collègues,

L'année 2010 a été le moment de réorientations majeures dans le

fonctionnement de la Société internationale de criminologie.

Notre secrétaire permanente, Madame Rachida Touahria, a été admise

à la retraite par le ministère français de la Justice à dater de mai 2010.

Dans ces conditions, le secrétaire général Georges Picca a entrevu

trop de difficultés à assumer les activités quotidiennes de la Société, et

a demandé au président de chercher une solution.

Une réunion commune eut lieu le S janvier 2010 au secrétariat à

Paris, et après consultation téléphonique d’un maximum de membres du

conseil de direction, une réunion urgente du comité exécutif fut convo-

quée. Elle se tint au secrétariat à Paris le 26 mars 2010, avec parmi les

thèmes à l’ordre du jour la poursuite des activités journalières après mai

2010, la gestion des membres, la gestion de la situation financière, la

poursuite de la préparation du 16e congrès mondial de 2011 à KOBE,

et l'organisation d’une réunion commune du conseil de direction et de

la commission scientifique.

Le comité exécutif prit la décision de désigner Stephan Parmentier

comme secrétaire général ad interim et chargea un groupe ad hoc de

cinq membres de préparer un rapport sur la situation de la SIC à pré-

senter à cette réunion commune.

La réunion eut lieu comme prévu, à Louvain (Belgique) le samedi 3

juillet 2010, après que la veille au soir un dîner amical eut réuni les par-

ticipants au Faculty Club de l’Université de Louvain.

Stephan Parmentier présenta le rapport du groupe ad hoc.

Les décisions suivantes furent prises.

Le secrétariat permanent de la SIC est transféré à Louvain (Leuven).

Stephan Parmentier est élu en tant que nouveau secrétaire général.

Eloge est rendu à Georges Picca pour sa longue implication et son

engagement dans la cause de la SIC.

Il accepte le titre de secrétaire général honoraire.

Madame Rachida Touahria reçoit le titre de secrétaire honoraire.

Le nouveau secrétaire général est prié de se charger de l’activité jour-

nalière de la SIC, en ce compris la gestion des membres, la gestion

financière, la poursuite de la préparation et la coordination du congrès

mondial de KOBE avec les organisateurs locaux, et la préparation du

cours international de criminologie de Porto (novembre 2010).

I lui est demandé aussi de veiller, en étroite collaboration avec le

rédacteur en chef des Annales internationales de criminologie, à la sau-

vegarde de leur publication annuelle.

Le président de la Commission scientifique a œuvré, en étroite colla-

boration avec les organisateurs du congrès mondial de KOBE, au déve-

loppement d’une longue liste inspirante de thèmes susceptibles de com-

pléter le contenu et la structure des sessions plénières. Les membres,

ainsi que tous les collègues intéressés, sont invités à introduire des pro-

positions d’ateliers, de tables rondes et de sessions de posters.

La prochaine réunion du conseil de direction et de la commission

scientifique se tiendra au cours du congrès mondial de KOBE, dont sont

rappelés les dates (du 5 au 9 août 2011) et le thème («Crise socio-éco-

nomique globale et politiques de contrôle du crime : comparaisons régio-

nales et nationales»).

C’est là que nous nous retrouverons tous.

Bien amicalement,

Tony PETERS

PRÉSIDENT DE LA SIC

_ 9

MENSAJE DEL PRESIDENTE

Estimados Amigos, estimados Colegas,

El año 2010 ha sido un momento de profundas reorientaciones en el

funcionamiento de la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia.

Nuestra secretaria permanente, la Sra. Rachida Touahria, ha sido

admitida a la jubilaciôn por el Ministerio de Justicia francés en mayo

de 2010.

En estas condiciones, el secretario general Georges Picca ha obser-

vado muchas dificultades para asumir las actividades cotidianas de la

sociedad, de manera que pidiô al presidente buscar una soluciôn.

El 5 de enero de 2010, tuvo lugar una reuniôn comuün del secreta-

riado a Paris y, después una consulta telefônica de un mäximo de miem-

bros del consejo de direcciôn, se convocô una reuniôn urgente del

comité ejecutivo. Ésta tuvo lugar en el secretariado a Paris el 26 de

marzo de 2010 y, entre los temas a tratar en el orden del dia, se encon-

traba la continuaciôn de las actividades cotidianas después de mayo de

2010, la gestion de miembros, la gestion de la situacion financiera, la

preparaciôn del 16° Congreso mundial de 2011 a KOBE, y la organiza-

ciôn de una reuniôn comün del consejo de direcciôn y de la comisiôn

cientifica.

El comité ejecutivo tomoô la decisiôn de designar a Stephan Parmen-

tier como secretario general ad interim y encargô a un grupo ad hoc de

cinco miembros la tarea de preparar un informe sobre la situaciôn de la

SIC para presentarlo en esta reuniôn comün.

La reuniôn tuvo lugar, tal y como estaba previsto, a Lovaina (Bél-

gica), el sabado 3 de julio de 2010, después de que la vispera por la

noche reuniera en una cena amistosa a los participantes de la Faculty

Club de la Universidad de Lovaina.

Stephan Parmentier presentô el informe del grupo ad hoc.

Se tomaron las siguientes decisiones :

La secretaria permanente de la SIC se transfiere a Lovaina (Leuven)

Stephan Parmentier es elegido como el nuevo secretario General.

Se rindiô homejaje a Georges Picca por su larga implicaciôon y com-

promiso en las actividades de la SIC.

Acepta el titulo de secretario general honorario.

La Sra. Rachida Touahria recibe el titulo de secretaria honoraria.

Se encarga al nuevo secretario general las actividades cotidianas de

la SIC, incluida la gestiôn de los miembros, la gestion financiera, la pre-

paraciôn y la coordinaciôn del congreso mundial de KOBE con los

10

organizadores locales y la preparaciôn del curso internacional de crimi-

nologia de Porto (noviembre 2010)

Se le solicita también velar, en estrecha colaboracion con el redactor

en jefe, de los Anales Internacionales de Criminologia, para garantizar su

publicaciôn anual.

El presidente de la Comisiôn cientifica ha trabajado, en estrecha

colaboraciôn con los organizadores del congreso mundial de KOBE, en

el desarrollo de una larga lista de temas susceptibles de completar el

contenido y la estructura de sesiones plenarias. Los miembros, asi como

todos los colegas interesados, estän invitados a introducir proposiciones

de talleres, de mesas redondas y de sesiones de pôsters.

La prôxima reuniôn del consejo de direcciôn y de la comisiôn cien-

tifica tendräà lugar durante el congreso mundial de KOBE, del que se

recuerdan las fechas (del 5 al 9 de agosto de 2011) y el tema («Crisis

socio-econômica global y politicas de control del crimen : comparacio-

nes regionales y nacionales»).

Es alli donde nos reencontraremos todos.

Muy cordialmente,

Tony PETERS

PRESIDENTE DE LA SIC

— 11 —

12

LA DELINCUENCIA EN ESPANA

EN EL MARCO DE LOS CAMBIOS SOCIALES

DE LAS DOS UÜLTIMAS DÉCADAS “)

Elisa Garcia-España

José Luis Diez-Ripollés

Fatima Pérez Jiménez

Maria José Benitez Jiménez

Ana Isabel Cerezo Dominguez

1. — LOS CAMBIOS SOCIALES Y LA EVOLUCION

DE LA DELINCUENCIA OFICIAL EN ESPANA

1.1. — Cambios sociales

España ha experimentado considerables cambios sociales en las üûlti-

mas décadas. Entre otros, destacamos los producidos en la estructura

familiar, el crecimiento econômico, el rol de la mujer, el aumento de la

poblaciôn y la inmigraciôn, y el consumo de drogas.

De todos los cambios sociales habidos, dos de ellos tienen una espe-

cial

correlaciôn con

la delincuencia,

segun

los

conocimientos

criminolôgicos : La estructura familiar (entre otros, Kierkus/Hewitt,

2005S; Griffin et al., 2000; MatsuedalHeimer, 1897) y el crecimiento de

poblaciôn (por todos, Harden et al., 2009).

a) Crecimiento econômico

Sin duda, la economia en España ha experimentado una evoluciôn

positiva en las ültimas décadas, lo que ha producido un intenso proceso

de modernizaciôn. Este hecho, a su vez, ha permitido que los niveles

medios de renta de los paises mâs ricos de la UE no estén muy distantes

de los españoles.

No obstante, y en contra de lo que sucediô en las primeras etapas de

expansiôn de la economia española, en los ültimos años no se ha redu-

(D Esta investigaciôn se ha desarrollado en el marco del proyecto de investigaciôn La seg-

uridad ciudadana como criterio inspirador de la intervenciôn penal (SEJ2006-07242/JURI),

financiado por el Programa nacional de investigaciôn cientifica, desarrollo e innovaciôn tec-

nolôgica de la Secretaria de Estado de universidades e investigaciôn del Ministerio de edu-

caciôn y ciencia.

( Observatorio de la Delincuencia, Universidad de Mâlaga.

— 13 —

cido la desigualdad en la distribucion de la renta. España a comienzos

de los noventa se situaba en posiciones similares a las de Irlanda, Italia

y Reino Unido tanto en el crecimiento de las rentas como en la reduc-

ciôn de la desigualdad; a partir de 1998 la tendencia es de alejamiento,

«con un comportamiento menos favorable de la igualdad» (Foessa,

2008).

b) La mujer y el mercado laboral

Uno de los mayores cambios en la sociedad española en las dos ülti-

mas décadas, con importantes implicaciones econômicas y sociales, ha

sido la incorporaciôn de las mujeres españolas de forma generalizada al

mercado de trabajo. De hecho, hay un aumento constante de las tasas

de actividad y empleo femeninas, concretamente diecisiete puntos en los

ültimos veinticinco años, aunque el desempleo también ha afectado a

este colectivo.

La naturaleza del crecimiento econômico en España en los años ante-

riores a la crisis favoreciô la mejora en el empleo femenino : Fue el sec-

tor servicios el que mâs creciô y el que mäs empleo ha producido para

las mujeres (Hidalgo et al., 2008).

Los factores que han dado lugar a este cambio tan importante son

el acceso de las mujeres a la educacion y su permanencia en la actividad

laboral tras la maternidad. Actualmente las mujeres jôvenes permanecen

mâs tiempo en el sistema educativo que los hombres; de hecho, el 60%

de los alumnos que finaliza sus estudios universitarios son mujeres. Ade-

mâs, en los üûltimos treinta años la tasa de empleo de las mujeres espa-

folas entre 25 y 54 años ha crecido treinta y seis puntos porcentuales,

lo que confirma que la maternidad ya no supone un abandono del

empleo remunerado (Fundacion Incyde, 2007).

c) Estructura familiar

Al final de la década de los 80 y al principio de los 90 la gran mayo-

ria de los españoles vivia en familia, lo que no se podia decir de buena

parte de la poblaciôn del resto de Europa occidental. La proporciôn de

hogares familiares era en España del 86,5%, notablemente superior a la

media europea. La razôn era que en aquel momento los divorcios, las

uniones de hecho y la vida en soledad alcanzaban cotas relativamente

bajas (Ine, 1995).

Son muchos los cambios que se han producido en la familia española

en las ültimas década : Ha habido un aumento de los hogares monopa-

rentales (especialmente aquéllos encabezados por mujeres), un incre-

mento del nümero de personas viviendo solas, de las familias con un

14

solo hijo, de las separaciones y divorcios o del retraso de las edades de

maternidad, una extensiôn de las prâcticas de emparejamiento no for-

malizadas y un declive del comportamiento religioso (Casares, 2008).

Dichas conclusiones se ven corroboradas por datos facilitados por el

Instituto Nacional de Estadistica (INE). En las siguientes tablas se sumi-

nistra informaciôn relativa a los principales indicadores de familia y

hogares españoles y de tipos de hogar en nuestro pais en 2001 y 2007

(Boletines informativos Ine 2/2004 y 3/2009).

En la tabla n° 1 se aprecia que el tamaño medio del hogar desciende

en el periodo contemplado y que se incrementa la edad para contraer

matrimonio, tanto para hombres como para mujeres. Por lo que se

refiere a disoluciones matrimoniales, en 2007 se producen 137.510, con-

siderablemente mäs que en 2001, si bien representan un 5,8% menos que

en 2006, lo que rompe con la tendencia creciente de los años anteriores :

Probablemente la crisis econômica explica este cambio de tendencia,

pues al disponerse de menos recursos econômicos es mâs dificil hacer

frente a un divorcio. Respecto al nûmero medio de hijos por mujer en

edad fértil, cabe indicar que éste se sitäa en 2007 en 1,40, que es el valor

mâs alto desde el año 1990.

TABLA 1 : FAMILIA Y HOGARES.

PRINCIPALES INDICADORES

2001

2007

Tamaño medio del hogar (nûmero de miembros)

3,03

2,74

Edad media de varones al primer matrimonio

30,4

34,1

Edad media mujeres al primer matrimonio

28,4

31,1

Divorcios, separaciones, nulidades

105.534

137.510

Nümero medio de hijos por mujer

1,24

1,40

Fuente : Instituto Nacional de Estadistica. Boletin informativo del INE 3/2009.

En la tabla n° 2 se observa que en 2007 el modelo familiar predomi-

nante en los hogares es el de pareja sin hijos (21,5%), seguido de cerca

por la pareja con un hijo (21%). En 2001 la pareja con dos hijos era el

mâs representativo (22,2%), pero ese modelo baja a la tercera posiciôn

(17,4%) en 2007. Se constata también un incremento en 2007 de los

hogares monoparentales y de las personas que viven solas, con indepen-

dencia de si tienen mâs o menos de 65 años.

— 15 —

TABLA 2 : TIPOS DE HOGAR

2001

2007

Pareja sin hijos

19,3

21,5

18,5

21,0

Pareja con un hijo

Pareja con dos hijos

22,2

17,4

Pareja con tres o mâs hijos

3,7

8,05

7,9

Un adulto con hijos

7,0

Persona sola con menos de 65 änos

4,9

3,8

Persona sola de 65 o mâs años

7,9

8,7

Fuente : ECPF y EPF : Instituto Nacional de estadistica

Bericat explica los cambios en la estructura familiar en las ültimas

décadas a partir de tres factores : el retraso de la maternidad, el

aumento de rupturas matrimoniales y el incremento de la esperanza de

vida. Una visiôn de todos los factores anteriores permite configurar tres

grandes etapas vitales en la poblaciôn española de la actualidad, cons-

tituida cada una de ellas por 30 años : Durante los primeros 30 años se

convive con los padres (de hecho el 80,4% de los jôvenes entre 20 y 24

años conviven con sus padres); de los 30 a los 60 años se convive con

la pareja y los hijos (aunque han aumentado considerablemente las pare-

jas sin hijos); y a partir de los 60 la estructura se compone sea de los

llamados «nidos vacios» sea de hogares unipersonales fruto de la viu-

dedad. À partir de esta nueva estructura de hogares españoles puede

concluirse que la familia extensa, que tanto ha caracterizado a la estruc-

tura social española, se ha extinguido y ha dado paso a una etapa de

post-nuclearizaciôn (Bericat, 2006).

Ademâs, cabe señalar que, en 2007, el nümero de nacimientos de

madre no casada representô un 30,2% del total, una cifra que no ha

dejado de aumentar en los ültimos años. Por otro lado, se registraron

204.772 matrimonios, de los cuales el 16,7% correspondieron a parejas

con al menos uno de los cônyuges extranjero. Los matrimonios entre

personas del mismo sexo, que fueron legalizados en España en 2005,

ascendieron a 3.193, un 1,6% del total (Boletin informativo Ine 3/2009).

d) Aumento de poblacioôn

Al principio de los años 90 la poblaciôn española no alcanzaba los

40 millones de habitantes y su tasa de crecimiento venia acercandose al

valor cero. En aquel momento se preveia una disminuciôn de la pobla-

16

—

clôn a medio plazo. Sin embargo, esas previsiones no se cumplieron y

la poblaciôn fue aumentando intensamente hasta alcanzar en 2010 la

cifra de 46.745.807 personas censadas, segûn el Instituto Nacional de

Estadistica.

La causa de dicho crecimiento inesperado ha sido la llegada de

poblacion extranjera. La pirämide de poblaciôn indica que el fenômeno

inmigratorio se ha concentrado especialmente en la poblaciôn mâs

joven, lo que ha producido una desaceleraciôn del proceso de envejeci-

miento de la poblaciôn. Ademäs, el crecimiento vegetativo ha estado

impulsado por el incremento de los nacimientos de madres extranjeras.

La poblaciôn residente en España no se distribuye por igual en todo

el territorio. La mayor densidad de poblaciôn se halla en la Comunidad

de Madrid, con 724 habitantes por kilômetro cuadrado. La edad media

de la poblaciôn residente en España es de 40,42 años : 40,99 para los

españoles y 32,82 para los extranjeros residentes. En el censo de 2009 la

cifra de extranjeros en España alcanzô los 5.648.671, esto es, un 12,5%

de la poblaciôn (Zne, 2009). Eso significa que se ha multiplicado por

cinco en apenas una década, ya que en el año 2000 los ayuntamientos

censaron a 923.000 foräneos. Frente a esta cifra, el nümero de extran-

jeros con tarjeta de residencia en vigor se elevô a 4.715.757, a fecha 30

de septiembre de 2009, el ültimo dato disponible del Ministerio de Tra-

bajo e Inmigraciôn. La inscripciôn en el padrôn, un registro administra-

tivo donde constan los vecinos de un municipio, constituye para los

inmigrantes la llave de acceso a derechos como la sanidad y la

educacion; esa inscripciôn puede formalizarse con independencia de que

tengan o no residencia legal en el pais. Segün las cifras aportadas, entre

los empadronados (5.648.671) hay un 83,5% de extranjeros regulares,

siendo el resto irregulares. Mäs de la mitad de los extranjeros proceden,

bien de América Central y del Sur (35%) bien de la UE-25S (21%). El

colectivo nacional con mayor presencia es el marroqui, seguido del

rumano y del ecuatoriano. Entre los extranjeros hay mäs hombres

(52,9%) que mujeres, aunque existen diferencias significativas segûn la

procedencia. En general, las provincias de la costa mediterrânea, los

archipiélagos y el centro de la peninsula son las zonas en las que existe

mayor concentraciôn de poblaciôn extranjera. Todas las comunidades

autônomas han experimentado el crecimiento de la poblaciôn extranjera,

pero donde ha sido mayor es en Andalucia, Madrid y Comunidad

Valenciana.

e) Consumo de drogas

Del conjunto de sentencias vistas por los Tribunales españoles en

1999, mas de un tercio estaban vinculadas con las drogas, siendo las mâs

_— 17 —

frecuentes las relativas a delitos contra la seguridad del träfico vial (62%

de todas las sentencias relacionadas con drogas). Las sentencias de trà-

fico de drogas representaron alrededor del 15% y las relativas a los deli-

tos contra la propiedad derivados de la adicciôon a las drogas del incul-

pado un 20% (Muñoz, 2004). Los datos de este estudio apuntan al

consumo de drogas como un factor relevante en la criminalidad.

Tras una década de estabilidad, la de los 80, caracterizada por la

omnipresencia de una epidemia de heroina, se produjo en los 90 una

diversificaciôn, no sôlo en los consumos, sino también en los häbitos y,

lo que es mäs importante, en los referentes culturales de base (Comas,

1995). Asi, el fenômeno del uso de drogas se transformô notablemente

a partir de 1992, de forma que la década de los 90 ofreciô un perfil de

consumidor muy distinto al que estäbamos acostumbrados en los 80.

Segün los datos aportados por un estudio epidemiolôgico realizado

en Galicia (Edis, 1998), en esa década predominaban tres modelos de

policonsumo : El modelo mâs extendido acumulaba alucinôgenos, anfe-

taminas y drogas de sintesis, y cannabis. El segundo modelo agrupaba

heroina y otros derivados opiâceos, cocaina e inhalables. El tercer grupo

lo conformaban el tabaco, el alcohol y derivados del cannabis. À finales

de los años 80 el segundo modelo habia tomado el protagonismo, pero

en la década de los 90 pasô a ocupar el segundo lugar (Nuñez et al,

1998).

Segün el ültimo informe publicado en el año 2007 por el Observato-

rio español sobre Drogas (OED), el cual incluye datos de la evoluciôn

de diversos indicadores asi como los resultados de dos encuestas a la

poblaciôn — la Encuesta domiciliaria sobre alcohol y drogas en España

(Edades) de 2005 y la Encuesta estatal sobre uso de drogas en enseñan-

zas secundarias (Estudes) de 2006 —, se concluye sobre el consumo de

drogas en España en los primeros años del siglo XXI lo siguiente :

1

Ha descendido el consumo de tabaco, aunque la proporciôn de fuma-

dores sigue siendo alta.

Ha descendido la proporciôn de consumidores de bebidas alcohôlicas,

aunque ha aumentado la frecuencia de episodios de consumo inten-

sivos (borracheras).

Continûa disminuyendo progresivamente el nûmero de consumidores

de drogas inyectadas.

Ha descendido lentamente la mortalidad directamente relacionada

con drogas ilegales, aunque persiste un nûmero elevado de muertes de

este tipo (casi 800 en 2004).

En los que consumen drogas inyectadas persisten altos niveles de

infecciôon por VIH y virus de la hepatitis y conductas sexuales de

— 18 —

riesgo, aunque ha disminuido progresivamente el nûmero de nuevos

diagnôsticos de VIH en esta poblaciôn.

Después de muchos años de descenso, puede haberse estabilizado el

consumo de heroina, e incluso puede haber comenzado a ascender.

Se estä estabilizando, o puede haber comenzado a descender, el con-

sumo de cocaina y cannabis, tras muchos años de aumento.

1.2. — Delincuencia oficial en España

a) Hechos conocidos por la policia

S1 acudimos a las cifras ofrecidas por el ûltimo Furopean Sourcebook

of Crime and Criminal Justice Statistics publicado (2006), que contiene

datos del año 2003 (gräfico n° 1), se observa que los niveles de delin-

cuencia conocida oficialmente en España se sitäan entre los mäs bajos

de Europa, claramente por debajo de la media.

GRAFICO 1 : TASA DE CRIMINALIDAD POR 100.000 HAB.

EN EUROPA. ANO 2003

Ingl./Gales

Bélgica

rr

Paises Bajos

Alemania

Austria

Francia

MEDIA

Suiza

Italia

Grecia

…iä:£.

Portugal

Polonia

Irlanda

España

“

Æ

‘1

Li

ï

Li

U

Î

2000

4000

6000

8000

10000

12000

Fuente : European Sourcebook of Crime and Criminal Justice Statistics, 2006

No obstante, segûn los datos oficiales ofrecidos por el Ministerio del

Interior, la delincuencia registrada ha aumentado en España en las dos

ültimas décadas. Entre 1989 y 2008 el nümero total de hechos conocidos

por los distintos cuerpos policiales pasô de 1.030.996 (Anuario MIR,

2004) a 1.858.196 (Balance 2009 del Ministerio del Interior). En el grâà-

fico n° 2 se representa la evoluciôn de la densidad delictiva en España

desde los años ochenta, segûn las cifras de hechos conocidos ofrecidas

por el Ministerio del Interior. La densidad delictiva entre esos dos años,

que van a delimitar temporalmente nuestro trabajo -1989 y 2008-, pasô

de 26,07/1.000 hab. a 47,6/1.000 hab. (Balance 2009 del Ministerio del

19

Interior). Por tanto, las cifras tanto absolutas como relativas señalan

que el incremento de infracciones penales conocidas en España tiene un

ascenso constante, aunque se ha experimentado un significativo refrena-

miento en la ültima década.

GRAFICO 2 : EVOLUCION

DE LA DENSIDAD DELICTIVA EN ESPANA

INDICE POR 1.000 HABITANTES

60

50

40

30

20

10

1.980 1.984.…:1:388». 1.992

1996

2000

2004

2008

Fuente : Datos del MIR y del INE

Profundizando en el anâlisis de estos datos, se observan los cambios

producidos en la estructura de la delincuencia en España en las ûltimas

décadas : Segün los datos del Ministerio del Interior que reproducimos

en el grâfico n° 3, la delincuencia leve (faltas) ha mantenido un creci-

miento constante desde la década de los 80 hasta la actualidad. Por el

contrario, la delincuencia grave (delitos) se ha mantenido casi en los

mismos niveles que hace 15 años. De hecho, por primera vez en la his-

toria reciente de España, a comienzos del siglo XXI el nümero de infrac-

ciones leves supera tanto en términos absolutos como relativos al

nûmero de infracciones graves (Garcia España, 2005), como se observa

en el gräfico n° 3.

b) Incremento de poblaciôn penitenciaria

También en las ûltimas décadas el aumento de presos en las cärceles

españolas ha crecido considerablemente. En 1996 la poblaciôn encarce-

lada era de 44.312 presos, lo que suponia una tasa de 112 presos por

cada 100.000 habitantes. Una década después el nûmero de presos en las

s< 00 ==

GRAFICO 3 : EVOLUCIÔON

DE LOS DELITOS Y FALTAS CONOCIDOS EN ESPANA

0s

1.200.000 -—

1.100.000

—00N00C0ANCOSSSSSSSSSSS CCCN SSUSSSNSNSSSSOSSSOUNENNENSSSSENANANSNSARNENENSNCNNS0CNSOn2euTs

1.000.000 4——

M 0000000020 veceseressvsevecec-cesacuseseaas

900.000

( emr RE ES

—

soccnced

Easannoux <010 v.….0evese- - asevue - rosmpanenn cossse0aa….. pacaseesasesssnene

800.000 -—

700.000

600.000

1995

1996

1997

1998

1999 2000 2001

2002 72003 2004 2005

—— \l* delitos —# N°faltas

Fuente : Elaboraciôn propia a partir de datos del MIR

cärceles españolas alcanzô la cifra de 63.248, con una tasa por cada

100.000 habitantes de 141. Como puede observarse en el siguiente grä-

fico n° 4, en 2008 España ha pasado a ocupar el primer puesto en tasa

de poblaciôn reclusa por 100.000 habitantes entre los 15 paises que inte-

graban la Uniôn Europea antes de su ampliaciôn al este.

GRAFICO 4 : POBLACION RECLUSA POR 100.000 HABITANTES

UE-15 (2008)

180

160

140

120

100

80

60

40

20

Italia

España

Grecia

Austria

Bélgica = MMn

Francia

Irlanda e

Suecia H

Portugal

Holanda

Alemania

Finlandia M

Dinamarca H

Luxemburgo

Media UE-15 H

nglaterra y Gale

Fuente : Ci—d Moliné (2006) del Oxford Center of Prison Studies

PR | 270

2. — METODOLOGIA

En España se han justificado las reformas penales y penitenciarias

rigoristas en el aumento de la delincuencia que ofrecian las estadisticas

oficiales — policiales y penitenciarias expuestas supra —. Los cambios

producidos especialmente en la familia y el aumento de poblaciôn faci-

litaban una explicaciôn de dicho aumento, nunca corroborada cientifi-

camente. Diferentes autores españoles han intentado demostrar que el

incremento de la delincuencia conocida oficialmente y publicada en las

estadisticas policiales podia no ser representativo de la delincuencia

sufrida, habida cuenta de la ausencia de suficientes estudios empiricos

al respecto. Objetivo de estos trabajos era aportar informaciôn adicional

que permitiera mejorar la racionalidad de las reformas legislativas en

curso (Diez Ripollés, 2007). No obstante, esos estudios se han realizado

a partir de anâlisis mäs profundos de las propias estadisticas policiales

y penitenciarias, y no han podido contar con otros datos empiricos com-

plementarios (entre otros, Garcia EspañalPérez Jiménez, 2004; Diez

Ripollés, 2006; CID Moliné, 2008; Garcia Pérez, 2008).

La importancia de este trabajo radica en el hecho de que por primera

vez se intenta explicar la evoluciôn de la delincuencia en España tras los

cambios sociales acontecidos a partir de datos empiricos extraidos de

sucesivas encuestas de victimizaciôn realizadas en España por UNICRI

(1989 y 2005) y por el Observatorio de la delincuencia (ODA) en 2008.

Es sobradamente conocido que los datos oficiales de la delincuencia

sôlo nos acercan de forma parcial al panorama delictivo de un pais. Las

encuestas de victimizaciôn, por otro lado, son uno de los mejores ins-

trumentos para completar el conocimiento de esta realidad. En España

la disponibilidad de encuestas de victimizaciôn nacionales ha sido siem-

pre muy limitada, ya que ningün organismo oficial ha asumido hasta el

momento la tarea de realizarlas de modo sistematico. El Centro de

investigaciones sociolôgicas - CIS - ha sido el organismo que mayor

atenciôn les ha prestado; sin embargo, desde 1978 a la actualidad tan

solo ha Ilevado a cabo cinco encuestas nacionales, sin periodicidad y con

una técnica (selecciôn muestral, cuestionario, etc) que hace imposible la

incorporacion de sus datos a la comparaciôn internacional. Para cono-

cer el volumen y evoluciôn de la delincuencia en España ha habido que

recurrir hasta ahora a las estadisticas policiales y judiciales, a pesar de

las conocidas carencias que presentan respecto a los delitos que no lle-

gan a ser conocidos por estas instancias, y la limitada publicidad de sus

datos (Diez Ripollés/Giménez-Salinas, 2010).

22

Por tanto, se hacia necesario un trabajo de campo que nos mostrara

la evoluciôn y el volumen de la delincuencia sufrida y percibida a partir

de informaciôn diversa a la suministrada por las estadisticas oficiales.

La investigacion realizada en el ODA perseguia dos precisos objetivos :

En primer lugar, dibujar la tendencia de la delincuencia en España en

las ültimas décadas tras los cambios sociales experimentados; en

segundo lugar, conocer la percepciôn social de la evoluciôn de la delin-

cuencia en ese mismo periodo.

El equipo de la seccion de Mâlaga del Instituto andaluz interuniver-

sitario de Criminologia realizô una encuesta sobre la ciudad de Maälaga

en 1994 con la técnica ICVS (Diez Ripollés et al., 1996), cuyos resulta-

dos han podido ser cotejados con los de una nueva encuesta Îlevada a

cabo en la misma ciudad en 2005 (Garcia España et al., 2006). Asi-

mismo, ha desarrollado en los ültimos años encuestas sobre el total de

capitales provinciales andaluzas (8) al abrigo del ODA (Garcia España

et al., 2007 y 2008), lo que le ha permitido obtener una visiôn muy com-

pleta de la delincuencia urbana de una regiôn populosa, Andalucia, que

supera los 8 millones de habitantes.

España ha participado hasta ahora en dos pases de la International

Crime Victims Survey (ICVS), los realizados en 1989 y en 2005 (EU

[ICS). El ODA, para mejorar los elementos de comparaciôn, y aprove-

chando la experiencia ya adquirida en encuestas de victimizaciôn, se

propuso llevar a cabo una encuesta a nivel nacional en 2008 con base

igualmente en el internacionalmente validado cuestionario ICVS.

En efecto, el ODA ha utilizado para la encuesta de victimizaciôon a

nivel nacional el método de la International Crime Victims Survey

(ICVS). No solo compartimos un mismo modelo de encuesta adaptado

al caso español, sino también la tecnologia CATTI en el trabajo de

campo y la explotaciôn de datos. En cuanto al tamaño y la selecciôn

muestrales, hay cierto matiz diferencial : En el pase ODA 2008 se realizô

la encuesta a poblaciones de mâs de 50.000 habitantes, mientras que en

los pases europeos precedentes en los que participôé España -1989 y

2005- se seleccionô la muestra de toda la poblaciôn de cada pais. Otra

diferencia es que en los pases de 1989 y 2005 no se incluyô en la

encuesta para España la pregunta relativa a «daños de coche», pregunta

que si incluimos en nuestra encuesta de 2008. Por este motivo, en el anâ-

lisis de datos usamos para la comparaciôn las tasas de victimizaciôn

halladas para 10 de los 11 delitos preguntados en nuestra encuesta, pues

excluimos los datos sobre daños a coches. Ademäs, para proceder a la

comparaciôn longitudinal de las tasas de denuncia hemos tenido que

prescindir de los datos relativos a los delitos de «daños a coches» y

«agresiones sexuales» para hacerlas igualmente comparables con los

23

pases internacionales anteriores, por lo que en el anâlisis de esas tasas

el nümero de delitos queda reducido a 9.

À continuaciôn detallamos de forma resumida los rasgos mâs sobre-

salientes de la metodologia de nuestro trabajo de campo :

Universo y ambito de aplicacion :

Poblacion de 16 años y mâs en capitales de provincia y municipios de mäs de

50.000 habitantes. En conjunto, un total de 23.494.676 personas a 1 de enero

de 2007.

Muestra :

1400 encuestas

Margen de error :

El margen de error para el conjunto es del + 2,62%, con un nivel de confianza

del 95,5% y para p = q = 0,5.

Trabajo de Campo :

El trabajo de campo se desarrollô entre el 17 de febrero y el 1 de abril de 2009

por entrevistadores especializados de Edis, S.A., en las oficinas de Edis en

Madrid.

Método de recogida de la informacion :

La informaciôn se ha recogido mediante encuestas telefônicas a través del sis-

tema CATI.

Tipo de datos y periodo contemplado :

Datos sobre victimizaciôn relativos al periodo 2004-2008, actitud hacia el delito

y la policia, los juzgados, los juzgados de menores y las prisiones, actitudes

punitivas, opiniôn sobre la severidad judicial, la delincuencia percibida y la

influencia de los medios de comunicaciôon.

Lo que sigue ahora es justamente un anâlisis de la evoluciôn de la

delincuencia en España, y de su percepciôn social, a partir de los resul-

tados obtenidos en esa encuesta nacional y en los dos pases europeos

precedentes. Si bien en este articulo nos limitamos a analizar la tenden-

cia de la delincuencia sufrida y percibida en España, el informe com-

pleto, con el anâlisis de todos los resultados de la encuesta de 2008, se

encuentra publicado en una monografia de 2009 codirigida por Diez

Ripollés y Garcia España, bajo el titulo Encuesta a victimas en España.

__ 24 —

3. — EVOLUCION DE LA DELINCUENCIA EN ESPANA

Las tasas de victimizaciôn halladas en las tres encuestas para el

ültimo año y los ûltimos cinco años anteriores a cada uno de los pases,

muestran una tendencia claramente descendente, como puede apreciarse

en el grâfico n° 5.

GRAFICO 5 : TENDENCIA DE LA EVOLUCION

DE LA TASA DE VICTIMIZACIÔN EN ESPANA (10 DELITOS)

50

40

… 38,5

30

20

10

kLL8\A"A

— 11,6

v 25,4

1989

2005

2008

— }|timo año

—-— U|timos 5 años

|

;

La delincuencia comün en España està descendiendo desde hace 20

años segûn los datos de las encuestas de victimizaciôn. Si bien estos

resultados se asemejan a los aportados por el National Crime Victimi-

zation Survey de 2008 de Estados Unidos, donde se apunta un descenso

claro de la delincuencia violenta y contra la propiedad en la ûltima

década (Rand, 2009), contrastan con la linea ascendente que muestran

las estadisticas policiales españolas (grâfico n° 1), con las percepciones

sociales — como se comprobarä mâs adelante — y, sobre todo, con los

discursos de los agentes politicos, que Ilevan tiempo sirviéndose del pre-

tendido aumento de la delincuencia para adoptar todo tipo de iniciativas

rigoristas populistas.

En los ûltimos veinte años se aprecia, al comparar la secuencia de

pases de la encuesta internacional en 1989, 2005 y 2008, que la tasa de

victimizaciôn del delito de robo de coche durante los ültimos cinco años

desciende (gräfico n° 6), no ocurriendo asi con la tasa de denuncia, que

se incrementô en mäs de ocho puntos, convirtiéndose en el delito mâs

manifestado a la policia (Diez Ripollés/Garcia España, 2009).

sr DS t

GRAFICO 6 : EVOLUCION DE LOS DELITOS

DE ROBO DE COCHES

—S>

30

,"

*

+

0,8

O N L QG Œ

1989

2005

2008

—# U|timo año

—-— Ultimos 5 años

l

La tasa de victimizaciôn del robo de objeto de coches es superior a

la observada en el robo de coche, tanto durante los ûltimos cinco años

como en 2008 (15,6%; 4,4%), y también es mäs frecuente ser victima de

este delito en mâs de una ocasiôn que de robo de coche. La tendencia

observada en la victimizaciôn de este delito a través de las encuestas

internacionales (grâäfico n° 7) en el periodo de tiempo de los ûltimos

cinco años es descendente, mientras que durante el ûltimo año la tasa

de victimizaciôn de 2008 es mäs baja que en 1989 pero no que en 2005.

GRAFICO 7 : EVOLUCION DE LOS ROBOS

DE OBJETO DE COCHES

40

30

20

e V

—0

10

6—Q,6\A ;

7

4,4

' “,

1989

2005

2008

—# Ultimo año

—IE—Ultimos 5 años

Las tasas de victimizaciôn del delito de roho de moto durante los ülti-

mos cinco años (1,9%) y durante el ültimo año (0,3%) coincidieron en

2008 con las obtenidas en 2005 (gräfico n° 8). La tasa de denuncia de

robo de motos es muy elevada durante los ûltimos cinco años, Ilegando

al 76,9%, por el contrario, en el ültimo año se aprecia un indice mucho

mâs bajo, que no supera el 50% (Diez Ripollés/Garcia España, 2009).

-O G..

GRAFICO 8 : EVOLUCION DE LOS ROBOS

DE MOTOS O CICLOMOTOR

*

4

E 1,9

…——————o 0,3

1989

2005

2008

—# U|timo año

—— U|timos S años

Las tasas de victimizaciôn en España del robo de bicicleta en la

encuesta de 2008 fue durante los ültimos cinco años del 3,9% y durante

el ültimo año del 0,8%, indices algo superiores a los obtenidos por nues-

tro pais en el pase internacional de la encuesta de victimizaciôn de 2005,

que quedaron representados por el 3,2% y 0,7% respectivamente. Se

aprecia en el grâäfico n° 9 una tendencia creciente de este tipo de con-

ductas en el horizonte temporal del ültimo año en cada pase de las

encuestas; no asi para los cinco üûltimos años. La tasa de denuncia en

este delito es inferior, con carâcter general, a la relativa a robo de otros

vehiculos, si bien en 2008 supera el porcentaje de denuncias del robo de

moto (véase el apartado relativo a fasas de denuncias).

GRAFICO 9 : EVOLUCION DE LOS ROBOS

DE BICICLETAS

V,\

d p L d

${/o 3,9

Dibt

=

—l 0,8

-—l-e;

4

29 —=-: N U0 N U

1989

2005

2008

—— U|timos cinco años

—# U|timo año

— 27

El informe de la encuesta de victimizaciôn realizada en los paises de

la Uniôn Europea (EU ICS) en 2005 resalta que delitos como el roho

consumado en vivienda fueron descendiendo en los 10 años anteriores a

2005 en la mayor parte de los paises de la UE, incluida España. Parece

que esta tendencia de descenso se ha mantenido en nuestro pais si se

observan los datos de los cinco años anteriores al pase de la encuesta

de 2008. Los datos relativos al año anterior se mantienen relativamente

estables en el ültimo periodo (gräfico n° 10).

GRAFICO 10 : EVOLUCION DE LOS ROBOS

CONSUMADOS EN VIVIENDAS

34

H£\.

h À

6;8

0,9

O #-; N U BL U G

1989

2005

2008

—# |timo año

—-— U|timos 5 años

Si nos atenemos sôlo a los robos que se han descrito como fentativas,

la tasa de victimizaciôn en 2008 para el ültimo año es de un 0,8% y para

los cinco años anteriores de 3,9% (grâäfico n° 11). Si introducimos la

comparaciôn con anteriores encuestas, el descenso parece consolidarse

en los datos relativos a los cinco años anteriores a los pases de las

encuestas, mientras que la victimizaciôn del año anterior muestra un

ligero ascenso respecto a 2005, pero no muy considerable.

007 20

GRAFICO 11 : TASAS DE VICTIMIZACIÔON

DE INTENTOS DE ROBO EN VIVIENDA EN ESPANA

m ; 0C

sl

HE”\—&,«a——————-ä 0,9

1989

2005

2008

—# Ultimo año

—-— Ultimos 5 años

El informe EU ICS 2005 comenta que los niveles de robo con violèn-

cia a nivel internacional no son muy altos y que la tendencia general es

de descenso; resalta en esta dinämica la situaciôn española, ya que su

descenso entre 1989 y 2005 es Ilamativo (Van Dijk, 2007). Si añadimos

el nuevo dato aportado por la encuesta de 2008 parece que esta tenden-

cia de descenso se ha mantenido en nuestro pais, tanto si se observan

los datos de los cinco años anteriores al pase de la encuesta, como si se

analizan los referentes al año anterior (gräfico n° 12).

GRAFICO 12 : EVOLUCION DEL ROBO

CON VIOLENCIA E INTIMIDACION EN ESPANA

15

10

,

50

-

Q

E

QE

1989

2005

2008

—# Ultimo año

—-— Ultimos 5 años

En las tasas relativas al año anterior al pase de la encuesta se observa

cômo, tras un notable descenso en 2005, la victimizaciôn por delitos de

hurto vuelve a ascender, aunque a niveles notablemente mäs bajos que

- p9

en 1989. Los datos que reflejan los cinco años anteriores muestran una

mayor estabilidad.

GRAFICO 13 : EVOLUCION DE LAS TASAS

DE VICTIMIZACION DE LOS HURTOS

30

20

—l 13,7

Ha_s\“*ï[,4

10

à 2

3,8

272

1989

2005

2008

—# Ultimo año

—-— Ultimos S años

— mm e e ——

La secuencia de la victimizaciôn de agresiones y abusos sexuales nos

permite apreciar un mantenimiento de las tasas de victimizaciôn en 2005

y 2008, con un fuerte descenso desde 1989 (gräfico n° 14A). À pesar de

este hecho las tasas de denuncia en España de este delito en los üûltimos

veinte años se han incrementado notablemente, dando lugar al positivo

resultado de una menor cifra negra.

GRAFICO 14A : EVOLUCION DE LAS AGRESIONES

Y ABUSOS SEXUALES

10

ë

ë

-+

0

Ê

O N BL G 0

1989

2005

2008

—# }ltimo año

—-— Ultimos 5 años

La comparaciôn evolutiva nos ofrece un panorama interesante en las

agresiones fisicas y amenazas. Por un lado, estä la informaciôn relativa

al año anterior de cada encuesta, segûn la cual el nivel de agresiones fisi-

cas y amenazas es inferior al del año 1989, aunque con un descenso infe-

rior al experimentado en el año 2005. Por su parte, la experiencia de las

victimas en cuanto a los delitos sufridos en los cinco años anteriores a

la entrevista es totalmente diferente, puesto que el nivel de victimizaciôn

actualmente es el mäs bajo de los tres años de pases de encuesta, tras

haber sufrido un incremento en 2005 (gräfico n° 14B).

GRAFICO 14B : EVOLUCION DE LAS AGRESIONES

e e E e

Ps

12

10

/\ ;

‘—&"L\\_-

+,6

O N L G ®

1989

2005

2008

—# U|timo año

—— |timos 5 anos

Si unimos en una sola figura la evoluciôn de los distintos hechos

delictivos podemos obtener dos informaciones interesantes : La primera

es una comparativa de sus respectivas tendencias; y la segunda, el orden

que cada tipologia delictiva ocupa segûn la frecuencia con la que se pro-

ducen esos sucesos.

Como se observa en el gräfico n° 15, la tipologia que mâs frecuente-

mente se comete en España, a pesar del enorme descenso que ha expe-

rimentado en las ültimas décadas, es el robo de objeto de coches. En

segundo lugar se colocan los hurtos, con una trayectoria ascendente.

Delitos violentos, como los robos con violencia e intimidaciôn y las

agresiones fisicas y amenazas, presentan una frecuencia considerable-

mente menor, siendo la tendencia de ambos descendente, a pesar del

repunte que los primeros tuvieron durante 2005. Los ültimos puestos los

ocupan el robo de bicicletas y las agresiones sexuales, tras descender en

2005 y mantenerse en esa frecuencia en 2008.

0k —

GRAFICO 15 : EVOLUCION DE LAS TASAS

DE LAS TIPOLOGIAS DELICTIVAS

omemen smmm r tn p

30

— Robo de coches

25

Robo objeto de

coches

— Robo motos

20

Robo bicicletas

15

— Robo viviendas

consumado

— Tobo viviendas

10

intentado

—— Robo con V/!

smm ce rn

Hurtos

Agresiones sexuales

1989

2005

2008

4. — AUMENTO DE HECHOS DENUNCIADOS A LA POLICIA

De las 682 victimas de la muestra de 2008, 326 denunciaron el hecho

a la policia en los ültimos cinco años. Esto significa que la tasa de

denuncia para ese periodo de tiempo es de 47,9%.

En los pases internacionales de 1989 y 2005 se aporta la tasa de

denuncia referente al ûltimo año anterior al pase de cada encuesta, y

referida solo a 9 delitos de los 11 que recoge el cuestionario ICVS. Con

el fin de poder conocer la tendencia de las tasas de denuncia en España

hemos procedido a realizar el câlculo de la tasa de denuncia en 2008

para esos 9 delitos, y la hemos comparado con la de los pases de 1989

y 2005. El resultado se expone en el gräfico n° 16:

Mâs allà de la tendencia ascendente que muestran estas tasas, resulta

interesante apuntar algunos resultados referentes a la relaciôn entre la

49 ..

GRAFICO 16 : TENDENCIA DE LAS TASAS DE DENUNCIAS

EN ESPANA EN EL ÜLTIMO ANO PARA 9 DELITOS (%)

70

60

58,6

50

40

30

20

10

1989

2005

2008

victimizaciôn y los hechos denunciados, asi como sobre los motivos de

la denuncia. Dichos resultados nos ayudan a entender la diferente ten-

dencia de la delincuencia mostrada por las estadisticas oficiales y por las

encuestas de victimizaciôn

Los hechos que las victimas denunciaron a la policia mäs habitual-

mente durante los ûltimos 5 años anteriores a 2008 fueron el robo de

coches (90,5%), robo de motos (76,9%) y robo consumado en viviendas

(63,6%)

En el grâäfico n° 17 se puede observar cômo se distribuyen las tasas

de victimizaciôn de los delitos mâs relevantes y compararlas con el grâ-

fico n° 18 que representa los hechos mâäs frecuentemente denunciados

Los resultados de dicha comparaciôn muestran que no se corresponde

la victimizaciôn o prevalencia delictiva con las denuncias o hechos que

las victimas ponen en conocimiento de la policia, ya que la victimizaciôn

se expande hacia la derecha abarcando especialmente los daños a coches

y los robos de objetos de coches, mientras que las denuncias tienen una

distribucion vertical en la estructura de tela de araña

=1 88 —

GRAFICO 17 : TASAS DE VICTIMIZACION

EN LOS ÜLTIMOS 5 ANOS EN ESPANA (%)

ROBO ÇOCHES

25

AGRESIONES/AM

20

ROBO OBJETO

ENAZAS

15

COCHES

10

AGRESIONES

DANOS COCHES

SEXUALES

HURTOS

ROBO CON

VIOLENCIA

GRAFICO 18 : TASAS DE DENUNCIAS

EN LOS ÜLTIMOS 5 ANOS EN ESPANA (%)

ROBO COCHES

100

AGRESIONES/A

80

ROBO OBJETO

MENAZAS

60

COCHES

AGRESIONES

DANOS COCHES

SEXUALES

ROBO CON

HURTOS

VIOLENCIA

En cinco de las once infracciones se pregunta también por el motivo

que llevô a la victima a denunciar el suceso. Dichos delitos son robo con

violencia, agresiôn sexual, robo de objeto de coche, robo en viviendas y

agresiones fisicas y amenazas.

De los ocho motivos en los que se dividen las respuestas, la mayoria

de los entrevistados denunciaron por considerar que era un hecho que

debe ser puesto en conocimiento de la policia, quedando a cierta distan-

cia el resto de motivos (véase gräfico n° 19).

N

GRAFICO 19 : MOTIVOS DE LA DENUNCIA (%)

—

Otras l

Para recibir indemnizaciôn

;1 s.3ë

’:‘

Para recibir ayuda | — S$,1

Para que no vuela à ocurrir — 21

I;

Para que detengan al autor

!

Debe denunciarse

à 16000 RE

i 40,3

Tenia seguro

2

25,9

Recuperar objeto

P

24,

es t

—

—(î‘

10

A 3 /\

20

S

30

40

50

Pero el resultado cambia ligeramente si agrupamos los siete motivos

principales, excluyendo la categoria «otras», en tres grandes grupos :

Altruistas, en donde tienen cabida las respuestas «debe denunciarse» y

«para que no vuelva a ocurrir»; econômicos, que incluye la respuestas

«tenia seguro», «para recuperar los objetos», «para recibir ayuda» y

«para recibir una indemnizaciôn»; y retributivos, que contiene la res-

puesta «queria que detuvieran al autor». Con esta nueva agrupaciôn, la

motivaciôon «econômica», alusiva a los intereses de la victima en subsa-

nar o compensar el daño producido por la infracciôn penal, adquiere

una relevancia similar a los motivos «altruistas», presentando ambos

una frecuencia bastante superior a la de los motivos «retributivos».

El hecho de que una mayoria de españoles consideren que las infrac-

ciones penales deben ser puestas en conocimiento de la policia (motivo

altruista) puede encontrar su origen en el hecho de que es la policia la

instituciôn, dentro del sistema penal español, que mäs confianza le

merece a los españoles, segûn otro de los resultados de este estudio.

Véase grâäfico n° 20.

S, — PERCEPCION SOCIAL DE LA EVOLUCION DE LA DELINCUENCIA

Y MEDIOS DE COMUNICACION

Como acabamos de apuntar, las encuestas de victimizaciôn realiza-

das en España señalan un descenso significativo de la delincuencia. Sin

embargo, la opiniôn pûblica española parece mostrar una percepciôn

diferente sobre esa evolucion, como mostraremos a continuaciôn.

,

GRAFICO 20 : GRADO DE CONOCIMIENTO

Y CONFIANZA EN LAS INSTITUCIONES

DE CONTROL PENAL (%)

90

80

80

70

60

Î‘

50

39,4

38,7

40

SU

339

E Conocimiento

30

13,

w Confianza

20

9,

"ÊË

10

757

=

e

u

“î

Policia

Juzgado

Juzgados

Prisiones

adultos

de

menores

Las encuestas de victimizaciôon son instrumentos de medida vâlidos

para conocer la percepciôn que tiene el ciudadano sobre la evoluciôn de

la delincuencia, ya que entre sus objetivos especificos, ademäs de apor-

tar informaciôn sobre caracteristicas de los hechos, autores y victimas,

se encuentra investigar sobre la opiniôn de los entrevistados con relaciôn

a la delincuencia y al sistema penal.

Por ello nos planteamos en este trabajo un segundo y doble objetivo,

consistente en comprobar si la percepciôn social del volumen de delin-

cuencia en España se corresponde con la realidad delictiva, y si una

supuesta errônea percepciôn de los ciudadanos puede encontrar su ori-

gen en la informaciôn que se recibe a diario de infracciones penales a

través de los medios de comunicaciôn.

Següûn nuestro estudio, el 88,8% de los encuestados cree que la delin-

cuencia ha aumentado mucho o bastante en los ültimos años, como se

aprecia en el gräfico n° 21.

Esta opiniôn discrepa considerablemente de las conclusiones de nues-

tro trabajo, pues ya hemos visto que los resultados de nuestra encuesta

muestran, comparados con los de las encuestas de 1989 y 2005, que la

delincuencia ha disminuido.

Segün los resultados de nuestra investigaciôn, no parece que la vision

distorsionada de la realidad delictiva (plano cognitivo) en España tenga

un reflejo directo y claro en el sentimiento de seguridad ciudadana

(plano emocional). De hecho, a pesar de que la mayoria de los encues-

tados declaran vivir en barrios en donde se las arreglan por su cuenta

— n36_—

GRAFICO 21 : ;CREE QUE EN LOS ÜLTIMOS ANOS

LA DELINCUENCIA HA CRECIDOT?

Nada

Poco

Bastante

Mucho

F’

10

20

30

40

50

60

(grafico n° 22), ya que no hay mucha ayuda vecinal, se sienten bastante

seguros caminando solos por su barrio de noche (gräfico n° 23) y muy

seguros al quedarse solos en su casa de noche (gräfico n° 24), con inde-

pendencia del tamaño del municipio en el que vivan.

GRAFICO 22 : ;VIVE EN UN BARRIO

EN EL QUE SE AYUDAN LOS VECINOS? (%)

—

mms

—

ms

Se ayudan _

Se arreglan solos

Una mezcla

AMTOR.

0,00% 10,00%20,00%30,00%40,00%50,00%60,00%

Û

GRAFICO 23 : ; COMO DIRIA QUE SE SIENTE CAMINANDO SOLO

EN SU BARRIO DE NOCHE? (%)

60%

50%

47,90%

40%

30%

21,90%

18%

20%

10%

7,60%

1,60%

0%

Gts

Muyseguro Bastante

Un poco

Muy

No se

atreve

seguro

seguro

inseguro

GRAFICO 24 : ; COMO DIRiA

QUE SE SIENTE CUANDO ESTA SOLO, DE NOCHE,

EN SU CASA? (%)

>

60

50

37

40

30

20

6

10

Muy seguro

Bastante

Un poco

Muy

seguro

iNnseguro

inseguro

Por tanto, la percepciôn errônea del aumento de la delincuencia en

España no parece que tenga una correlaciôn positiva con el miedo al

delito.

Ahondando en los motivos que Îlevan a la ciudadania a considerar

errôneamente que la delincuencia ha aumentado en las ûltimas décadas,

se ha buscado la relaciôon entre la frecuencia de noticias sobre delitos

recibidas a través de los medios de comunicaciôn en general y la delin-

cuencia percibida, a partir de la inclusiôn de preguntas nuevas en el

cuestionario ICVS.

=Q -

Asi fue como preguntamos también /con qué frecuencia recibe noti-

cias de delincuencia? Los resultados muestran que el 92,8% de los espa-

foles recibe noticias sobre delincuencia casi todos los dias, seguido muy

de lejos por los que las reciben una vez por semana (5%), una vez al mes

(0,5%) 0 con menos frecuencia (0,7%).

Al cruzar los datos anteriores (opiniôn sobre crecimiento de la delin-

cuencia y frecuencia con que recibe noticias de delincuencia), obtenemos

que los ciudadanos que reciben informaciôn delictiva casi a diario son

los que en mayor medida (53,2%) opinan que la delincuencia ha aumen-

tado considerablemente, siendo las diferencias estadisticamente significa-

tivas (grâäfico n° 25). Por el contrario, no se han encontrado diferencias

significativas que permitan relacionar la vision pesimista de la delincuen-

cia con una previa victimizaciôn.

GRAFICO 25 : PERCEPCION DE LA DELINCUENCIA

EN FUNCION DE LA RECEPCIÔON DE NOTICIAS

—

A

— S |

2(i.9

26,1

26,1

DNada

L

28,6

DPoso

BBastante

BDMusho

À L L L

FFFFFFTIRE

Cas! à dario

1 vez por semeana

1 vez por mes

Menos

(x? = 46,561*; gl= 9; sig=,000)

Los resultados, por tanto, apuntan a que la visiôon distorsionada del

volumen de delincuencia en España puede deberse en parte a la reite-

rada informaciôn de hechos delictivos que los ciudadanos reciben a tra-

vés de los medios de comunicaciôn.

6. — CONCLUSIONES

España ha cambiado profundamente su estructura social en las ûlti-

mas dos décadas : El fuerte crecimiento econômico experimentado a par-

tir de los 80 y la consecuente incorporaciôn de la mujer al mercado

laboral ha tenido importantes implicaciones sociales, especialmente en el

ambito familiar. Quizàäs las mâäs destacadas sean el retraso en las edades

de maternidad y la disminuciôn del nûümero de hijos, lo que ha hecho

reducir considerablemente el tamaño medio de los hogares españoles.

Por otro lado, si bien a principios de los 90 la tasa de crecimiento en

B9

España se acercaba al valor O, previéndose una disminucioôn de la pobla-

ciôn, esas previsiones no se cumplieron y la poblaciôn aumentô inespe-

radamente desde mediados de los 90 gracias a la Ilegada de inmigrantes.

Datos sociales relevantes son igualmente que en los años mäs recien-

tes se ha frenado la reducciôn de la desigualdad en la distribucion de la

riqueza; que la estructura familiar ha cambiado considerablemente, al

aumentar los hogares monoparentales; que se ha producido un declive

del comportamiento religioso; y que el consumo de heroina, cocaina y

cannabis se ha estabilizado, tras muchos años de descenso de la primera

y de aumento de las otras dos.

Todos estos cambios, unidos a la evoluciôon ascendente de los hechos

conocidos por la policia y el crecimiento desorbitado de la poblaciôn

penitenciaria segün las estadisticas oficiales, apuntalaban la hipôtesis de

que la delincuencia en España habia aumentado.

Sin embargo los resultados de nuestro estudio, que compara longitu-

dinalmente los datos de los tres pases de encuestas de victimizaciôn rea-

lizados en España con el cuestionario ICVS, muestran un descenso cons-

tante de la delincuencia entre 1989 y 2008. Por tipologias delictivas este

descenso se da en todos los delitos salvo en el hurto, que tras descender

ligeramente en 2005, en 2008 supero la tasa de 1989.

Por el contrario, los hechos denunciados a la policia por las victimas

encuestadas presentan un incremento constante en las dos ültimas déca-

das. Indagando en los motivos, la mayoria de los que denunciaron

pusieron el hecho en conocimiento de la policia por considerarlo un

deber civico. Otro dato que ayuda a comprender el aumento de las tasas

de denuncias es que el 80% de los españoles considera que la policia es

la instituciôn, dentro del sistema penal español, que mâs confianza le

meérece.

Si bien los resultados de nuestro estudio muestran un descenso sig-

nificativo de la delincuencia en España, la opiniôn pûblica tiene una per-

cepcion diferente sobre esa evoluciôn. La mayoria de los españoles cree

errôneamente que la delincuencia ha aumentado. Esta visiôon distorsio-

nada de la realidad no se refleja en el sentimiento de seguridad ciuda-

dana, ya que los españoles se sienten bastante seguros caminando solos

por su barrio de noche y muy seguros al quedarse solos en casa de

noche. Su explicaciôn parece estar en la reiterada informaciôn de hechos

delictivos que los ciudadanos reciben a través de los medios de comuni-

caciôn.

Atendiendo a los datos aportados podemos concluir que en España

todo ha cambiado pero nada ha sucedido, es decir, la sociedad española

ha experimentado en los ültimos veinte años fuertes cambios en su

40 —

estructura social y demogräfica sin que ello haya supuesto un aumento

de la delincuencia sufrida por las victimas.

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__ 492 —

VAN DuK, J., VAN KESTEREN, J., SMIT, P. (2007), Criminal Victimisation in Inter-

national Perspective, 2004-2005. Edit. WODC.

SUMMARY

During the last two decades, Spain experienced deep social structure

changes, which can explain parallel higher police and corrections crimi-

nological figures. Police higher statistics concerned mainly delinquency,

but the media echoed mainly criminality.

Spain does not organize official victimological surveys. Our own vic-

tim survey outlines a quite other picture of crime and delinquency, dro-

pping instead of climbing, but not set out as such by the media.

REÉSUMÉ

Au cours des deux dernières décennies, l'Espagne a connu des change-

ments profonds dans sa structure sociale, ce qui pourrait expliquer l'aug-

mentation de la délinquance que suggèrent les données policières et péni-

tentiaires. Bien que la croissance de faits délictueux connus par la police se

soit davantage produite dans les faits légers — contraventions —, les médias

ont centré leur attention sur les faits graves — crimes —

Il n’existe pas en Espagne d’organismes officiels qui se chargent de

faire des enquêtes de victimisation mesurant l’évolution de la délin-

quance subie directement par le citoyen. Notre étude, basée sur cette

méthodologie, montre que, contrairement à ce qui est suggéré par les

données policières et pénitentiaires, malgré les changements sociaux

intervenus, la délinquance en Espagne connaït une évolution décrois-

sante. Elle indique aussi que le citoyen a une perception déformée de la

délinquance, qui paraît imputable à l'information répétée reçue par le

filtre des moyens de communication.

RESUMEN

En las dos Üûltimas décadas España ha experimentado cambios pro-

fundos en su estructura social, lo que podria explicar el aumento de la

delincuencia que muestran los datos policiales y penitenciarios en ese

intervalo de tiempo. Aunque el crecimiento de hechos delictivos conoci-

dos por la policia se ha producido mâs en el ambito de los hechos leves

— faltas —, los medios de comunicaciôn han centrado la atenciôn en los

hechos graves — delitos —

__ 43 __

No contamos en España con organismos oficiales que se encarguen

de hacer encuestas de victimizaciôn que midan la evoluciôn de la delin-

cuencia sufrida directamente por el ciudadano. Nuestro estudio, basado

en esa metodologia, muestra, contrariamente a lo informado por los

datos policiales y penitenciarios, que, a pesar de los cambios sociales

habidos, la delincuencia en España tiene una evoluciôn descendente.

También muestra la distorsionada percepciôn que la ciudadania tiene

sobre dicha evoluciôn, lo que parece ser debido a la reiterada informa-

ciôn sobre hechos delictivos que se recibe a través de los medios de

comunicaciôn.

Palabras clave: Evoluciôn de la delincuencia, cambios sociales,

medios de comunicaciôn, percepciôn social de la delincuencia.

__ 44 —

THE IMPACT

OF SUBSTANCE ABUSE TREATMENT

ON OFFENDERS RELATIVE TO TIME SPENT

IN TRÉATMENT

Serge Brochu, Ph. D.

Fu Sun, Ph. D.

Michel Landry, Ph. D.

Jacques Bergeron, Ph. D.“)

Drug abuse is often correlated with criminality (Brochu, 2006; Hue-

bner & Cobbina, 2007; Johnson, 2004; Mouzos, Smith & Hind, 2006;

National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2006) and the level of drug use and

abuse among those committing crimes 1s striking (Borrill et al., 2003;

Fazel, Bains & Doll, 2006; Huebner & Cobbina, 2007; Karberg & James,

2005; Mouzos et al, 2006; Mumola & Karberg, 2006; Robitaille, Guay

& Savard, 2002). Most arrestees in the United States test positive for at

least one drug at the time of arrest (Zhang, 2003) and people who abuse

drugs are responsible for a disproportionate number of crimes (Brochu

& Parent, 2005; Huebner & Cobbina, 2007; National Institute on Drug

Abuse, 2006). Increased awareness of the enormous costs linked to

addiction among offenders (Collins & Lapsley, 2002) has pushed judicial

authorities to look for new and better alternatives to incarceration for

people struggling with substance use disorders (Belenko, Patapis &

French, 2005; Karberg & James, 2005; National Institute on Drug Abuse,

2006; Office of National Drug Control Policy, 2004; Shaffer, Bechtel &

Latessa, 2005). Treatment for substance use disorders is an interesting

potential solution and has been tried in detention centers. However stu-

dies have shown that treatment offered in correctional settings had

major flaws and that there was a very high rate of attrition (Bullock,

2003; Liriano, Martin & Player, 2003; Mason, Mason & Brookes, 2003).

Treatment programs have also been made available to offenders during

probation or parole or even before sentencing, for instance through pro-

grams offered in connection with drug courts in the United States and

other countries (Anspach, Ferguson & Phillips, 2004; Gottfredson,

Najaka & Kearley, 2003; Latimer, Morton-Bourgon & Chrétien, 2006;

National Institute of Justice, 2006; Rempel et al, 2003; United States

() Recherche et intervention sur les substances psychoactives - Québec; International

Centre for Comparative Criminology Université de Montréal.

__ 45 —

Government Accountability Office, 2005; Werb et al., 2007). However a

high rate of attrition has been found with treatment programs for clients

referred by drug courts (Anspach et al, 2004; Banks & Gottfredson,

2003; Freeman, 2002; Gottfredson et al., 2003; Hough, Clancy, McSwee-

ney & Turnbull, 2003; Rempel et al., 2003; United States Government

Accountability Office, 2005; Werb et al., 2007). There is a great deal rid-

ing on understanding both the best ways to provide treatment and how

to prevent attrition as numerous studies have shown that there is a link

between treatment and success in changing addictive behaviour (De

Leon, 1985; Gossop & al, 1999; Moos & Moos, 2003; Simpson, Joe &

Broome, 2002). This is even more important when one takes into

account the seriousness of the problems involved (Simpson et al., 1999;

Zhang, Friedmann, & Gerstein, 2003), not only in terms of substance

abuse but also criminal activity, unemployment, mental heath problems,

and social isolation (Simpson et al., 1999).

Studies designed to measure the impact of various treatment pro-

grams on criminalized individuals struggling with addiction have often

revealed a discouraging prognosis (Banks & Gottfredson, 2003; Huebner

& Cobbina, 2007; Mitchell, Wilson & Mackenzie, 2006), often due to

findings suggesting that such clients are usually only weakly motivated

to remain in a given program for the length of time necessary to benefit

from it (Skodbo et al., 2007). However, when individuals remain in a

treatment program, prognoses are considerably improved (National

Institute on Drug Abuse, 2006; Rempel et al., 2003; Skodbo et al., 2007).

The success of intervention programs seems to be related to participant

willingness to persevere with a particular therapeutic program (Huebner

& Cobbina, 2007; National Institute on Drug Abuse, 2006; Rempel et al.,

2003). Such research 1s reflect in studies done in Quebec during the last

fifteen years that look at the effect of available treatments, taking into

account that the population being studied often has mental health prob-

lems and has been involved with criminal activities (Landry et al., in

press). The treatments being studied are offered in public facilities and

are available without cost and on a voluntary basis. The present study

looks at the effect of one treatment program on individuals who have

been involved with the judicial system and have abused substances 1n

relation to time spent in treatment. The main hypotheses of this study

are

1) participants will have fewer bio-psycho-social problems after

treatment as compared to their initial state and 2) participants’ bio-psy-

cho-social improvement will be proportional to the extent of exposure

to treatment. We are thus interested in both the possibility of change in

the bio-psycho-social state of individuals who have been considered to

be among the most difficult to treat and in the possibility that this

change can be attributed, even indirectly, to the kind of treatment

__ 46 —

offered and the length of time the individual participated in the treat-

ment.

METHODOLOGY

The study was conducted at the Dollard Cormier Center (DCC), a

public rehabilitation facility for alcoholics and drug addicts that serves

the population in the region of Montreal, Quebec, through a specialized

treatment service that deals with criminal offenders (Criminalized Sub-

stance Addicts —- CSA program). Services offered at the DCC are based

on a bio-psycho-social approach to drug addiction and the rehabilita-

tion process deals not only with present consumption of psychoactive

substances but also with any aspects of the patients’ lives that are asso-

ciated with past, present, or future over-consumption. The treatment

process is individualized according to the patient’s strengths and weak-

nesses and 1s based on therapist-patient consensus. Therapeutic activities

include both individual and group counselling, not only for the drug

addict but for his/her family. On admission to the CSA program, a pre-

liminary meeting 1s held with the client to explain the program’s content

and gather clinically based information that will allow the best possible

clinician-client pairing. Depending on the client’s needs, two types of

services may be offered. The first deals with adaptation and includes

four types of activities : (1) individual interviews; (2) workshop confer-

ences involving a series of educational and informative meetings; (3)

group therapies aimed at allowing clients to explore past behaviours, the

effect of these behaviours on the way they establish relationships with

others, and the links between such factors and their addiction and crim-

inal history; and (4) experiments within their own milieus. The second

type of activity, re-adaptation, consists of workshops and meetings that

teach social skills and relapse-prevention tools. Such an approach makes

it possible to match client expectations and needs with the services avail-

able. More specifically, therapists try to develop a broad understanding

of clients and the links between their addiction and the crimes they have

committed. Using the client’s history, therapists attempt to identify the

role drugs and crime play in his/her life. If crimes have been committed

primarily to get drugs, treatment will focus on addiction. If this is not

the case, the therapist will also deal with such problems as delinquency

and the deviant context in which crimes occur. Therapists work to help

their clients recognize their drug problems, increase their motivation to

change, and, eventually, create a therapeutic alliance. Exploration of

past experiences and positive reinforcement are key tools in the thera-

peutic process.

_— 47 —

SUBJECTS

Subjects were selected from among those who met the criteria devel-

oped by the DCC for admission to its CSA program : 1) addicts arrested

and charged under the Criminal Code with at least four offences of

three different kinds; or 2) addicts arrested, awaiting trial, or awaiting

sentencing in a Criminal Court; or 3) addicts on parole, in probation,

residing in a halfway house, and/or restricted by other legal measures.

Subjects were contacted by one of our research agents at the DCC dur-

ing their admission process to the CSA program. It was made clear that

they were entirely free to decide to participate in the study or not and

that their therapy would not be affected in any way by their decision.

From the 168 persons who agreed to participate in the study, four were

eliminated at the initial stage due to a lack of complete and valid infor-

mation in their files, leaving a total of 164 eligible participants. Of these,

nine subjects (5.5%) withdrew for various personal reasons and 22

(13.4%) could not be reached at one of the three follow-up periods,

despite the efforts of team members. In total, 133 subjects were con-

tacted at both the pre-test period and at the three follow up periods, an

81.1% follow-up rate. Ten subjects were later eliminated for various rea-

sons related to the validity of the questionnaire (unanswered questions,

etc.). The study thus includes 123 subjects contacted three times over an

eleven-month period.

TREATMENT EXPOSURE DEFINITION

(INDEPENDENT VARIABLE)

Treatment exposure can be a very complex variable; we tried to

define it simply while maintaining its dynamic aspects. Treatment expo-

sure was thus determined by the total amount of time spent in therapy

during participation in the CSA program. The number of contacts with

a therapist was obtained from client files kept at the centre. Determining

treatment exposure in this way rests on the assumption that the files are

accurate in terms of the nature and quantity of treatments carried out

at the centre. We felt that such an assumption was justified, in part

because the files are used to evaluate counsellor productivity, thus mak-

ing it important that counsellors not underestimate the time spent with

clients. Overestimating the amount of treatment provided would mean

that counsellors had knowingly falsified data, a serious breach of pro-

fessional ethics that seemed highly improbable. As each activity reported

in the file can be clearly defined in terms of the centre programs, a

standard duration can be attributed with reasonable reliability, making

__ 48 _

it possible to compile the total hours of treatment activity for each sub-

ject.

Three groups were defined according to the amount of time between

initiation of treatment and its end. The first group contains participants

who took part in the initial information and evaluation sessions only

and spent five hours or less in the program (n = 43; average time spent

in the program : 1.91 hours, s.d. = 1.21). The second group includes sub-

jects who participated in the initial information and evaluation sessions

as well as some clinical program activities (e.g. adaptation phase). They

terminated treatment after having spent between five and 15 hours in

therapy (n = 40; average time spent in treatment : 9.70 hours, s.d. =

2.98). The last group contains subjects who participated in all or almost

all the clinical activities of the two phases (e.g. adaptation and re-adap-

—

tation) of the treatment program (n

—

40; average time spent in

treatment : 32.38 hours, s.d. = 20.07).

DEPENDENT VARIABLES CONSIDERED

As previously mentioned, services offered at DCC are based on a

bio-psycho-social approach to drug addiction. On this approach, the

treatment goal is not only abstinence from alcohol or drugs but also

improvement in other important facets of the individual’s lifestyle asso-

ciated with drug addiction. Thus treatment effectiveness 1s evaluated not

only in terms of abstinence but also in terms of total bio-psycho-social

improvement. The Addiction Severity Index (ASI) (McLellan et al.,

1980) was used to measure the impact of the program. ASI, a psycho-

metric tool, can be used for psychosocial evaluation as well as for

diverse research purposes. Its dimensions relate to the severity of prob-

lems associated with alcohol, drugs, psychological status, medical status,

legal situation, and social/familial condition as well as employment/

resources status. À composite score can be calculated for each dimen-

sion from the answers provided by a subject. Studies evaluating the

validity and reliability of the original English version of the ASI

(Kosten, Rounsaville & Kleber, 1983; McLellan et al., 1980; McLellan et

al, 1985; Ockert, 1984) have demonstrated its value (Jacobson, 1989).

The ASI has been translated into French and validated for use with the

francophone population of the province of Quebec (Bergeron et al.,

1998). Validation procedures verified the accuracy of the translation

while controlling for language and cultural biases as well as testing

internal consistency, test-retest reliability, and construct validity. The

results indicate that this version of the tool 1s reliable and valid. ASI was

used by clinicians during the admission process to assess the strengths

__ 49 —

and weaknesses of clients and to establish treatment goals; it was then

also used by our interviewer to assess changes at the 5, 8, and 11 month

follow-up periods. Evaluation procedures were thus linked to treatment

goals and treatment process.

STATISTICAL ANALYSIS

Analysis of co-variance (for variables such as age, sex, or psycholog-

ical health that might be considered to be related to the impact of treat-

ment) was not initially undertaken since the conditions stipulated by

Lovell, Fransen, & Golden (1987) and, especially, those proposed by

Huitema (1980) and Frigon and Laurencelle (1993) were not respected.

However several simple and multiple regression analyses as well as sev-

eral tests of slope equality were made. These analyses indicated that

none of the co-variables provided a valuable contribution to the analy-

ses. In order to confirm the validity of this conclusion, all possible anal-

yses of co-variance were carried out. When these results were compared

to analyses without co-variables, no true contribution was found and no

structural changes were observed. Based on this, no co-variable was

kept. The program was evaluated through a multivariate analysis of var-

jance (MANOVA).

When many variables on the same subjects are measured, the com-

mon procedure consists in using MANOVA to analyze overall response

to the treatment; only if a significant effect is found is an univariate

ANOVA used (Brown et al, 1997; Gaddis, 1998; Huberty and Morris,

1989; Kause et al., 1999; Moya-Larano and Wisea, 2007; Virgos et al.,

2002; Wissinger et al, 2002). Since seven outcome measures are

employed in the present analysis, both MANOVA and univariate

ANOVA were used. ANOVA was used only after multivariate signifi-

cance had been ascertained. Care has been taken to avoid the possibility

of Type I errors in interpretation (Gabriel and Hopkins, 1972; Poor,

1973; Scheiner, 1993). Although other methods have been developed for

various

circumstances,

using ANOVA following

à

significant

MANOVA is still a widely accepted procedure (Moya-Larano and

Wisea, 2007).

— 50 —

RESULTS

Differences between the initial group of subjects

and the follow-up sample

In order to allow rigorous analysis, certain preliminary checks were

necessary. Since not all clients were contacted for the follow-up study,

it was important to compare the socio-demographic profile, the level of

addiction, and the number of hours spent in treatment for the initial

group of clients (n = 168) and the final sample at follow-up (n = 123).

This comparison yielded only one difference : the follow-up sample had

spent more time in treatment than those subjects not followed-up

—

(followed : mean

—

14.35, s.d. = 17.37 hours; non-followed : mean =

8.44, s.d. = 10.97 hours; t = 2.07, p = 0.04).

DESCRIPTION OF THE FOLLOW-UP SAMPLE

In order to understand our results, it is important to look at possible

initial differences between our three groups of subjects. Crossed tables

concerning sex, schooling, net yearly income, type of occupation, and

marital status show no significant differences between groups. However,

participants in group 3 are significantly older (37.55 years) than the two

other groups (group | : 33.95 years; group 2 : 32.67 years) (F = 4.81; p

= 0.01) (Table 1). These results agree with data from the DATOS

project, where it was found that those under thirty years of age are less

likely to remain in a treatment program (Grella et al., 2003). The follow-

up sample was composed of 107 men and 16 women. Mean age 1s 34.71

years (s.d. = 7.52 years). On average, 71.5% of subjects were unem-

ployed (n = 88); subjects had earned $232.98 (s.d. = $570.76) (data for

five individuals was unobtainable) during the month preceding their

admission into the treatment program. .Thirty-four (27.6%) of subjects

had spouses while 89 (72.4%) were single, widowed, or divorced. With

regard to schooling, 31.7% of the subjects in the study sample had at

least a grade 12 education. Average age at first crime was 14.8 years old

(s.d. = 6.5). On average, subjects had spent 18.7 months (s.d. = 29.5) in

custody. The average length of the last period in custody was 7.6

—

months (s.d.

—

13.1). There are no significant differences between

groups. One quarter of the subjects were on probation (26.8%), and a

similar percentage were either waiting for court decisions (25.2%) or in

a halfway house (22.0%). Main charges were contempt of court (59.3%),

driving while impaired (50.4%), or theft (47.2%). Sixty percent (59.3%)

of subjects stated that they had problems with both alcohol and drugs

or with more than one drug at the same time. Four-fifths of the subjects

_— 51 —

had received prior treatment for their alcohol and drug-related prob-

lems. Of these, half had been treated three or more times (see Table 1).

MAIN RESULTS

Our general hypothesis is that the treatment offered at DCC 1s effec-

tive, 1.e., that subjects will have fewer bio-psycho-social problems as

measured by the ASI at follow-up periods than at the beginning of

treatment (time effect) and that subjects who stayed in treatment for

longer periods of time will show more benefits from the rehabilitation

process than those who stopped treatment earlier (group X time inter-

action). Table 2 shows the results of the MANOVA and ANOVAs car-

ried out with the three groups of subjects, categorized by time spent in

treatment. The MANOVA demonstrates that there is a strong time

effect, meaning that subjects change over time. There is no statistical dif-

ference between groups or interaction relative to Group X — Time. In

other words, the MANOVA did not reveal any differential improve-

ments relative to the number of hours spent in treatment. However, as

differences for each ASI scale are difficult to determine from a

MANOVA, seven ANOVAs were done (see Table 2). These show a sig-

nificant time effect for each scale except the medical one. It appears that

health problems are less receptive to this form of treatment than other

life difficulties. We also see a small group effect for drug scale.Table 3

clearly demonstrates a time difference on the majority of dependent var-

lables (alcohol : F = 6.76, p < 0.0005; drugs : F = 7.03, p < 0.0005; psy-

chological status : F = 9.14, p < 0.0005; job/resources : F = 5.58, p <

0.01; legal: F = 3.48, p < 0.05; and family: F = 10.20, p < 0.0005).

Only the medical scale did not change. It must be noted, however, that

changes in this last aspect may be difficult to achieve given the chronic

health problems affecting drug and alcohol addicts. As well, the com-

posite score was derived from a small number of items, thus reducing

the scale’s sensitivity. More specifically, according to the Least Signifi-

cant Difference Test (LSD), the alcohol scale at time 1 (.31) 1s signifi-

cantly higher than at all other times (time 2 = .26, p = 0.02; time 3 =

.24, p = 0.006; time 4 = .18, p = 0.0005). Time 2 is also significantly

higher than time 4 (p < 0.003), and time 3 1s higher than time 4 (F =

4.79, p = 0.05). The only two periods where there are no significant dif-

ferences are between time 2 and time 3 (p = 0.42) (see Table 3). The

drugs scale at time | (.14) 1s significantly higher than at all other time

periods (time 2 = .11, p = 0.007; time 3 = .08, p = 0.0005 and time 4

= .08, p = 0.0005). Time 2 1s significantly higher than the two later time

periods at levels of .02 and .01. No significant differences are observed

__ 52 —

between time 3 and time 4 (p = 0.85). This means that changes in this

area took place during the first eight months, after which the situation

stabilized. In looking at the psychological scale, time 1 (.32) is signifi-

cantly higher than time 3 (.23) and time 4 (.22) (both p < 0.0005), but

no difference 1s observed between times 1 and 2 (.30, p = 0.28) accord-

ing to LSD. Similarly, time 2 1s significantly different from the later two

time periods (time 3 p < 0.01; and time 4 p < 0.001). Time 3 is not dif-

ferent from time 4 (p = 0.76), indicating that changes took some time

to appear, after which the situation stabilized. For both the family and

social scales, time 1 (.26) 1s significantly higher than all other time peri-

ods (time 2 = .16; time 3 = .14; time 4 = .12, all at p < 0.0005). No

other differences are observed, indicating that changes happened early

on in the process and remained through all follow-up periods. For the

job and resources scales, time 4 (.68) 1s significantly lower than all other

times (time 3 = .75; time 2 = .76; time 1 = .79 at levels of p < 0.005,

according to LSD). The same 1s true for the legal scale, with time 4

(mean = .20) significantly different from all other times (time 3 = .26,

p = 0.009; time 2 = .27, p = 0.02; time 1 = .28, p = 0.007; according

to LSD). This indicates that job resources and legal problems require

time before showing improvement.

DISCUSSION OF RESULTS

Overcrowded prisons and high recidivism rates for addict offenders

have persuaded some judicial authorities that treatment offers the pos-

sibility of rehabilitation for many offenders. However, these authorities

are then confronted with the difficulties involved in referring an unmo-

tivated person, who may be more or less conscious of his/her condition,

to treatment. It is therefore interesting to note that clients related to the

justice system showed improvement after treatment and that their situ-

ations remained improved 11 months after admission to treatment.

Changes were particularly impressive in the areas targeted by the reha-

bilitation process — alcohol and drug consumption. These results agree

with a number of studies published during the last two decades. It 1s

particularly important for those who work with drug addicts on a daily

basis to know that these individuals, despite their bad reputation, can

change for the better. Changes in the job/resource and legal scales seem

to require more time than other types of life style changes. In other

words, social reinsertion 1s not guaranteed even 1f clients deal with their

problems with alcohol and drugs. It is therefore extremely important to

consider the problem of social reinsertion in order to provide effective

intervention strategies. In many studies, the effect of rehabilitation pro-

grams on drug addiction has been linked to the perseverance of clients

in treatment (Simpson, Joe & Brown, 1997; Simpson, Joe and Broome,

1997). Simpson (1997) identifies «length in treatment» as one of the

most powerful predictive factors of positive results for treatment with

drug abusers. The subjects in the present study improved as a group,

independent of the length of treatment. These results agree with many

other studies undertaken by our group (Bergeron et al., 2000; Brochu,

et al, 2002; Brochu et al., 2006; Nadeau, Landry & Cournoyer, 2001 ;

Nadeau et al., 2005), which have consistently reported improvement fol-

lowing treatment in many areas of life, even 1f it is not possible to asso-

ciate these results with the amount of treatment received.

It is possible that factors other than the treatment looked at in this

study had an effect. Orford et al. (2006) suggest that treatment models

should be enlarged to recognize that treatment is a complex entity and

that it is important to take into account events and processes outside the

control of the client that can have an effect on treatment results. Âs

well, addiction is increasingly seen as a chronic problem that requires

long-term treatment. The treatment program we looked at here is only

one part of the history of the individuals followed : 80% of our subjects

had taken part in treatment programs in the past, and half of them had

been involved in treatment three or more times. The results of this study

must therefore be considered in terms of a larger perspective. Within the

framework of qualitative research, 22 participants in one of our previous

studies were contacted five years after treatment in an attempt to under-

stand the processes of change over a longer time. The results revealed a

number of areas that, according to participants, can lead to a decreased

use of psychoactive substances. The most important in contributing to

the decision to diminish or stop use of psychotropic substances was

access to treatment and additional help and then, in decreasing order of

importance, family support, help with health problems and financial

resources, and increased maturity. It will be important in future studies

to look more carefully at the impact of treatment programs in relation

to a range of other factors that may contribute to the process of change.

Finally, a word concerning the socio-political context in which this

study was conducted. Our research was undertaken in the province of

Quebec, which offers free access to health services, including addiction

treatment. Quebec does not have an institutionalized Drug Court, but

many addicts, usually under pressure from their lawyers or the judge,

choose to go into addiction treatment on a «semi-volunteer» basis dur-

ing the court process (Brochu & Schneeberger, 2002). Drug possession

rarely results in offenders actually being incarcerated, but about one

third of inmates are drug addicts sentenced for other types of offences

(Brochu, 2006; Brochu & Cousineau, 2003). These inmates have easier

_— 54 —

access to parole if they agree to accept treatment when released; given

this, many offenders will at least contact treatment centres. Considering

the number of drug addicts who are referred to treatment as the result

of more or less explicit constraints, it is important for researchers in

sociology and criminology to look more deeply into the relationship

between positive treatment effects and freedom of choice. Few questions

have been raised about the rights and limits of the treatment in circum-

stances such as those described above. Forced treatment may become a

privileged instrument for attempts to change addictive behaviour — an

attempt to help addicts despite their own wishes. Studies of treatment

impact must not divert our attention from the ethical problems of

improper use of treatment that impinge on the rights of the individual.

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Among Drug Treatment

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BELENKO, S.R., PATAPIS, N. & FRENCH, M. (2005), The Economic Benefits of Drug

Treatment. Philadelphia, PA : Treatment Research Institute.

BERGERON, J., BROCHU, S., LANDRY, M. & JoLy, P. (2000), Motivations de la cli-

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TABLE 1 : SOCIODEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS

AND ADDICTION RELATED INFORMATION

Group !

Group 2

Group 3

Total

Test

n(%%)

n(%)

n(%)

n(%)

Sex

[1=1.24 (p=0.54)

Male

39 (90.7)

35 (87.5)

33 (82.5)

107 (87.0)

Female

4 (9.3)

5 (12.5)

7 (47.5)

16 (13.0)

Age

M°=8.90 (p=0.18)

18-24

6 (14.0)

8 (20.0)

1 (2.5)

15 (12.2)

25-34

18 (41.9)

13 (32.5)

12 (30.0)

43 (35.0)

35-44

15 (34.9)

16 (40.0)

23 (57.5)

54 (43.9)

45- +

4 (9.2)

3 (7.5)

4 (10.0)

11 (8.9)

Mean (s.d.)

33.95

32.67 (7.89)

37.55(6.05)

34.71 (7.52)

(7.78)

Schooling

M?=1.55 (p=0.82)

1l to 7

S (11.6)

4 (10.0)

5 (12.5)

14 (11.6)

8 to |l

21 (48.8)

23 (57.5)

24 (60.0)

68 (55.3)

12 +

16 (37.2)

12 (30.0)

11 (27.5)

39 (31.7)

_— 59 —

TABLE 1 : SOCIODEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS

AND ADDICTION RELATED INFORMATION

Group 3

Total

Group !

Group 2

Test

n(%)

n(00)

n(00)

n(%)

Net income (per year)

[1°=2.73 (p=0.88)

$0 -5999

13 (30.2)

11 (28.2)

10 (25.6)

34 (28.1)

$6000-11999

19 (44.2)

19 (48.7)

18 (46.2)

56 (46.3)

$12000-29999

5 (11.6)

6 (15.4)

8 (20.5)

19 (15.7)

$30000 +

6 (14.0)

3 (7.7)

3 (7.7)

12 (9.9)

Type of occupation

[1?=0.94 (p=0.63)

10 (23.3)

13 (32.5)

12 (30.0)

35 (28.5)

With job

Without job

33 (76.7)

27 (67.5)

28 (70.0)

88 (71.5)

Marital status

I°=1.64 (p=0.44)

Married or with

10 (23.3)

14 (35.0)

10 (25.0)

34 (27.6)

a partner

Others

33 (76.0) |26 (65.0)

30 (75.0)

89 (72.4)

Group !

Group 2

Group 3

Total

Tests

n(%)

n(%)

n(%)

n(%)

P

Age of 1* drug use | 14.6 (4.1)

14.7 (3.3)

17.2 (7.8)

15.5 (5.5)

F=2.84

0.06

(s.d.)

M = 5.34 10.25

Main substance problem

alcohol only

11 (25.6%)

9 (22.5%)

12 (30.0%)

32 (26.0%)

one drug only

3 (7.0%)

6 (15.0%)

9 (22.5%)

18 (14.6%)

73 (59.3%)

more than one drug | 29 (67.4%)

25 (62.5%)

19 (47.5%)

Number of times treated for

alcohol and

M? = 8.40 10.40

drug-related problems

none

4 (9.3%)

10 (25.6%)

10 (25.0%)

24 (19.7%)

one

11 (25.6%)

10 (25.6%)

8 (20.0%)

29 (23.8%)

two

11 (25.6%)

6 (15.4%)

6 (15.0%)

23 (18.9%)

three or four

7 (16.3%)

9 (23.1%)

7 (17.5%)

23 (18.9%)

five and more

10 (23.3%) |4 (10.3%)

9 (22.5%)

23 (18.9%)

TABLE 2 : MANOVA AND ANOVA FOR THE THREE GROUPS

AND THE FOUR TIME PERIODS

MANOVA | ANOVA

Alcohol

Drugs

Psycho

Medical | JoblRes | Legal

Family

1.40

2.84

3.27

0.74

0.83

1.84

0.07

0.11

Group

Time

2.94***

6.76***

7.03***

9.14***

2.33

5.58**

3.48*

10.20***

Gx T

0.75

1.12

1.17

1.56

1.00

0.33

0.74

0.82

<: p < 0.05; ** : p < 0.01; *** : p < 0.0005

TABLE 3 : PRE AND POST SCORES

ON THE SEVEN ASI SCALESACCORDING

TO THE THREE GROUPS

Groupe !

Groupe 2

Groupe 3

Total

X (*)

X (*)

X (*)

X (*)

Alcohol PRE

34 (.24)

26 (.20)

34 (.27)

31 (.24)

5 MONTHS

33 (.29)

22(.24)

23 (.21)

26 (.25)

& MONTHS

28 (.27)

23 (.25)

20 (.22)

24 (.25)

11 MONTHS

25 (.30)

18(.22)

10(.19)

18 (.25)

Drugs PRE

14 (.10)

14 (.12)

14 (.13)

14 (.12)

5 MONTHS

14 (.13)

10 (.10)

08 (.09)

11 (.11)

8 MONTHS

12 (.14)

10 (.10)

05 (.08)

08 (.11)

11 MONTHS

12 (.14)

07 (.09)

06 (.09)

08 (.11)

Psycho PRE

29 (.18)

30 (.19)

39 (.21)

32(.20)

5 MONTHS

31(.26)

26 (.24)

33 (.22)

30 (.24)

8 MONTHS

27 (.23)

21(21)

20(.21)

23 (.22)

11 MONTHS

23(.25)

20 (.22)

22 (.21)

22 (.23)

Medical PRE

12 (.27)

08 (.20)

25 (.37)

15 (.29)

3 MONTHS

24 (.37)

20 (.27)

23 (.35)

23 (.33)

8 MONTHS

25 (.36)

21 (.36)

24 (.37)

23 (.36)

11 MONTHS

25 (.37)

15 (.26)

21 (.36)

20 (.33)

Job PRE

81 (.27)

85 (.22)

71 (.30)

79 (.27)

5 MONTHS

80 (.27)

78 (.28)

71(31)

76 (.29)

8 MONTHS

77 (.30)

79 (.30)

69 (.29)

75 (.30)

11 MONTHS

71(.32)

72(.30)

63 (.34)

68 (.32)

Legal PRE

23 (.21)

28 (.24)

32 (.23)

28 (.23)

5 MONTHS

28 (.29)

26 (.29)

27 (.32)

27 (.30)

8 MONTHS

27 (.28)

28 (.27)

24 (.30)

26 (.28)

11 MONTHS

19 (.26)

21 (.26)

20 (.28)

20 (.26)

Family PRE

25(.25)

25 (.24)

27 (.24)

26(.24)

5 MONTHS

15(.22)

20 (.20)

16 (.22)

.13 (.23)

8 MONTHS

15 (.23)

16(.24)

10(.21)

14 (.23)

11| MONTHS

11 (222)

13(21)

13(.22)

12 (.22)

— 61 —

SUMMARY

This research evaluates the results of an addiction treatment on

offenders (N = 123) according to the number of client contact hours

with a therapist. Despite the fact that MANOVA analyses showed that

subjects change over time this improvement was not related to the

number of hours spent in treatment.

Key Words : Alcohol, Drug, Treatment, Exposure, Impact

RESUMÉ

Cette recherche évalue les résultats d’un traitement de l’addiction

chez des auteurs de délits (N = 123) en fonction du nombre d’heures de

contacts avec le thérapeute. Si les analyses MANOVA indiquent des

changements chez les sujets en fonction du temps, l’amélioration ne

semble pas liée au nombre d’heures consacrées au traitement.

RESUMEN

Esta investigaciôon evalüa los resultados de un tratamiento de adic-

ciôn en autores de delitos (N = 123) en funciôn del nümero de horas de

contacto con el terapeuta. Si bien los anâlisss MANOVA indican cam-

bios en los sujetos en funciôn del tiempo, la mejora no parece relacio-

narse con el nûmero de horas dedicadas al tratamiento.

_— 62 —

EVALUATING

THE RELATIVE EFFECTIVENESS

OF TRAINING SCHOOL PROGRAMS

VS. PROBATION ON RECIDIVISM

OF JAPANESE JUVENILE DELINQUENTS

Yoshikazu Yuma “)

Yuichiro Kanazawa @

Masaya Kuniyoshi “

Effective correctional treatment has been as important a goal of the

Japanese juvenile criminal justice system as punishment since 1922,

when the pre-war Japanese Juvenile Law was first enacted based on

Anglo-American law that existed at the time. More importance was

placed on this goal in 1949 when the Japanese Juvenile Law was fully

revised, with fresh emphasis on the welfare of juveniles (The Juvenile

Law; Law No. 168 of 1948). Since the advent of the new system, insti-

tutionalization in training schools and supervision by probation officers

has been regarded as the foundation of correctional treatment for juve-

niles in Japan. Innovative treatment techniques developed both locally

and in the West have since been routinely incorporated in the new Jap-

anese system.

Probation in Japan relies mostly on counseling and family therapy,

and is thus relatively similar to practice in the West in terms of treat-

ment techniques. However, due to a lack of resources, these techniques

have been applied too infrequently in Japan relative to the West. For

instance, in 2004, there were only 1,004 probation officers supervising

63,534 juvenile and adult offenders in Japan, although there were 49,389

assisting volunteers in the same year (Research and Training Institute,

henceforth RTI, 2004). On average, probation officers had to handle 63

cases and were assisted by 49 volunteers in 2004.

Locally developed treatment techniques have been extensively applied

in Japanese training schools. For example, since 1922, the use of Naikan

Therapy or the Introspection Method (Correction Bureau, 1998; Kuro-

() Professor of Psychology, Graduate School of School Education, Hyogo University of

Teacher Education.

( Professor of Statistics, Graduate School of Systems and Information Engineering,

University of Tsukuba.

G) Official of Juvenile Treatment Division, the Correction Bureau within the Ministry of

Justice in Japan.

sawa & Takayanagi, 2002; Sato, 1968; Takeda, 1971) derived from the

Buddhist principle that human beings can overcome their inherent

imperfections and weaknesses through self-discipline learned from med-

itation, has been thoroughly tested and found to be effective, though

such methods might be unheard of in the West. At the same time, North

American correctional treatment techniques such as Role Playing and

Group Counseling have also been widely instituted in modified form in

Japanese training schools nationwide since 1949.

There were 53 training schools throughout Japan in 2004, and these

institutions also offer vocational training and secondary education.

Nationally, there were 2,485 instructors in the training school system

(Correction Bureau, 2005) and the daily average number of juveniles

attending was 4,586 (Judicial System and Research Department, 2005),

yielding an extremely favorable ratio of 1.85 delinquents per instructor.

À single and central administration governing both adult and juvenile

institutions is the main characteristic of the Japanese correctional sys-

tem, whereby the Correction Bureau maintains direct control over the

correctional administration of institutional treatments for offenders

(Correction Bureau, 2003).

There are three treatment programs, each with its own curriculum :

the special short-term program, the general short-term program, and the

long-term program. The average confinement periods for these pro-

grams are three, five and twelve months, respectively. The long-term and

general short-term programs have been in place since 1977, while the

special short-term program started in 1991.

The two short-term programs are designed for juveniles who are con-

sidered to be less crime-prone than those in the long-term program. The

introspection method, role playing, and group therapy are offered in all

three programs, while vocational training and secondary education are

offered only in the long-term program. There are no significant differ-

ences between the two short-term programs in terms of the treatment

techniques except that those enrolled in the special short-term program

receive on-the-job training at a factory or store near the training school

towards the end of their term. Because those who are enrolled in the

special short-term program tend to have a heightened awareness of their

circeumstances than individuals in the general short-term program, sig-

nificant differences exist in the implementation of treatment techniques

among the two short-term programs. For individuals in the special

short-term program, treatment is primarily aimed at transforming their

developing awareness into self-respect and thence into a resolve to

become reestablished in the larger society. To foster self-respect, delin-

quents in the special short-term program are treated in a minimum secu-

rity setting. For example, dormitories for those in the special short-term

— 64 —

programs do not have doors that can be locked from the outside. On

the other hand, for individuals in the general short-term program, treat-

ment techniques aim to indoctrinate socially acceptable values and

behaviors. The family court decides which of the three training school

programs a juvenile will undergo and each school then makes its own

individualized correctional plans according to the juvenile’s specific

needs.

Braithwaite (1989) observed that «the fact that convicted American

offenders are more than twenty times as likely to be incarcerated as con-

victed Japanese offenders says something about the respective commit-

ments of these societies to outcasting versus reintegration.» He hypoth-

esized that Japanese society emphasizes the reintegration of offenders

more strongly than Western societies, even in the respective criminal jus-

tice systems, and that shaming in addition to formal punishments can

be reintegrative within the cultural context of granting offenders respect

despite their offence to society at large. If he is correct, incarcerated

delinquents are less stigmatized in Japan than in the West, at least for

first-time offenses, which certainly creates an environment more condu-

cive to rehabilitation for the institutionalized.

On the other hand, Japanese family courts seem more inclined to

send juvenile delinquents to a training school than their Western coun-

terparts precisely because it is easier for the institutionalized to rehabil-

itate in Japan. Âs a result, there is no reason to expect that incarceration

in training schools in Japan works in the same manner as in the West.

Given this and other cultural differences between the West and Japan,

it is of great interest to find out if the two principal programs «training

school and probation» have performed as effectively as in the countries

of their origin, North America and Europe.

The findings in the West on crime control convince us that 1t is pru-

dent to entertain the possibility that the effectiveness of treating delin-

quent youths with interventions is a conditional phenomenon contingent

upon the strength of ties to conventional society, the type of delin-

quency, the content and implementation of treatment programs, and

individual differences in the offending process (see, for example, Bern-

burg & Krohn, 2003; Dejong, 1997; Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990; Green-

berg, 1981; Hirschi, 1969; Minor & Harry, 1982; Paternoster et al,

1983; Patterson & Yoerger, 1993, 2002; Patterson et al., 1989; Sampson

& Laub, 1993; Wilson & Davis, 2006).

Concerning the effect of ties to conventional society and experience

in criminal behavior, Dejong (1997) studied how the specific deterrence

theory operated when applied to North American male arrestees and

found that for first-time arrestees with few ties to conventional society,

— 65 —

incarceration increased the probability of rearrest, but that for experi-

enced offenders with few social ties who were arrested, longer periods

of incarceration resulted in longer intervals before rearrest. For ties to

conventional society, however, Sampson and Laub (1993 : 255) posited

from an informal social control and life-course perspective that incar-

ceration had powerful negative effects upon the prospects of future

employment and job stability for offenders, which in turn increased the

likelihood of their regression to criminal behavior.

Concerning the content and quality of treatment program implemen-

tations, Gottfredson and Barton (1993) emphasized that content and

quality are more important than the setting, that 1is, institutional as

opposed to community-based. They reviewed prior studies on the effec-

tiveness of correctional programs and found that the results were mixed,

at least partly because the content and quality of the treatment pro-

grams’ implementation were not properly controlled in some studies.

Wilson and Davis (2006) emphasized the importance of implementation

over program content, based on their evaluation of Project Greenlight,

a short-term prison-based correctional program for adult prisoners in

New York, U.S.A. Its structure included sub-programs that aimed to

reduce recidivism, 1f properly matched to targeted offenders, but unfor-

tunately, they found a negative effect on recidivism. They argued that

these results could be explained by implementation difficulties as well as

program design, and mismatches between targeted offenders and the

implemented sub-programs. They claimed that understanding the intri-

cacies of different treatment efficacies was more important than ever.

These studies notwithstanding, we believe the current consensus 1s that

rehabilitation efforts can and do have a positive impact in reducing

offender recidivism 1f properly implemented.

As for individual differences in the offending process, Patterson and

Yoerger (1993, 2002) and Patterson et al. (1989) pointed out that crim-

inals differ according to the timing of the onset of delinquency. « Early-

starters» had longer criminal careers and more problematic behavior

than «late-starters», although other researchers (for example, Gottfred-

son & Hirschi, 1990; Sampson & Laub, 1993) have argued that there 1s

a single process which applies to all offenders. Although there is no con-

sensus on this issue, it is clear to us that we need to allow for the pos-

sibility of differences, at least between early- versus late-starting offend-

ers, in this study.

The specific issues we investigate in this paper are the following.

First, is incarceration of juveniles in Japanese training schools, relative

to participation in a probation program, associated with longer times

from release to reincarceration as well as lower probability of eventual

reincarceration, even after the strength of ties to conventional society,

_— 66 —

the type of delinquency, the content and quality of treatment program

implementations, and the timing of delinquency onset are controlled?

Second, are these results consistent with North American and European

findings, and if not, what are the likely reasons for major differences?

METHOD

Sample

The Correction Bureau within the Japanese Ministry of Justice main-

tains a database (the CB data) of all delinquents placed in Juvenile Clas-

sification Homes (JCH) since 1988. Within the CB data, we focused on

one group of delinquents, which we call the JCH class of 1991, who

entered the JCH system in 1991 and were assessed by its clinical psy-

chologists. This data set includes records of 12,644 individuals, a sizable

number in our judgment.

We chose this group for two reasons. First, complete correctional

histories were available : The family court has primary jurisdiction over

delinquents aged fourteen to nineteen. Those who were fourteen in 1991

when they were first placed in the JCH became twenty by the end of

December 1997, the last month for which CB data are available. From

Junuary1998, the Correction Bureau altered its data-collecting system

and, due to privacy concerns, such data are no longer available, even for

Bureau staff.

The second reason we chose this group is because the included data

are the most up-to-date available : The psychological profiles and behav-

loral patterns that led these individuals to commit a crime are very dif-

ferent now than a decade ago (Ako, 1998) and we can observe the result

of such changes in the Japanese National Police Agency'’s statistics. The

annual per-capita incidence of Penal Code offences, excluding profes-

sional negligence in traffic accidents, increased by 50% during the last

decade (RTT, 2005), even though the average age of the Japanese pop-

ulation is beyond the so-called youthful crime-prone years, a maturation

that should result in less crime (RTTI, 2002).

CB data were independently entered into the database each time a

juvenile delinquent was placed in the JCH, but names and addresses

were withheld to protect privacy for Bureau compilations. Therefore, we

needed to match the first record of individuals with all subsequent

entries to determine whether or not a given person was a recidivist,

using the information available in the CB data.

We implemented this record-matching in the following manner. First,

we matched a juvenile delinquent’s first record in the CB data with his

__ 67 —

or her subsequent entries, using the following five criteria : gender, birth

date, number of incarcerations in the JCH, the date of the latest release

from the JCH, and prior placement either in a training school or on

probation. In the course of matching these records, we occasionally

encountered multiple candidates for a given male or female record even

after completely matching the five criteria, and when this occurred, we

used the following four additional distinguishing sub-criteria : national-

ity, whether s/he was the first born, the second born and so on, age at

first delinquency, and prior delinquency. We counted the number of

agreements in the four supplementary sub-criteria for each candidate

and determined the true owner of the records as being the one with the

highest number of agreements. We did not treat the sub-criteria in the

same way as the first five because we considered them less important

and so less reliable. See Yuma et al. (2006) for details concerning the

record-matching criteria and algorithm.

This record-matching was repeated six times and thus we identified

individuals who were five-time recidivists, maximum. After record-

matching the CB data (the original IJCH1991, for short), we obtained

__ 68 _

a set of 8,384 delinquents (6,544 non-recidivists and 1,840 recidivists).

Figure 1 shows this process

FIGURE 1 : THE PROCESS OF RECORD-MATCHING

IN THE JCH CLASS OF 1991

Class of 1991

12,644 records

—

|

IJCH data

(8,384 delinquents)

Excluded

3.657 records

L

\\>

Non*recidivists

Succeeding records

First incarceration

(6.5-44 delinquents)

2.443 records

One-time recidivists

Exclu de d

Sucveeding revords

Second incarceration

(1.362 delinquents)

553 records

528 records

Two-time recidivists

Sucveeding records

Excluded

(365 delinquents)

161 records

27 records

T'hird incarceration

—- P

Three-time recidivists

Succeeding records

Excluded

Fourth incarceration

(81 delinquents)

51 records

29 records

//\

Four:time recidivists

Sucveeding records

Exclu ded

Fifth incarceration

(27 delinquents)

8 records

16 records

/

e

\

Five-time recidivists

Excluded

(5 delinquents)

Sixth incarceration

3 records

Quoted from Yuma et al. (2006)

We excluded those with psychotic disorders (111 individuals, or

1.3%) from the original IJCH 1991 because they responded to treat-

ments differently from the others. We also excluded pre-delinquents

(status offenders) (479 individuals, or 5.7%), because their apprehen-

sions were considered by many as arbitrary and so was their time origin.

We also excluded fifteen delinquents whose estimated time-at-risk

appeared to be negative or zero. These individuals ware all training

school graduates and we probably overestimated the length of the pro-

grams they underwent in training school.

In the original IICH1991, there were 2,112 individuals (25.2%) who

were neither in training schools nor on probation and an additional 34

individuals (0.4%) in short-term training school programs for traffic

offenders. These latter programs were terminated in mid-1991. Unfortu-

nately, we were not able to form a no-intervention group out of these

2,146 individuals because most of their placements were either tentative

(1,472 individuals, 68.5%) or they were dismissed (443 individuals,

20.6%). The composition of these individual is provided in the Appen-

dix. We can conceptually form another intervention group, persons

enrolled in a Child Education and Training Home or Home for Depend-

ent Children, but the total number of these individuals (63, or 2.9% of

the original IJCH1991) was too small to be useful, and they were

beyond the scope of the criminal justice system. We therefore excluded

2,146 individuals, and focused instead on the effectiveness of the three

training school programs relative to the effectiveness of probation.

Table 1 shows the descriptive statistics for the final data set after exclu-

sions from the original IJCH1991 data (henceforth, IJCH1991).

TABLE 1 : DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS FOR SAMPLE

Probation

Training

Covariates

Total”

(=0)

School (=1)

N=6,238

N=35,132

N=1,106

Socio-Demographic Background

Gender

Male(=1)b

92.4

92.2

93.3

Female(=0)

7.6

7.8

6.7

Age at Release

Average

18.0

18.0

18.1

* *

S.D.

1.2

1.2

1.1

Strength of Ties to Conventional

Society

Stable Home

— 70 —

TABLE 1 : DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS FOR SAMPLE

Probation

Total°

Training

Covariates

(=0)

School (=1)

N=6,238

N=5,132

N=1,106

Stable(=1)

543

55.5

49.1

**

45.7

44.5

50.9

Unstable(=0)

Attachment only to Father

444

46.4

35.3

Strong(=1)

**

Weak or Non(=0)

55.6

53.6

64.7

Attachment only to Mother

Strong(=1)

65.0

67.0

56.1

* *

Weak or Non(=0)

35.0

33.0

43.9

Attachment to Both Parents

Strong(=1)

37.00

39.2

26.9

**

Weak or Non(=0)

63.0

60.8

73.1

Employment Status

Student(=1)

9.5

8.9

12.4

**

51.4

**

Employed Full-Time(=1)

54.0

39.2

Other(=0)

39.1

371

48.5

Hardworking

Yes(=1)

49.8

53.4

33.1

**

No(=0)

50.2

46.6

66.9

Offending History

Previously Placed on Probation

21.3

16.0

46.2

Yes(=1)

* *

No(=0)

78.7

84.0

53.8

Currently on Probation

Yes(=1)

11.9

6.2

38.6

**

No(=0)

88.1

93.8

61.4

Age at First Delinquency

Average

14.5

14.9

14.5

* *

S.D.

1.9

1.9

1.9

_— 71 —

TABLE 1 : DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS FOR SAMPLE

Probation

Total#

Training

Covariates

N=6,238

(=0)

School (=1)

N=5,132

N=1,106

Offender’s Type

early-starter(=1)

9.5

8.0

16.7

**

late-starter(=0)

90.5

92.0

83.3

Current Delinquency Type

Property(Yes=1, No=0)

34.9

35.7

31.5

**

Violence(Yes=1, No=0)

24.1

23.7

26.0

12.9

14.0

Drug(Yes=1, No=0)

13.1

Other

27.9

27.7

28.5

Treatment

Training School program

long-term(Yes=1, No=0)

7.3

41.0

9.2

51.6

general short-term(Yes=1, No=0)

—

special short-term(Yes=1, No=0)

1.3

7.4

Probation

82.3

100.0

NOTE :

a. We use the data of the first incarceration to the JCH.

b. ( ) shows the covariate’s code.

**p<.0l

We analyzed the data for reincarcerations subsequent to first place-

ment in the JCH because analyzing those data together with the second

placement data would have violated the assumption of the model that

the data be statistically independent. In this study, we concentrated on

the data for reincarceration following the first placement in the JCH

because these cases vastly outnumbered those following a second, third

or fourth placement in the JCH (78%).

As Dean et al. (1996) pointed out, the key variable implicated in Patter-

son’s typological approach 1s the age at which criminal behavior begins, but

Patterson’s theory did not prescribe where the line should be drawn between

early and late first delinquency. We defined an early-starter as a delinquent

whose first delinquency was at twelve or younger and divided the sample in

two : early-starting offenders and late-starting offenders‘*. We then intro-

( We also examined age eleven and age thirteen thresholds for dividing the sample and

obtained results very similar to those based on an age twelve threshold.

__ 72 —

duced a dummy-variable, indicating ! for anvearly starting» offender. If

this covariate has a main effect as well as interactions with other covariates,

the typology of such individuals could be relevant to the data at hand.

DEPENDENT VARIABLES

We defined recidivism as reincarceration in the JCH. Other measures

of failure, such as rearrest, which would have broadened the scope of

study, were not available in IJCH1991. More importantly, we found it

necessary to adhere to the precise definition of recidivism because in our

data, re-arrests obtained through interview with juveniles were judged

not reliable enough. As a result of adopting this definition, we could not

examine delinquencies that were not reported to the police, delinquents

who were not arrested, or data pertaining to individuals who were not

placed in the JCH ©).

Times-at-risk for reincarceration were defined as follows. For a juve-

nile on probation, the time origin was the date of his/her release from

the JCH. If s/he was a recidivist, the failure time was the date of his/

her reincarceration in the JCH and his/her time-at-risk was the time

elapsed from the time origin to the failure time. À non-recidivist’s time-

at-risk was the time elapsed from the time origin to his/her twentieth

birthday, at which point it was censored. For a juvenile sent to training

school, the time origin should be the date of his/her release from the

school, but this was not available, so we estimated such dates by adding

the average length of the program that each of the juveniles underwent

to his/her date of placement in the particular training school. Again, the

failure time for a recidivist was the date of his/her reincarceration in the

JCH and a non-recidivist’s time-at-risk was censored at his/her twentieth

birthday.

COVARIATES

As the IJCH 1991 data have 204 variables, we screened them based

on previous studies on recidivism, some of which are quoted in the

introductory section. As discussed there, there are significant differences

in content and implementation among the three training school pro-

G) This means that our recidivism rates were lower than the rearrest rate or a rate based

on the number of cases re-adjudicated in family court. This also means that our results might

reflect not only the behavior of juveniles but also the decisions taken by the criminal justice

system. We could avoid this problem by using self-reported information, but such informa-

tion suffers from its own inaccuracies (see Schmidt & Witte, 1988 : 9). It was important to

recognize these potential problems when we interpreted our results.

__ 73 —

grams. We formed three dummy-coded variables indicating which of the

three programs — long-term, general short-term or special short-term —

a particular juvenile underwent as surrogates for the content/implemen-

tation of the treatment programs.

Several covariates were included to control differences among indi-

viduals concerning the strength of ties to conventional society, experi-

ence in criminal behavior, and the timing of the onset of delinquency.

The first column of Table 1 shows how we coded these covariates ‘6).

The age-at-release covariate 1s not only a socio-demographic varia-

ble, but also a control variable for the time of entry into the risk set

because the censoring of times-at-risk depends on the age at release. By

including this covariate, we can make the censoring mechanism condi-

tionally independent to some degree of the duration distribution (Ver-

munt, 1997: 121-122). We also included the covariate age-at-release-

squared because crime rates in Japan, as well as in the West, increase

sharply from age about ten, peak at age fifteen to eighteen, and decline

sharply afterward.

STATISTICAL METHODS

We compared the effects of the three training school programs to the

effects of probation in terms of both the probability and the timing of

recidivism simultaneously, using split population logit/individual lognor-

mal models which assumes that both the probability of eventual rein-

carceration and the time until reincarceration varies among juveniles

with differing covariates (Chung et al., 1991; Schmidt & Witte, 1988,

Dejong, 1997). Under this model, not all individuals are assumed to

recidivate. Rather, the population is conceptually divided into two

groups, one of which would contain no recidivates. Explanatory varia-

bles are assumed to affect either the probability of recidivism or the dis-

tribution of time until recidivism or both, for those who eventually

return to the JCH.

Covariates were selected if their asymptotic t-value exceeded unity

either on the probability or the timing. The choice of this criterion ena-

bled us to retain many of the control covariates that we deemed essen-

tial in the model. In Table 2 these control covariates are : age at release,

(6) We included the attachment-to-both-parents covariate, after Rankin and Kern (1994),

in addition to the attachment-only-to-father and attachment-only-to-mother covariates. We

also examined several models with the attachment-to-either-parent covariate included, fol-

lowing Hirschi (1969) and others, who argued that it is a better predictor of delinquency. We

did not find the variable to be significantly correlated with recidivism in our data.

__ 74 —

age at release squared, and a dummy value indicating whether an indi-

vidual is an early-starter.

TABLE 2 : THE FINAL MODEL

OF LOGIT/INDIVIDUAL LOGNORMALL MODEL (N=6,238)

Timing

Logit

Covariates

coef

se(coef)

t

coef

se(coef)

(Intercept)

802

855

094

4097

3591

114

Socio-Demographic Background

Gender

094

047

199

-474

083

7569

Âge at Release

-029

099

-029

-522

413

-126

Âge at Release squared

001

003

026

016

012

135

Strength of Ties to Conventional Society

Employment Status

013

008

159

083

036

230

ÂAttachment to Both Parents

019

008

2 40

015

037

0 40

Offending History

Âge at First Delinquency

007

0.03

2 05

020

013

155

Offender's type

Early-Starter

02

016

174

-030

083

-0 36

Gurrent Delinquency Type

XX

Property

-012

010

-1 23

-1 42

053

-2 69

Drug

-027

012

-2.26

-113

0 46

—2 47

Treatment Programs (training school)

Long-Term Program

-0 32

023

-1 40

217

066

329

General Short-Term Program

014

019

071

148

066

2 26

159

-2*loglikelihood

952719

Note “p<05. *p<01

RESULTS

Analysis begins with a critical examination of the split-population

logit/individual lognormal model. First, we tested a split population

assumption. With the assumed lognormal failure distributions applied to

both the split-population model as well as the simple non-split model,

the log-likelihood of — 4665.81 for the split population model with the

recidivism rate of 0.80 was considerably higher than the log-likelihood

of — 4689.76 for the non-split model, the difference being significant at

1% level. This led us to reject the hypothesis that all juveniles will recid-

ivate. Note that we used all the covariates appearing in Table 2 except

for age at release squared. This 1s because the simple non-split model

failed to converge with age at release squared included.

_— 75 —

Our preliminary analysis then proceeds to an examination of the two

separate hypotheses that the timing or the probability of recidivism

depends on the aforementioned covariates. As for the timing, with the

simple non-split proportional hazard model, we found that the effects of

the long-term and general short-term programs were positive, indicating

that delinquents in these training school programs enjoyed longer inter-

vals before recidivating than delinquents on probation after controlling

socio-demographic background (gender, age at release, age at release

squared), strength of ties to conventional society (employment status,

attachment to both parents, attachment only to father), offending his-

tory (age at first delinquency), type of delinquency (property offence,

drug-related offence), and offenders’ typology (early-starting offender).

We chose these control variables after Yuma et al. (2006). Note that the

apparent effectiveness of the two training-school programs may be an

artifact brought about by the non-split model’s assumption that every

juvenile will eventually recidivate.

As for the probability of recidivism, we compared the recidivism

rates of the three training school program graduates with the recidivism

rate of probationers, using a matched comparable control group design,

with the matching variables being the aforementioned control variables.

The recidivism rate for the long-term training school graduates and the

rate for the probationers were 22% (95 out of 433 individuals) and 26%

(704 out of 2,680 individuals), respectively (x"7(1)=3.66, p=0.056). The

recidivism rate of the general short-term training school graduates and

the rate of probationers were 20% (112 out of 550 individuals) and 27%

(938 out of 3,470 individuals), respectively (y7 (1)=10.9, p<0.01). This

shows that juveniles in the long-term program may have been less likely

to recidivate and that juveniles in the general short-term program were

clearly less likely than juveniles on probation. On the other hand, with

respect to recidivism, neither the timing nor the probability for the spe-

cial short-term training school graduates showed a statistically signif1i-

cant advantage over the probationers. These results indicate that the

—- 76 —

three training-school programs may have had differing effects on the

juveniles.

FIGURE 2 : ACTUAL HAZARD

O.05

O.04

0.03

Oo.02

Hevewri Retts

O.O1

R.

fU

PU

O.00

500

1,000

1,500

Time (days)

Finally, we tested the assumption that the hazard function 1s lognor-

mal. Figure 2 shows the actual hazard function of our data. The hazard

rates were calculated based on relatively wide 90-day intervals, because

near the end of observation period the rates fluctuated wildly due to the

limited number of juveniles at risk. Figure 2 shows that the hazard rates

peaked slightly at 180 days after release, then decreased slowly with

some fluctuations, curve characteristics that are consistent with lognor-

mal distributions. We also found that, using the covariates in Table 2,

the lognormal (-4630.60) was more appropriate for IJCH1991 in terms

of log-likelihood than the Weibull (-4679.70). Note that log-likelihood

using the exponential would obviously have been smaller than the log-

likelihood using the Weibull.

Now, we examine the final results in Table 2 of the effects of cov-

ariates both on the timing and the probability of recidivism simultane-

ously‘”. Note that a juvenile with higher (positive) coefficient values for

these variables was not only less likely to recidivate for the logit model

but also likely to recidivate later for the survival model than someone

with lower (negative) values.

The pivotal covariates?which of the treatment programs a delinquent

underwent?had two main significant effects on the probability of recid-

ivism, but they did not appear to have any significant effect on the tim-

ing of recidivism. The probability results indicate that delinquents sent

to the long-term or the general short-term training school programs

were less likely to be reincarcerated than those placed on probation. The

result that the long-term and general short-term programs were more

( We tested other models that included interaction terms among the three treatment

covariates?the long-term, general short-term and special short-term programs?and type of

delinquency?property offences, drug-related offences, violent offences and other offences.

However, we did not find any significant interaction effects.

_— 77 —

effective than probation at the first incarceration is consistent with

Dejong (1997) for adult male offenders in New York City using the

same logit/individual lognormal models.

With regard to the timing of recidivism, however, none of the three

training school programs showed significant coefficients. This means

that recidivists who had been sent to training schools were apt to be

reincarcerated no later than recidivists placed on probation, regardless

of which training school program was employed.

With respect to the gender covariate, its coefficient for the logit

model was significantly negative, while that for the survival model was

significantly positive. Since males in the sample were coded as 1, this

shows that the female delinquents were less likely to be reincarcerated

than their male counterparts, but recidivating female delinquents were

likely to be reincarcerated sooner than their male counterparts. We did

not find a single Japanese empirical study that examined the effect of

gender on the timing and probability of recidivism simultaneously, but

we find that this result is in agreement with Ako (1982), in which he

stated that Japanese female recidivating delinquents had more difficul-

ties than male counterparts, although Japanese female first-time delin-

quents were generally less likely to commit subsequent offences.

The presence of a significantly positive coefficient for the employ-

ment status on the probability of recidivism is consistent with predic-

tions from social control theory (Hirschi, 1969) and with studies by

Dejong (1997) and Visher and Linster (1990), although the two latter

studies were on adults.

We found that attachment to both parents, but not to either parent

alone, had a significant preventive effect on the timing of recidivism.

This is consistent with Rankin and Kern (1994), which indicates that

strong attachment to both parents prevents delinquency more effectively

than strong attachment to either parent alone, although their study used

a logistic regression for their longitudinal data rather than the split-pop-

ulation model. Our study confirmed, only in terms of the probability of

recidivism, the claims of Hirschi (1969) that strong ties to both parents

did not necessarily provide an effective buffer against delinquency.

The age-at-first-delinquency covariate had a positive effect on the

timing but not on the probability of recidivism. This shows that, for

recidivists, the older they were at their first delinquency, the longer it

took them to recidivate. This is consistent with Sampson and Laub

(1993 : 171-178), which found that, using Cox’s proportional hazards

models and non-split parametric Weibull models, an early entrance into

delinquency was associated with future crime.

__ 78 —

The effect of a property offense in the logit model was significantly

negative, a result consistent with some Japanese studies (R7T, 1992;

Yuma et al., 2006). In terms of the timing of recidivism, its effect was

insignificant, which is consistent with Dejong (1997) in the United

States. These results show that property offenders are more likely to

recidivate, but that property offender recidivism is practically the same

as that of non-property offenders.

The drug covariate was significantly negative on the probability as

well as on the timing of recidivism. This shows that juveniles committing

drug-related offences were more likely to be reincarcerated and that

recidivating offenders charged with drug-related offences were more

likely to be reincarcerated sooner than other offenders. The effect shown

by the drug-related offense covariate, to exacerbate both the timing and

likelihood of reincarceration, is consistent with Zamble and Quinsey

(1997), where it was found that recidivists had more substance abuse

history than non-recidivists. These results also agree with another find-

ing by RTI (1992), that Japanese juvenile drug-related offenders show

higher rates of reincarceration than other delinquents. For boot camp

prisoners, however, MacKenzie et al. (1995) found that prior drug-

related offense experience had a significantly preventive effect on rear-

rest.

We did not find any significant effects with respect to offender typol-

ogy upon either the probability or the timing of recidivism. We also

examined interactions of offender’s typology with social bond covariates

and with treatment programs, but these covariates reveal no statistically

significant effects either upon the timing or the probability of recidivism.

The same result is seen even when age at first delinquency covariate 1s

removed from the model in Table 2. We will discuss this in more detail

in the discussion and conclusion section.

These results describe patterns of juvenile recidivism in Japan that

are in general agreement with those observed in the West in terms of

socio-demographic background, strength of ties to conventional society

and type of delinquency. Where differences occur, our results tend to

indicate patterns that are uniquely Japanese, but patterns that are con-

firmed in previous findings by at least one Japanese study.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION

This study examined the effects of treatment programs in training

schools relative to probation on subsequent offending behavior for juve-

niles incarcerated to Juvenile Classification Homes in Japan for the first

time. The effects of various training school programs were mixed. We

__ 79 —

found that, in terms of the probability of recidivism, juveniles sent to

training schools to undergo long-term or general short-term programs

were less likely to be reincarcerated than the delinquents placed on pro-

bation, but we did not observe the same pattern for juveniles undergo-

ing the special short-term program. ÀÂs for recidivism timing, we found

that none of the three training school programs showed significant pre-

ventative effects relative to probation.

Let us first posit two general reasons why having Japanese juvenile

delinquents experience long-term or general short-term training school

programs as treatment can be more effective relative to placing them on

probation.

First, in general, treatment programs can be administered more effec-

tively in training schools than during probation. Immediately after a

family court judge decides to send a juvenile to a training school, spe-

cific treatment plans are formulated at the assigned training school to

help the individual learn to build and maintain interpersonal relation-

ships and acquire job skills. Since the average caseload in training

schools was less than two per instructor during the period studied, and

since the instructors received demographic information and a psycholog-

ical assessment of each incoming delinquent from the JCH concerning

the reason for the commission of the crime, the individual’s behavior in

group settings, the most appropriate type of vocational training for the

individual and the social skills most in need of acquisition upon arrival

at the school, treatment plans could be tailored to suit each delinquent’s

stage of psychological development, and mental and/or physical capabil-

ities. Japanese training schools had the resources to apply such custom-

ized plans evenly and consistently during the period under study. In

contrast, during the same period, treatments such as counseling or fam-

ily therapy were only infrequently administered to juveniles in Japan

during their periods of probation. As a result, the intensity of proba-

tionary treatments for juveniles in Japan was ranked, among industrial-

ized democracies, at the bottom in terms of «frequency of treatment

contact» and «mean contact hours per week» when coded according to

the standard of Lipsey (1992). Clearly this was ultimately due to a stag-

gering average caseload of approximately 92 individuals per probation

officer during the period studied .

Second, incarceration may not have as negative an effect on recidi-

vism in Japan as it presumably does in the West, because Japanese soci-

ety may be more reintegrative than Western societies, at least for first-

time offenders, as some authors have claimed (Braithwaite, 1989; Yuma

(8) The number of probation officers who supervised offenders increased from 684 in 1995

to 1,004 in 2004.

— 80 —

et al., 2006). Sampson and Laub (1993 : 255) found, using Gluecks’ data,

that increasing lengths of incarceration during adolescence and adult-

hood had negative effects on future job stability, which in turn made

subsequent crime and deviance more likely. However, they also main-

tained that for individuals given the opportunity to reconnect to insti-

tutions such as family, school, and work after a period of incarceration,

extended incarceration might not necessarily result in later crime and

deviance. If this is actually the case, then our results may not be as

inconsistent with the results of Sampson and Laub as they initially

appeared.

Braithwaite (1989) vividly described how guilt-induction and shaming

were used in the Japanese criminal justice system to produce in the

delinquent a strong will to seek reunification with the larger society. He

(1989 : 79) wrote that «Japanese police, prosecutors and courts rely

heavily on guilt-induction and shaming as alternatives to punishment. If

appeals to shame produce expressions of guilt, repentance and will to

seek reunification and forgiveness from loved ones (and/or the victims),

this 1s regarded as the best result by all actors in the drama of criminal

justice.» The data we examined lead us to believe that some first-time

offenders were quite eager to play the role they were asked to play in

this drama to preserve whatever they had before their first incarceration.

This may be one of the reasons why our conclusion contrasts with that

of Sampson and Laub (1993).

Now we need to ask ourselves why sending juvenile offenders to Jap-

anese training schools to undergo a special short-term program did not

effectively decrease either the likelihood of recidivism or reduce the time

to reincarceration. It may be because the special short-term program

was not consistently implemented throughout Japan during the study

period. This program was started in September, 1991, while individuals

in our sample were placed in the JCH for the first time during the same

year. Out of twenty-one special short-term training schools, eighteen

schools started this program on September 1, 1991, 1 on Jury 13, 1992,

l on August 1, 1992, and the rest on September 1, 1992 (Komuro et al,

1994). Thus, not all the training schools were ready to start this pro-

gram at the same time. We believe it is likely that some of them imple-

mented this program less effectively than other training schools, at least

in the beginning. To solve this puzzle, we need to examine the effect of

special short-term programs on recidivism using data from more recent

years.

Finally, we found that there were some juveniles who would not

change their delinquent behavior despite the correctional interventions

on their behalf. It 1s critically important to understand the root cause

of such non-responses in order to improve the application of treatment

— 81 —

techniques, or even change the type of interventions and/or their imple-

mentations altogether. It would also be very valuable if we could some-

how identify such non-responding juveniles in advance, based on their

demographic background as well as their criminal typology at the

JCH.alhis, but you nees UCLA xt academic year.r either with me or

taking summer courses possibly in

OFFENDER TYPOLOGY

The lack of significance for an early-starting dummy covariate on

both the timing and the probability of recidivism in Table 2 indicates

that there was a single offending process for early- as well as late-start-

ing-offenders. This is not in agreement with Patterson’s typology (Pat-

terson & Yoerger, 1993, 2002; Patterson et al., 1989) In addition, none

of the interaction terms between the early-starting dummy and the type

of treatment dummy showed any significant effects on the timing or the

probability of recidivism. This indicates that administering different

treatments may have little effect upon the prevention of recidivism 1f the

administration standard for treatment depends solely on the age at the

first delinquency. Our result is in contrast to Dejong's (1997) study on

male adult detainees in New York City, in which she found that «for

those with few ties to conventional society and for first-time arrestees,

a sentence of incarceration increases the probability of rearrest. How-

ever, for arrestees with few ties and for experienced offenders, longer

incarceration predicts longer time until rearrest.»

One possible explanation for the discrepancy between Dejong's and

our results is that our study focused only on first-time offenders and did

not examine habitual recidivists. Another reason may be that the crite-

rion for offender typology, age at first delinquency, was inappropriate.

In addition to age at first delinquency, Patterson and Yoerger (2002)

pointed out two crucial variables separating early- from late-starting

offenders, namely, the levels at which parenting and peer process dis-

ruptions occur, and the levels of social incompetence. These levels are

assumed to be significantly higher for early-starting delinquents as

opposed to late-starting delinquents and significantly higher for late-

starting delinquents relative to non delinquents. Further study is needed

to examine the relevance of this theory to Japanese offender typology.

_— 82 —

SPLIT POPULATION MODEL

Our findings represented in Table 2 clearly suggest that the assump-

tion that every delinquent juvenile will recidivate was not sustained by

the comprehensive Japanese data over the period studied. In other

words, the data show that a sizable number of probationers and those

placed in training schools during the study period do not recidivate after

their first release, respectively from the JCH or from a training school.

As suggested in the literature by Chung et al. (1991) and Schmidt and

Witte (1988), evaluating the effectiveness of treatment programs, espe-

cially for first-time juvenile offenders, seems to require the incorporation

of a split-population assumption in the model.

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APPENDIX

Official dispositions by Japanese family courts excluding those individuals sent to

training schools or on probation. Numbers and Percentages in IJCH1991 are

shown in parentheses. Terminologies and definitions are quoted from «Crime

and criminal policy in Japan from 1926 to 1988» by Shikita and Tsuchiya

(1990) and «Guide to the family court of Japan» by the Supreme Court of

Japan (1993).

(1) Placed in a Child Education and Training Home or a Home for Dependent

Children (63, 3.0%);

Both of these types of institution are provided for under the Child Welfare Law

(Law No. 164 of 1947). Child Education and Training Homes are established

by the National or Prefectural Governments, or private persons, to take care

of children who are delinquents or are likely to become delinquents, while

Homes for Dependent Children are private or prefectural institutions designed

to care for dependent, abused or neglected children.

(2) Referral to the competent prefectural Governor or Chief of the Child Guid-

ance Center (13, 0.6%);

This action is taken when a family court judge decides that a delinquent should

be dealt with under the Japanese Child Welfare Law instead of the Japanese

Juvenile Law.

(3) Referral to prosecutors (131, 6.2%);

— 85 —

This decision is taken when it is determined that a juvenile should be subject to

normal criminal procedures, due to the serious nature of the offence or the

circumstances of the case. This decision is applicable for juveniles 14 years of

age or older.

(4) Dismissal after or without a hearing (443, 21.0%) :

Such decisions are reached when the family court does not find it necessary to

make a particular disposition for a juvenile. Often, a considerable amount of

casework is needed prior to such decisions. If a family court finds that it lacks

jurisdiction, this decision is mandatory.

(5) Tentative supervision by family court probation officers (1,177, 55.7%):;

This is not a final disposition. If the judge feels that it is not appropriate to make

any final dispositions immediately, or that further and more thorough inves-

tigation must be conducted before a determination can be made, the juvenile

may be placed under the supervision of the family court probation officer.

During this period of supervision, the juvenile may continue to live with the

person who 1s responsible for his protection (his parents or guardians) under

conditions imposed by the family court, or he may be placed under the guid-

ance of a suitable institution, agency or individual.

(6) Cancellation of admittance to the JCH (278, 13.2%) :

This is not a final disposition. The judge renders this decision when, for various

reasons, he or she feels that it would be improper for a juvenile to be admit-

ted to the JCH. For example, a juvenile may be rearrested and charged with

an additional offence, or the judge may feel that admission to the JCH is

inappropriate while the family court probation officer is conducting an inves-

tigation.

(7) Others (7, 0.3%);

This category includes death, escape from the JCH, and unknown.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This research was supported in part by Grant-in-Aid for Scientific

Research (C) (2) 12680310, (C) (2) 16510103, (C) 20530637, (B)

20310081 and (C) 20530637 from the Japan Society for the Promotion

of Science, by 2007 and 2009 grant from the Research Foundation for

Safe Society, and by a 2001 grant from the Yasuda Life Welfare Foun-

dation.

SUMMARY

In this article we study the effectiveness of three training school pro-

grams, namely, long-term, general short-term and special short-term

programs, compared with probation on recidivism of Japanese juvenile

delinquents with differing criminal experiences. We employ the logit/

individual lognormal split-population model to examine the relationship

between the form of treatment and the time until, as well as the prob-

__ 86 —

ability of, eventual reincarceration. We obtained and analyzed official

crime data from the Japanese Ministry of Justice and found that, in

terms of probability, delinquents sent to training schools for long-term

and general short-term programs were less likely to be reincarcerated

than those placed on probation, but we did not find the same pattern

for individuals who were enrolled in the special short-term program.

However, none of the three programs significantly affected the timing of

reincarceration relative to probation. We discuss the implications of

these results.

RESUMÉ

Dans cet article nous étudions l’efficacité, en termes de récidive, de

trois programmes de formation scolaire, à savoir, des programmes à

long terme, des programmes généraux à court terme et des programmes

spéciaux à court terme, sur des délinquants juvéniles japonais possédant

des expériences criminelles différentes et ce, en comparaison avec la pro-

bation. Nous utilisons le «logit/individual lognormal split-population

model» afin d’examiner la relation entre le type de traitement et le

moment, ainsi que la probabilité, d’une éventuelle incarcération. Nous

avons obtenu et analysé des données officielles sur la criminalité en pro-

venance du ministère de la justice japonais et avons constaté que, en

termes de probabilité, les délinquants envoyés dans des écoles de forma-

tion pour des programmes à long terme et des programmes généraux à

court terme étaient moins susceptibles d’être réincarcérés que ceux pla-

cés en probation. Mais nous n’avons pas trouvé le même schéma pour

les individus qui ont été inscrits dans le programme spécial de courte

durée. Toutefois, aucun des trois programmes n’a affecté de manière

significative le moment de réincarcération en comparaison de la proba-

tion. Nous discutons des implications de ces résultats.

RESUMEN

En este articulo estudiamos la eficacia, en términos de reincidencia,

de tres programas de formaciôn escolar, a saber, programas a largo

plazo, programas generales a corto plazo y programas especiales a corto

plazo, sobre delincuentes juveniles japoneses que tienen experiencias

delictivas diferentes y ello en comparaciôn con la probation. Utilizamos

el «logitlindividual lognormal split-population model» para examinar la

relacion entre el tipo de tratamiento y el momento, asi como la proba-

bilidad, de una eventual encarcelaciôn. Hemos obtenido y analizado

datos oficiales sobre la criminalidad provenientes del Ministerio de Jus-

__ 87 —

ticia japonés y hemos constatado que, en términos de probabilidad, los

delincuentes enviados a escuelas de formaciôn para programas a largo

plazo y programas generales a corto plazo eran menos susceptibles de

ser encarcelados que los enviados a probation. Sin embargo, no hemos

encontrado el mismo esquema para los individuos que han sido inscritos

en el programa especial de corta duraciôn. No obstante, ninguno de los

tres programas ha afectado de manera significativa al momento de un

nuevo encarcelamiento en comparaciôn con la probation. Discutimos las

implicaciones de estos resultados.

__ 88 —

VICTIMS OF SEX CRIMFS IN JAPAN

Ayako Uchiyama (P

INTRODUCTION

In Japan, not enough attention has been paid to victims of sex crimes

for several reasons. One reason is the drastic decrease of reported rape

cases even though the number of total crimes has increased gradually

for the last few decades (1963-1995)1.

Another reason is the attitude change toward sexuality amongst

younger generation. Generally speaking, sexual behavior had been

strictly controlled for a few decades following the end of World War 2,

however in the subsequent decades the younger generation was liberated

in various aspects and might now not even hesitate to have pre-marital

or extra-marital sex!*. As a result such attitudes the public may consider

sexual victimization is not so serious.

FIGURE 1 : TREND OF CRIMES AND SEX CRIMES

rape

— indecency through compulsion

—— total crimes

14 000

4 000 000

12000

3.500 000

3.000 000

10 060

2.500 000

$ 000

2.000 000

6000

1 500 000

4c

1.000 000

u

s00 000

0

1946

1956

1966

1976

1986

1996

2006

However in recent years, the movement to support the victims of

crimes has encouraged an assessment of the position of victims of crimes

in the law enforcement process. À series of victim support movements

has made the public recognize the serious consequences for victims of

(D Mejiro University, Japan.

=— 80 —-

crimes who have been suffering from anxiety, isolation, fear of re-vic-

timization and insufficient support. Among law enforcement organiza-

tions in Japan, the National Police Agency was the first which started

a victim support program in 1996, which meant that police adopted

«Guidelines on Relief Measures for Crime Victims». Based on these

guidelines, much attention was paid to victims of sex crimes. For exam-

ple, the following measures were taken;

]

Specialist officers were appointed to guide and coordinate the inves-

tigation of sex crimes.

Female police officers were recruited for sex crime investigation.

To provide information to crime victims, a pamphlet entitled

«Handbook for Crime Victims» was distributed.

Police provided victims with information about the investigation

progress, actions taken against the suspects and information about

whether the suspect was indicted or not and the name of the court at

which the case would be tried in case of felonious offences such as

homicide, rape and traffic accidental death .

To reduce secondary victimization, when the victim was interviewed

at the police station, comfortable rooms with nice chairs and pleasant

lighting fixtures were prepared.

The police tried to establish a counseling system for psychological

damage.

Law enforcement agencies such as the police, prosecutors office and

other bureaus of local government or private organizations such as

the bar association, medical association, and clinical psychologist

association etc. established network activities to support victims.

Though a few clinical cases which highlight the severity of sex crimes,

have been reported to in academic journals, we did not have enough sta-

tistical data about the serious damage, anxiety, fear of re-victimization

and so on that victims of sex crimes suffer from. Consequently, the

police decided to conduct a survey of victims of sex crimes.

PURPOSE

The purpose of this paper is to examine the seriousness of the prob-

lems of sex crime victims, and to clarify the nature of sex crimes

reported to the police via a questionnaire survey.

— 90 —

DEFINITION

According to the Penal Code of Japan, sex crimes with a victim

involve two types of offences; rape and sexual assault.

Rape is gender specified and is defined as penetration of the male

penis into the female vagina, where only females can be victims. On the

other hand, sexual assault is defined as threat or actual force in a sexual

encounter less than rape, which includes anal intercourse and oral sex.

In these cases male victims are possible.

PROCEDURE

The subject incidents in this study were sex offences — rapes and sex-

ual assaults, which were reported to the police between October 1997

and January 1998 throughout Japan. The survey was conducted in this

period .

The survey involved three types of questionnaires; incident survey,

offender survey and victim survey. These surveys were conducted

through police stations.

Three types of questionnaires were distributed to every police station

throughout Japan before October 1997. Whenever a rape or sexual

assault occurred during the survey period, a policeman filled in the inci-

dent questionnaire, the offender, if arrested, responded to the second

questionnaire, and the victim (if aged over 18) was asked to respond to

the third questionnaire, if they didn’t mind. Âs it was important that the

victim did not suffer secondary victimization through the survey, the

questionnaire of victim’s response was directly mailed to the researcher’s

office to keep it private and anonymous.

Contents of the questionnaire

The incident survey was to get the outline of the case, and record the

place, time age of offender and victim and the offender-victim relation-

ship.

In the victim survey, the seriousness of the situation, psychological

damage, and impression of the incident were asked.

C National Police Agency and National Research Institute of Research Science (NRIPS)

had a project team to conduct this survey at this time. Author was responsible for whole

process of this project as a researcher of NRIPS.

In the offender survey, the reason for selecting the victim, the influ-

ence of the media on the commitment of the crime, and their attitudes

toward sex offenses were asked.

In this report, the responses of victims are mainly analyzed together

with?a few results from offender survey.

Samples

Sample sizes for each survey were 703 incidents, 553 offenders and

204 victims respectively. Every offender questionnaire was matched to

an incident questionnaire. And victim questionnaires were matched to

incident questionnaires and offender questionnaires. And through this

procedure, we could analyze the sexual crimes from the point of view

of both offender and victim. Among victim subjects, seven sample sub-

jects could not be identified as an the incident of rape or sexual assault.

But, we add these responses to the total analysis. That is why the total

number (204) 1s not sum of rapes (110) and sexual assaults (97).

RESULTS

The analysis of incidents was done by victim based statistics and

involved response time to the police, age distribution of offenders and

victims and the victim-offender relationship. Analysis on victims also

involved victims’ suffering, influence of the cases and demands to the

government or related authorities.

Analysis of cases

1) Report to the police

The major way that the police knew about the incident was the

report to the police by the victim themselves (70.5%). Among those

reports of victims, half of them needed the help or support or assistance

of family and friends, which showed that it is very hard for victims to

report their victimization to the police just by themselves.

Only few called the help line of the police (3.1%), which 1s the new

system for victims of sex crimes.

The main reasons for presenting the victimization report were as

follows; «victims could not permit the offenders to remain free»

(72.3%), «I want police to arrest the offenders» (65.2%) and «I want to

have the offenders punished» (66.8%).

_— 92 _

The report to the police was made mainly just after the incident

(64.3%) or within 24 hours (19.2%).

2) Offender-Victim relationship

Table 1 shows the victim-offender relationship. In most of the cases,

the victims were strangers (78.7%). Only 15.6% of victims were

acquainted with offenders. However in rape cases, the proportion of

acquaintances (20.4%) was more than for sexual assaults (11.8%).

TABLE 1 : OFFENDER-VICTIM RELATIONSHIP

Sexual

Total

Rape

assault

Number of victims

110

87

204

Acquaintance

20.4

11.8

15.6

Stranger

713

84.2

78.7

Others

6.7

2.7

4.4

Unknown

1.7

1.2

1.4

3) Age distribution of victims

The age distribution of victims by type of crimes is shown in Table 2.

In this study, half of the victims are under twenty. The age distribution

of sexual assault victims 1s different from that of rape, the age of sexual

assault victims is much younger than rape victims. Victims aged 13-17

constituted more than one fourth of the total victims of sexual assaults.

The right column shows the respondent rate among total victims aged

over 18. Victims aged over 30 responded more than younger genera-

tions.

TABLE 2 : AGE DISTRIBUTION OF VICTIMS

(CASE STATISTICS)

Age of Victims

rape

sexual assault

Total

respondent

rate

Number of cases

300

403

703

(7

under 6

0.0

2.5

1.4

6-12

2.7

16.8

10.7

13-17

22.1

26.3

245

— 93 —

TABLE 2 : AGE DISTRIBUTION OF VICTIMS

(CASE STATISTICS)

sexual assault

Total

respondent

Age of Victims

rape

rate

18-19

18.1

14.3

15.9

41.3

20-24

31.1

21.5

25.6

39.9

25-29

11.7

10.5

11.0

30-34

4.7

2.8

3.6

48.1

Over 35

9.7

5.5

7.3

4) Age distribution of offenders

The age distribution of offenders by type of crime is shown in

Table 3. Age distribution of rape offenders is different from that of

sexual assault. The age of offenders of rape centered on the young

generation around 20. On the other hand, offenders of sexual assaults

had a bi-polar of age distribution- teenagers and middle age. In terms

of the offender-victim relationship and age distribution, younger offenders

aged under 20 and older offenders aged over 40 tended to attack

younger victims aged under 12 in case of sexual assaults (Table 4).

TABLE 3 : AGE DISTRIBUTION OF OFFENDERS

BY TYPE OF CRIME

rape

sexual assault

Total

Number of offenders

284

269

553

under 19

22.1

21.2

22.7

20-24

35.6

15.9

25.6

25-29

14.9

14

14.3

30-34

8.2

15.5

11.6

35-39

7.8

9.8

8.7

40-44

4.3

4.5

4.5

45-49

2.8

6.4

4.5

50-54

2.1

6.8

4.3

55-59

1.4

2.7

over 60

0.7

1.8

__ 94 _

TABLE 4 : AGE DISTRIBUTION OF VICTIMS

BY AGE OF OFFENDER

Offender's age

-19

20-29

30-39

40-

Total

Victim's Age

Rape

55

135

2

38

300

-11

3.6

0.7

0.0

5.3

1.7

12-17

32.7

244

15.3

18.4

23.0

18-19

30.9

17.0

11.1

15.8

18.0

20-29

23.6

51.9

45.8

34.2

43.0

30-

9.1

5.9

27.8

26.3

14.3

Sexual Assault

91

139

93

s0

403

-]1

272

8.6

16.1

30.0

18.8

12-17

31.5

27.3

247

25.0

27.2

18-19

12.0

16.5

19.4

6.3

14.1

20-29

23.9

42.4

32.3

21.3

31.7

30-

5.4

5.0

7.5

17.5

8.2

Analysis of victims

1) Threatening by offender

TABLE 5 : TYPE OF INTIMIDATION

sexual

category

behaviors

rape

Total

assault

Number of victims

110

87

204

physical force

pressing down

74.5

55.2

65.2

29.1

10.3

20.1

hitting and kicking

pinioning from back

21.8

29.9

24.5

weapon

Knife

17.3

9.2

13.2

sleeping pill or other drug

3.6

0.0

2.0

Threat to take Nude photo

8.2

0.0

4.9

— 95 __

TABLE 5 : TYPE OF INTIMIDATION

sexual

category

behaviors

rape

Total

assault

Other weapon

16.4

4.6

10.8

verbal force

Lies

18.2

8.0

13.2

Death threat

61.8

20.7

42.6

other verbal threat

26.4

12.6

20.1

threat against other family

7.3

0.0

3.9

passive force

méere présence

48.2

21.8

36.3

Others

boss at workplace

0.0

1.1

0.5

Others

T.3

11.5

9.3

Offenders used various method of threatening the victims when com-

mitting the crime. Table 5 shows the type of intimidation or threat. Both

physical and verbal threats were used on victims. Some of the victims

were threatened with death. Rape victims experienced this threat much

more than those of sexual assault.

2) Resistance by victims

TABLE 6 : RESISTANCE BY VICTIM

sexual

category

Items

rape

assault

Total

Number of victims

110

87

204

passive

defended myself

38.2

37.9

377

62.7

39.1

51.5

Pleading

verbal

Screaming

30.9

54.0

41.7

Attacking

35.5

33.3

33.3

physical

4.5

9.2

6.4

Running away

Nothing

33.6

12.6

25.5

Other

Others

8.2

10.3

8.8

When the offender attacked victims, most victims tried to resist.

Resistant behaviors by victims are shown in Table 6. The victims tried

to «plead with the offender to stop committing the crime» (51.5%),

«defended

themselves »

(37.7%)

and

«counterattacked

against

offenders» (33.3%). «Some of the victims could not do anything»

(25.5%)

3) Emotions experienced by the victims

at the time of incident

The incident caused victims various stresses. At the moment of inci-

dent, the emotions that victims felt are shown in Table 7. Almost all of

the victims felt fear (82.8%) and shock (77.0%), some of them felt even

danger of «death» (47.1%), particularly rape victims (70.9%).

Even though victims wanted to resist, some of them could not do

anything (35.3%).

Generally speaking, victims of sexual crimes are often blamed

«victims themselves had some faults» or else people think that «victims

can survive». However they felt serious fear, even fear of death from the

incident. Rape victims felt more fear than victims of sexual assaults. Vic-

tims also blamed themselves (8.3%).

TABLE 7 : EMOTIONAL IMPACTS OF INCIDENT

Rape

Sexual assault

Total

Number of Subjects

110

87

204

Fear

87.3

78.2

82.8

shock

73.6

80.5

T1.0

fear of death

70.9

19.5

47.1

what happens in this situation

57.3

44.8

52.0

confusion

53.6

41.4

49.0

what to do with myself

49.1

35.6

43.6

Dishonor

47.3

34.5

41.7

cannot resist

46.4

19.5

35.3

Helplessness

45.5

19.5

33.3

Anxiety

40.9

23.0

33.3

32.7

11.5

23.0

Despair

Sad

31.8

20.7

27.9

Shame

24.5

27.6

26.5

__ 97 __

TABLE 7 : EMOTIONAL IMPACTS OF INCIDENT

Rape

Sexual assault

Total

self-blame

10.0

6.9

8.3

Others

10.9

4.6

7.8

4) Psychological Influence

The condition PTSD (Post Traumatic Stress Disorder) became pop-

ular and understanding developed for various types of victims by Japa-

nese people after the big earthquake in Hanshin-Awaji and the Sarin gas

attack in Subway in Tokyo in 1995. Both incidents played an important

role in making all Japanese people think about «victimization».

In this survey, a victim was shown a list of various behavioral

of PTSD

which

included

responses

syndrome,

«re-experiences»,

«avoidance of related stimuli» and «hypervigilance». Every victim was

asked to choose appropriate items, which they reflected their own

behaviors. Results are shown in Table 8.

The highest item was «fear of seeing the offender again» (77.0%).

More than half of the victims chose the following items — «flashback»

(73.5%), «invasion of memory» (71.6%), «try not to think about the

incident» (60.8%), «avoidance of the place of incident» (58.8%),

«dependence on other people» (55.4%) and «depression» (54.4%).

Almost all of the victims suffered from traumatic stresses after the

incident.

TABLE 8 : PSYCHOLOGICAL DAMAGE

sexual

items

Rap

assault

Total

category

Number of victims

110

87

204

Flashback

77.,3

70.1

73.5

Reexperiences

Invasion of memory

79.1

62.1

T1.6

Nightmares

42.7

39.1

40.2

Avoidance trigger memo-

69.1

52.9

60.8

ries

Avoidance of situations

which were related to

incident

Avoidance related stimuli

60.9

57.5

58.8

Loss of interest

53.6

31.0

43.6

__ 98 —

TABLE 8 : PSYCHOLOGICAL DAMAGE

Difficulty concentrating

37.3

23.0

29.9

Hyper-vigilance

Hypervigilance

56.4

42.5

49.5

68.2

37.9

54.4

Depression

Alienation

Dependency

65.5

39.1

53.4

Shame

43.6

21.8

32.8

Loss of self-esteem

46.4

20.7

33.8

Feeling of being dirty

Fear of being alone

68.2

42.5

55.4

Fear of re-victimization

80.0

74.7

77.0

Fear of re-victimization

Loss of reality

40.9

25.3

33.8

Absurdity

Why was I victimized?

60.0

75.9

67.2

5) Reasons that victims of sexual crimes

do not report to the police

TABLE 9 : REASONS VICTIMS

DO NOT REPORT TO POLICE

Reason

sexual

Total

rape

assault

Number of subjects

110

87

204

keep secret

79.1

66.7

13.5

want to forget

67.3

52.9

61.3

Shame

65.5

64.4

65.2

not to be publicized

64.5

49.4

58.3

Fear of revenge

55.5

43.7

51.0

Bother others

48.2

23.0

36.8

traumatic stress

48.2

36.8

42.2

secondary victimization

46.4

41.4

44.6

Respectability

40.9

31.0

377

not restorative

37.3

31.0

34.3

Hate legal procedure

24.5

33.3

28.9

no evidence

17.3

3.0

13.2

__ 99 __

TABLE 9 : REASONS VICTIMS

DO NOT REPORT TO POLICE

sexual

Reason

rape

Total

assault

patrol car 1s too over

14.5

9.2

11.8

12.7

5.7

10.3

Don't want to go to police

hard work

10.9

19.5

14.7

Belief that the police does not deal with

7.3

8.0

8.3

such case

minor victimization

3.6

12.6

7.8

Others

3.6

2.3

2.9

Respondent victims were asked to think about the reason why vic-

tims of sex offences in general do not go to police. The responses they

thought were «to keep the incident secret from the public» (73.5%),

«shame» (65.2%), «want to forget» (61.3%) and «fear for revenge from

offender» (51.0%). These reasons cause low rate of reported crimes to

the police. Respondents supposed that victims might suffer from second-

ary victimization in the law enforcement procedure and that the public

might lead prejudice to what’s the victim.

6) Changes that victims need or expect from Authority

For a long time, victims of crimes were not considered in the law

enforcement process except for giving evidence. It was also assumed that

the Japanese mentality was different from that of other western coun-

tries. So, Japanese victims might prefer to be silent rather than be will-

ing to talk about the incident at counseling services. Therefore Japanese

culture would not benefit from western style victim support services.

The victims were asked about their needs and desire or expectation

from the law enforcement Authority. The results are shown in Table 10.

Victims wanted their victimization secret from surrounding people or

media and to forget the incident, they wanted various type of innovation

in the law enforcement process.

Victims expected a safe community so as not to be victimized again

(57.4%). Also they had a strong desire for female officers in the law

enforcement process such as police officer, prosecutor and judge(27.9%).

Also, in the hearing process at the police, they needed a more com-

fortable atmosphere, not to be asked the same thing more than twice

— 100 —

(40.2%), not to take a long time (39.7%) and a nice place to be relaxed

(10.8%).

Some of the victims would help the other victims based on their

experiences (15.2%).

The interview survey by the author and from interview with victims

in TV news informed us that focal concern of victims was for the

Authority to inform them about the consequence of court and to pro-

vide information about the offender. At the time of the survey, we did

not have a sufficient system to do so. However the situation about vic-

tims has changed drastically, «Victim relief law» was enacted in 2000 in

Japan.

The change of legal system has constructed a new system to inform

victims of the date of court proceedings and the consequences of the

court.

TABLE 10 : DEMANDS AND NEEDS FOR

AUTHORITY

sexual

category

Item

rap

total

assault

Number of victims

110

87

204

Safe life

Make sure of a safe life

54.5

58.6

57.4

Don't ask same thing more

43.6

37.9

40.2

than twice

Hearing at police

42.7

Tell how long it takes

37.9

39.7

Nice facility at police station

9.1

12.6

10.8

Female police officer

34.5

32.2

32.4

30.0

26.4

27.9

Female judge and prosecutor

Law enforcement

Keep privacy at Court

34.5

18.4

27.5

Same

officer

during

law

27.3

23.0

25.5

enforcement process

Charge of medical certificate

26.4

14.9

21.1

Financial support

Medical charge

23.6

12.6

18.1

Compensation

17.3

12.6

15.7

— 101 —

TABLE 10 : DEMANDS AND NEEDS FOR AUTHORITY

sexual

category

Item

ra

assault

total

Counseling at police

30.0

9.2

21.1

Place for consulting

10.0

13.8

11.3

12.7

23.0

17.2

Others

Chaperoning service

Assistance for other victim of

15.5

12.6

15.2

sex crimes

19.1

9.2

15.2

Keep Privacy

Analysis of offenders

The offender factors play an important role in analyzing the criminal

situation. Here the reason for choosing the victim 1s analyzed.

The reason why the offender chose the victim was asked of each

offender just after they were arrested. In this question, the offender was

asked to respond to appropriate items from prepared 1tems list. The rea-

sons the offender chose the victim are shown in Tab.11.

Offenders preyed on victims mainly because they supposed the victim

would not go to the police (37.2%), or the victims looked compliant

(37.4%) or weak (19.1%). Also victims walk alone was significant incen-

tive for the offenders (26.5%). Only a few offenders preyed on victims

because the victim had an unguarded moment (11.9%) or she dressed

provocatively (5.2%). This shows victims did not behave in ways, which

the «rape myth» would suggest. Myths about rape have survived in our

culture because of social functions . Myths have led the public to have

prejudice that victims of sex crimes had behavioral problems. Also

myths allow us to feel safe by letting them believe that rape rarely hap-

pens, and when it does, it is because the woman secretly wanted to be

raped. So, if we spend careful life and we can prevent future rapes.

Also, it is important to point out that half of the offenders thought

that «rape is power control for the victims» (49.5%).This shows the pur-

pose of sexual crimes for the offenders not sexual desire but power con-

trol for women.

G) LEpray, L.E. Recovering from Rape 2"* ed. 10-20, Owl books, 1994.

— 102 —

TABLE 11 : REASONS OFFENDERS CHOSE THE VICTIM

sexual

rape

assault

Total

number of offenders

281

264

553

Victim won’t go to the police

44.8

29.5

37.2

Victim looks tractable

28.1

48.1

37.4

It is not a police matter

26.3

20.5

23.1

Victim walks alone

22.1

31.8

26.5

16.4

3.0

12.1

Victim agrees

Watched for an unguarded moment

16.0

7.6

11.9

No choice

15.3

12.9

13.9

Victim looks weak

15.3

23.5

19.1

Stalking

12.1

9.1

10.5

Favorite one

10.7

13.6

11.9

Provocative or seducive costume

4.6

6.1

5.2

CONCLUSION

For a long time, we have not paid enough attention to victims of

crimes in law enforcement process in Japan. In particular, for the vic-

tims of sex crimes, misunderstanding or prejudice that victims were

imprudent and provoked the offender to commit the crime or that they

walked late at night by themselves etc. spread so that the public had

come to believe rape myth.

The reported results show the situation of sex crimes, offender and

victims positively. Main results were given below;

|

Most of the victims had hesitated to go to police even after the vic-

timization. The Police know of most incidents from the report by the

victim, and do not know of the incident until the victim reports her

victimization. This reason the victim has to go to police in the case

of victimization is because otherwise the offender has another chance

to commit the same type of crime. On the other hand, the police can-

not do anything unless the crime is reported.

Victims have serious damage physically and psychologically from sex

crimes, and need official support, which encourage their rehabilitation

in various aspects.

— 103 —

3. The symptoms that most of the victims of sex crimes suffer even after

the incident mean that the public can recognize the importance of this

type of crime prevention.

4. The survey of offenders shows the victims were not chosen for faults

in their behavior, which goes against the rape myth.

Recently, new techniques of forensic evidence such as DNA 1dentifi-

cation are used in police investigation. DNA identification were used in

several hundreds cases per year (which involves whole cases such as

homicide and rape and other type of crimes) for these several years.

High technology in forensic science gives offenders warning that even a

drop of blood or seminal fluid catches the offender, which is also a

increase of chance or possibility of to get offender for the police.

Proposal for Innovation

This report might be first one about victims of the sex crimes which

are reported to the police. To reduce the incidence of crimes, reduce the

severity of crimes and reduce the impact on victims, we can think about

several suggestions as described below;

1) Fasy access to the police in the case of victimization

It is said that it is very hard for the victims to go to police even after

the victimization. Most of the victims would have hesitated to go to

police if they did not have assistance of family or friends. Most of them

did not know the hotline number even though they decided to go to

police. We need any device to facilitate higher reportablity to police. Ini-

tially, hotline consulting is much easier for the victims psychologically.

In Japan, fortunately we have many police boxes in each town. If the

hotline number is presented at each police box on the top of building

in big letters, the victim can know the number even though they hesi-

tate. To know the hotline number is the first step to facilitate a report

to police.

2) Comfortable Condition at hearing

For a long time, the police has not made efforts to set up a comfort-

able situation for victims. Even though the victim goes to the police, she

might feel the police station is unpleasant, and that she never wants to

be in a police station again.

So, at first, the attitude of police officer should be changed so victims

feel comfortable and relaxed, and that they can trust the police.

— 104 —

For most of the victims, it might be the first time of going to the

police. If they don’t understand the law enforcement process, the police

officer should explain the procedure to them. If the victim understands

the interview procedure, she might be more tolerant of it.

Besides, physical surroundings should be comfortable. It was com-

mon to use the same room as used for the offender to hear from the vic-

tim. Recently it has changed, but we still need more comfortable rooms

to be prepared.

3) Formation of Survivor Self Support Group

by the police

To report victimization to the police or other law enforcement organ-

ization is quite different from other cases. Victims should be patient

about the law enforcement process such as noisy surroundings or media

or public prejudice. Such victims need help or support from others. In

particular, if a survivor who has experienced an unpleasant law enforce-

ment process helps the victims with the same experience, this might be

empowering for the victims. The author strongly suggests that the police

should this group.

4) Sex Education

Crime Prevention for sex crimes cannot be directed only at females.

Males also need to understand the situation. If males understand the

seriousness of victimization, they might be more considerate about it.

Such information should be provided through sex education.

Also, the age of victims of sex crimes 1s relatively low and school

children and students are involved. Sex education might be a good

warning for the prevention of victimization.

5S) Public Information about the severity of victimization

The concept of «victimization» 1s relatively new. The Public do not

understand the victimization process. Some of the victims disclose their

experience, but some can’t. The more we understand the situation of vic-

tims, the more victims can disclose their experience. We also need to

publicize the victimization process and the seriousness of victimization.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. National Police Agency, Criminal Statistics in 1963-1998, 1963-1998.

2. Mass D., Trauma, Kodansha 1996 (Japanese Translation).

— 105 —

3. ISHIKAWA Y., Sexual victimization among students,

1995,

Shimane Univ.

4. Iwai Y., «What Sexual Offender Law means», The report on Criminal Sociol-

ogy, 20, 115-132 1995.

5. Tokyo Association for Sex Education, Sexual behavior of Students 1987, 1990,

1993, 1996 Gakko Tosho.

6. KONISH T., «Counseling for Victims of Crime», Crime and Delinquency

(Hanzai to Hiko), 105, 102-121 1995.

7. KoNIsHI T., «Sexual Victimization among Students», Report of JASE, 1996.

8. KoNisH1 T., Trauma of Victims of Crime Hakusuisha, 1996.

9. MIYAZAWA K., TAGUCHI M. and TAKAHASHI N. (ed.), The Study on Victims of

Crime Seibundo 1996.

10

MOROSAWA H. (ed.),

Victims of Crime — Victim's right and Countermeasures

Shibundo, 1995.

11

SARA, Sexual Victimization among Females and Needs for Police, 1996.

12

APA, Diagnostic Statistical Manual of Psychiatric Disorders vol.4,1994 (Jap-

anese edition; TAKAHASHI S., OHNO Y. and SOMEYA T., 1996, IGAKUSHOIN).

13

Japanese Association for Sex Education, The Survey on Sexual Behavior (4),

1994

14

UCHIYAMA À., OIKAWA S., KAMON H., «Experiences of Sexual Victimization

among Students», Reports of the National Research Institute of Police Science

(NRIPS) 39-1, 1998.

15

UCHIYAMA À., OIKAWA S., KAMON H., «Social Attitudes toward Sexual Vic-

timization among Students», Reports of the National Research Institute of

Police Science (NRIPS) 39-1, 1998.

SUMMARY

The purpose of this paper 1s to examine the seriousness of the prob-

lems of sex crime victims, and to clarify the nature of sex crimes which

were reported to the police between October 1997 and January 1998

throughout Japan through a questionnaire survey.

The samples of this study were 204 female victims aged 18 and over

of sex crimes which were reported to the police. The survey revealed

empirical analysis on them;

Most of the subjects replied they felt terrible threatening, some of

them felt threatening of death when they were victimized and they tried

to resist offenders’ attack only to fail. Though more than a month

passed since incidence occurred, they experienced flashback, invasion to

memory, nightmare, avoidance of related stimuli and hyper vigilance.

Additional samples of 703 incidents and 553 offenders were also ana-

lyzed simultaneously. The offenders confessed they chose the victim

because victims looked tractable and not to report to their victimization

to the police not because of sexy dress.

— 106 —

Some ideas for innovation of reducing the damages of victimization

were proposed.

REÉSUMÉ

Le propos de ce texte est d’examiner la gravité des problèmes des vic-

times de crimes sexuels, et de clarifier, au moyen d'une enquête par ques-

tionnaire, la nature des crimes sexuels qui ont été rapportés à la police entre

octobre 1997 et janvier 1998 sur l’ensemble du territoire du Japon.

L’échantillon de l’étude a été constitué de 204 femmes de 18 ans et

plus victimes de crimes sexuels rapportés à la police. L’enquête a fourni

à leur propos des données empiriques, indiquant pour la plupart des

sujets des traumatismes considérables. Un mois après les faits, les images

de résistance et d’effroi revenaient en force, induisaient des cauchemars,

des comportements d’évitement et d'hyper-vigilance.

Des échantillons additionnels de 703 incidents et de 553 auteurs ont

été analysés simultanément. Les auteurs avouaient avoir choisi leur vic-

time parce qu’elle semblait docile et paraissait, par son accoutrement

sexy, peu encline à se plaindre à la police.

Plusieurs voies sont suggérées pour innover et réduire les dommages

lies à la victimisation.

RESUMEN

El objetivo de este articulo es examinar la gravedad de los problemas

de las victimas de delitos sexuales y clarificar, a través de una investi-

gaciôn por cuestionario, la naturaleza de los delitos sexuales conocidos

por la policia entre octubre de 1997 y enero de 1998 en el conjunto del

territorio de Japôn.

La muestra del estudio la constituye 204 mujeres de 18 años en ade-

lante victimas de delitos sexuales conocidas por la policia. La investiga-

ciôn ha proporcionado datos empiricos, indicando, en la mayor parte de

sujetos, traumatismos considerables. Un mes después de los hechos, las

imâgenes de resistencia y de temor volvian con fuerza, produciendo

pesadillas, comportamientos de evitaciôon y de hiper vigilancia.

Se analizaron muestras adicionales de 730 incidentes y de 553 autores

simultäneamente. Los autores reconocian haber escogido a su victima

porque ésta parecia décil y porque su apariencia sexy la hacia poco pro-

clive a acudir a la policia.

Se sugieren varias vias para innovar y reducir los daños relacionados

con esta victimizacion.

— 107 —

ETIENNE DE GREEFF (1898-1961)

AND HIS CONTRIBUTION TO CURRENT

CRIMINOLOGY

Joris Casselman “)

This article is a summary of the subject treated more extensively in

my recently published book ‘’. Two questions are put forward. The first

question is: who was Etienne De Greeff? It will become obvious that

this Belgian psychiatrist, criminologist and novelist was a fascinating

person. The second question 1s: what is his contribution to current

criminology? Etienne De Greeff left behind an impressive oeuvre and

part of it can be considered as a valuable contribution to current crim-

inology.

Looking for answers to these two questions, several ways of collect-

ing information were combined : interviews of people who knew Etienne

De Greeff personally (such as family members, former students and

former collaborators); a careful study of all his publications and many

publications by other authors about him and his oeuvre; an investiga-

tion of many archives; and visits to the places where he lived and

worked.

1. — WHO WAS ETIENNE DE GREEFF (1898-1961) ©)?

In order to give an answer to the first question, Etienne De Greeff”s

clinical attitude was adopted and applied to himself.

Etienne De Greeff was born in Tournai (Belgium) on 28 October

1898. He was the first son of Joseph De Greeff (1862-1929) and Marie

Brabant (1867-1925).

() Psychiatrist, criminologist, emeritus professor, Catholic University of Leuven (Bel-

gium). The author thanks Tony PETERS, Lode WALGRAVE, Pat NUYENS-BUTLER and Anne-

Mie VIAENE-DEVYNCK for reading and commenting a draft version of the text.

(2) CASSELMAN, J., Etienne De Greeff (1898-1961). Psychiater, criminoloog en romanschr-

ijver. Leven, Werk en huidige betekenis. Antwerpen, Apeldoorn, Maklu, 2010.

( For earlier biographical publications see : PINATEL, J., Etienne De Greeff. 1889-1961.

Bibliothèque internationale de criminologie. Paris, Cujas, 1967; DEBuysT, C., Etienne DE

GREEFF, 1898-1961. in : FIINAUT, C., (red.), Gestalten uit het verleden. Leuven, Universitaire

Pers Leuven, 1993, 221-235k; FIINAUT, C., Over de individuele dader en zijn misdaad : het

œuvre van Etienne DE GREEFF (1898-1961). in: OE1, T.1., GROENHUIISEN, M.S., Forensische

psychiatrie anno 2000. Deventer, Gouda Quint, 2000, 353-369.

— 109 —

His father had grown up in a Flemish farming family in Perk (now a

part of Steenokkerzeel) in the Belgian province of Flemish Brabant. As he

was not the eldest son, he moved to the French-speaking southern part of

Belgium (Wallonia), looking to start a new farm. This was common practice

in those days. Later he married a woman from the Tournai region.

1.1. — Maulde : from farmer'’s son to psychiatrist

When Etienne De Greeff was one year old, he moved with his parents

from Tournai to Maulde, then a small autonomous rural village, but now

part of the city of Tournai. The reason was that his parents started a farm

in Maulde. Etienne De Greeff spent his entire childhood in Maulde. He

attended both the local nursery school and the local primary school. Having

only one younger sister, Christine (born in 1901), he was expected to take

over his parents’ farm. But thanks to the influence of a primary school

teacher, he got the opportunity to attend secondary school. He became a res-

ident of the boarding school of the Collège Notre Dame de la Tombe, situ-

ated in Kain (near Tournai). After brilliant studies he graduated in 1916,

expecting to continue with university studies. As he grew up in a very strict

Catholic family, there was no other option but the Catholic University of

Leuven. But in the beginning of the First World War, all universities in Bel-

gium were closed. Only in Gent the German occupying forces opened the so-

called von Bissing university in 1916, attracting a very limited number of stu-

dents. Awaiting coming events, Etienne De Greeff followed an intensive

course in philosophy at the Petit Séminaire de Bonne-Espérance (near

Binche). After the end of the war, the Catholic University of Leuven reo-

pened in February 1919. Between 1919 and 1924, Etienne De Greeff success-

fully followed medical studies. During the last year of his university studies,

he specialized in psychiatry under the supervision of Fernand d’Hollander,

who was the first full-time professor of psychiatry at the Catholic University

of Leuven from 1919 on. Shortly after completing his university studies in

1924, Etienne De Greeff married Gabrielle Cuvelier (1901-1983), the daugh-

ter of Georges Cuvelier (1871-1961) and Marie Senelle (1874-1929).

1.2. — À short stay in Geel

Etienne De Greeff’s first professional appointment was in the Rijk-

skrankzinnigenkolonie [State Colony for the Insane] in Geel. This insti-

tution was well known nationally and internationally because of its fos-

ter family care programme for severely mentally ill people, which started

more than seven hundred years ago‘*’. In Geel he took up responsibility

(4) RoosENs, E, VAN DE WALLE, L., Geel revisited. After centuries of mental rehabilitation.

Antwerpen, Apeldoorn, Garant, 2007.

— 110 —

for the department for mentally retarded minors, which combined a spe-

cial school with professional orientation and foster family care °’.$$$

About six months after his arrival in Geel, his mother died at the age of

58. Four months later, his first child Christiane (1925-2006) was born. In

1925, his first articles were published. He approached the mentally retarded

from a phenomenological point of view. His «description from the inside»

was considered very original, not only by colleagues in Belgium but also in

France‘°’. To the disappointment of his medical superintendent, he stayed

for only 18 months in Geel because he was called back to Leuven.

1.3. — Lovenjoel : successes and disappointments

In 1926, Etienne De Greeff became the first assistant of Fernand

d’Hollander, professor of psychiatry at the Catholic University of Leu-

ven and medical superintendent of the newly built University Psychiatric

Institute, Salve Mater, in Lovenjoel (near Leuven). Only female psychi-

atric patients were admitted in this totally closed institution, with a sep-

arate unit for private patients. In the same year, Etienne De Greeff took

over the position of Fernand d’Hollander as anthropologist in the Cen-

tral Prison of Leuven. Also in 1926, his second daughter Marie-José

(1926-2008) was born.

In 1929, the first university-based Ecole des sciences criminelles

[School for criminological sciences] in Belgium started at the Catholic

University of Leuven ”. During the first academic year, Fernand d’Hol-

lander delegated one of his courses, Anthropologie criminelle [Criminal

anthropology] to Etienne De Greeff. From the second academic year on,

Etienne De Greeff himself was appointed as professor for two courses :

Anthropologie criminelle [Criminal anthropology] and L'organisme

humain [The human organism]. In 1929, his father died at the age of 67.

Two years later, his only son Jacques (1931-2004) was born.

From the end of 1932 on, Etienne De Greeff became well-known

nationally and internationally because of his critical attitude towards a

series of apparitions of the Virgin Mary, claimed by five children in

Beauraing (in the Belgian province of Namur)‘#. Etienne De Greeff

( DE GREEFF, E., «Ferme-école d’Elsum par Gheel. Education et rééducation des anor-

maux par le placement familial», Bruxelles, Œuvre Nationale de l'Enfance, 1925 (6), 11, 1088-

1098 & 12, 1241-1261.

(6) DE GREEFF, E., «Essai sur la personnalité du débile mental», Journal de Psychologie

normale et pathologique, 1927 (24), 400-454.

() At that time there was only one (almost exclusively French-speaking) Université

Catholique de Louvain. In 1968 it split into two universities : the Katholieke Universiteit Leu-

ven which stayed in Leuven, and the Université Catholique de Louvain which moved during

the 1970s to a new location, Louvain-la-Neuve, in Wallonia.

($) JÉSUS-MARIE, B. de, DE GREEFF, E., JANSSENS, À, VAN GEHUCHTEN, P., Les faits mystérieux

de Beauraing, Etudes, documents, réponses, Paris, Bruges, Desclée De Brouwer, 1933.

— 111 —

became involved in an intense controversy between believers and non-

believers. It took 17 years before the supernatural character of the 33

«appearances» in Beauraing was officially recognised by the church

authorities in 1949©). But already in 1935, Etienne De Greeff was

threatened with dismissal from all his professional duties (in Lovenjoel,

at the Central Prison of Leuven and at the Leuven university). AIl this

was prevented by the intervention of the socialist Minister of Justice,

Emile Vandervelde.

In 1937, Etienne De Greeff published his first book, Introduction à

la criminologie [Introduction to criminology]. À revised edition appeared

in 1947 and a reprint of the latter in 1948 “ The book reflected what

he was teaching in his university course, Criminal anthropology. In

1939, he published his second book, Nos enfants et nous [Our children

and ourselves]. This pedagogical publication became a great success. It

was reprinted three times and translated into Dutch, Italian, German,

Greek, English, Spanish and Portuguese‘!"). A third book, Amour et

crimes d’amour [Love and «crimes of love»] was published in 1942. It

is a substantial criminological study of so-called «crimes of passion»,

ie. partner homicides, with or without subsequent suicide. It was

reprinted twice and translated into Dutch and Greek ”.

In 1943, Fernand d’Hollander reached the age limit for medical

superintendent of the university psychiatric institute in Lovenjoel, but

was allowed to stay on for some time as university professor. Etienne

De Greeff applied for the post of medical superintendent in Lovenjoel,

but was not nominated. One year later, in 1944, Louis Braffort, the first

president of the School for criminological sciences, was brutally assassi-

nated by collaborators of the German occupying force. Etienne De Gre-

eff was appointed to the post of president of the School, first on an

interim basis and permanently from 1946.

() For a balanced debate see : CARROLL, M.P., The cult of the Virgin Mary, Psychological

Origins,

N.J., Princeton University Press,

1986; CORVELEYN, J., «Folk religiosity or

psychopathology? The case of the apparitions of the Virgin in Beauraing (Belgium) 1932-

33», in BELZEN, J.A. (ed.), Psychohistory in psychology of religion, Interdisciplinary studies,

Amsterdam, Atlanta, GA, Rodopi, 2001, 239-259.

(0) De GreeFF, E., Introduction à la criminologie. Collection des Controverses de l’Ecole

des Sciences Criminelles de L’Université de Louvain. Louvain, Editions de l’Ecrou, 1937.

Second edition in 1947 and reprint in 1948 (see reference list). As Etienne De Greef’s life and

work are intensively interwoven, the first publication of his 13 books 1s systematically men-

tioned. The second part of this article covers a thematic discussion of the content of his

work, in so far as it gives an answer to our second question. The full references, including

several reprints and translations of his books are mentioned in the reference list.

(D DE GREEFF, E., Nos enfants et nous. Bruxelles, Editions da la Cité Chrétienne, 1939.

Reprints in 1948, 1951 and 1952. Translation into Dutch (1946 and 1950), Italian (1947), German

(1955), Greek (1955), English (1958), Spanish (1975) and Portuguese (s.d.) (see reference list).

(12) DE GREEFF, E., Amour et crimes d'amour. Bruxelles, Editions Joseph Vandenplas, 1942.

Reprints in 1949 and 1973. Translations into Dutch (1951) and Greek (1995) (see reference list).

— 112 —

During the Second World War, a son of his female housekeeper was

a member of the resistance movement. Etienne De Greeff hid him and

two fellow members in his house in Lovenjoel. German soldiers tried to

capture the resistance fighters during a night raid in March 1944, but

they were not discovered. However, in reprisal, his housekeeper was

deported to a concentration camp in Germany, while Etienne De Greeff

himself narrowly escaped the same fate. After the end of the war, his

former housekeeper returned in poor physical condition. However, after

a period of recuperation, she again took up her duties as housekeeper.

Etienne De Greeff’s fourth book, Culture et éducation physique [Cul-

ture and physical education] appeared in 1944 and was reprinted in

19453 Also in 1945, his fifth and sixth books appeared : Notre des-

tinée et nos instincts [Our destiny and our instincts], reprinted three

times and translated in Dutch and German (* and Le retour au silence

[The return to silence], a futuristic novel, published under the pseudo-

nym Stephan Hautem “°),

1.4. — Kortenberg : the peak years

In 1946, Etienne De Greeff left the psychiatric institute in Lovenjoel

and took up a post as medical superintendent in the Sint-Jozef psychi-

atric institute in Kortenberg (situated between Leuven and Brussels). As

in the psychiatric institute in Lovenjoel, only female patients were

admitted in a closed setting, with a unit for private patients. In 1948, a

new unit for voluntary patients was opened. This was an important pos-

itive development for the institute.

In 1947, he published his seventh book, Les instincts de défense et de

sympathie [The instincts of defence and sympathy], his masterpiece,

reprinted once and translated in Dutch and Spanish #. In 1949, three

other books followed. His eighth was Au sources de l'humain [At the

sources of the human], translated in Dutch“”, and his ninth Ames crim-

inelles [Criminal souls], translated into Italian (in four different editions)

(3) De Greerr, E., Culture et éducation physique. Collection Bâtir, 3° Série, Nr. 5, Tour-

nai-Paris, Casterman, 1944. Second edition (1945) (see reference list).

(14) DE GreerF, E., Notre destinée et nos instincts. Collection Présences. Paris, Plon, 1945.

Reprints in 1946, 1951 and 1953. Translations into Dutch (1947) and German (1954) (see ref-

erence list :194Sb).

(15) DE GreerF, E., (under the pseudonym Stéphane Hautem), Le retour au silence. Jour-

nal d’un homo citroënsis K.228. bis. Bruxelles, Ed. Charles Dessart, 1945 (1945b). The novel

is in line with: Huxley, À.. Brave new world. Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1955. First

published by Chatto & Windus, 1932.

(6) De Grerrr, E., Les instincts de défense et de sympathie. Bibliothèque de philosophie

contemporaine, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1947. Reprint in 1971. Translations

into Dutch (1949) and Spanish (1967) (see reference list).

(17) DE GREEFF, E., Aux sources de l’humain. Collection Présences, Paris, Plon, 1949.

Translation into Dutch (1950) (see reference list : 1949a).

— 113 —

and Portuguese (9. His tenth book, and second novel, La nuit est ma

lumière’ [The night 1s my light], published under his own name, became

very popular, with six reprints in French and translations into Dutch,

German, Polish, Greek and Italian *. It tells the story of the oldest

daughter of a general practitioner going through a psychotic process.

In 1948, he was appointed to give an additional course in psychopa-

thology at the Psychological and Pedagogic Institute, part of the Faculty

of Philosophy and Arts at the Catholic University of Leuven. This was

also an optional course for medical students. But when Fernand d’Hol-

lander retired from the chair of psychiatry in 1950, Etienne De Greeff

was not appointed as his successor. Charles Rouvroy and Andre Dewulf

were nominated, respectively, for the French-speaking and Dutch-speak-

ing students.

Especially from 1950 on, Etienne De Greeff became internationally

famous as a criminologist. In 1950, he attended the Second International

Congress of Criminology in Paris, organised by the Société Internation-

ale de Criminologie [International Society for Criminology]. During this

congress he impressed his audience by presenting an extensive report

entitled Criminogenèse [Criminogenesis]. One year later, he became pres-

ident of the Scientific Commission of the International Society for Crim-

inology.

In 1952, the Minister of Justice nominated him to the post of Direc-

tor of the Penitentiary Anthropological Department, covering all prisons

in Belgium. He accepted the task for one year on condition that he was

allowed to reorganize the department. Although he was not able to

achieve his personal goal, he stayed on for more than two years but

finally resigned in 1955.

In the meantime, from 1952 on, he was very active in a private centre

he started in Brussels, the Centre de Neurologie et d'Etudes Medico-Psy-

chologiques [Centre for Neurology and Medico-Psychological Studies].

There he was in sole charge, while he continued with his duties in

Kortenberg and the Central Prison in Leuven. His centre in Brussels

became well-known for the residential and ambulatory treatment of chil-

dren, adolescents and adults with severe and less severe mental prob-

lems. Prevention and research were also developed.

(8) DE GreerF, E., Ames criminelles. Collection «Lovanium», Tournai-Paris, Casterman,

1949. Translations into Italian (1955, 1960, 1967, 1969) and Portuguese (1967) (see reference

list : 1949b).

(19) DE Greerr, E., La nuit est ma lumière. Roman. Collection Esprit. Paris, Editions du

Seuil, 1949. Reprints in 1950, 1951, 1953, 1954, 1955 and 1972). Translations into Dutch

(1950 and 1951), German (1951), Polish (1955), Greek (1956) and Italian (1958) (see reference

list : 1949c).

— 114 —

In 1954, he became associate professor in the Faculty of Law of the

Catholic University of Leuven. In 1955, he published his eleventh book

and third novel, Le juge Maury [Judge Maury], reprinted once and

translated into Dutch, Polish and German . It is the story of an exam-

ining magistrate confronted with an interference between his profes-

sional role as a judge and his relational problems with his wife. The

novel was reprinted once and was translated into Dutch, Polish and

German. Also in 1955, a number of friends and colleagues organised an

international symposium to celebrate his 25'” anniversary as lecturer at

the Catholic University of Leuven. The proceedings of this successful

event were published one year later in two volumes entitled Autour de

l'œuvre du Dr. Etienne De Greeff lAround the work of Dr. Etienne De

Greeffj 2122 His twelfth book, Psychiatrie et religion [Psychiatry and

religion] appeared in 1958. It has been translated into Italian, Spanish,

German, Dutch and Japanese ‘°).

In 1960, he attended the fourth Congrès International de Criminologie

[International Congress of Criminology] in the Hague, during which his

assistant Christian Debuyst received the Denis Caroll Prize for his dis-

sertation on juvenile delinquents ?*. In June 1961 (one month before his

death), he enthusiastically told some colleagues that he was preparing an

extensive book on the psychology of the murderer.

On July 21, 1961, he died suddenly of a heart attack. One year later

his thirteenth book, L'homme et son juge [Man and his judge] was pub-

lished 2°).

One of several initiatives set up in his memory was the Prize Etienne

De Greeff, attributed every three years to a deserving clinical criminol-

ogist by the International Society for Criminology.

(0) De Greerr, E., Le Juge Maury. Roman. Paris, Editions du Seuil, 1955. Reprint in

1956. Translations into Dutch (1956), Polish (1957), and German (1959) (see reference list).

D Autour de l'Oeuvre du

Dr.

E. De

L'homme criminel,

Etudes

Greeff, Tome |,

d'aujourd'hui, Louvain, Nauwelaerts, Paris, Béatrice-Nauwelaerts, 1956.

C Autour de l'Oeuvre du Dr. E. De Greeff, Tome II, L'’homme devant l'humain, Etudes

d'aujourd'hui, Louvain, Nauwelaerts, Paris, Béatrice-Nauwelaerts, 1956.

C53) De GreerF, E.…. Psychiatrie et religion, Collection «Je sais - Je crois»,. Encyclopédie

du Catholique du XX* siècle, Neuvième partie, Les problèmes du Monde et de l'Eglise, 92.

Paris, Librairie Arthème Fayard, 1958. Translations into Italian (1958), Spanish (1959), Ger-

man (1960), Dutch (1962) and Japanese (1966) (see reference list : 1958a).

C4 DEBUYST, C. Criminels et valeurs vécues, Etude clinique d’un groupe de jeunes crimi-

nels, Louvain, Publications Universitaires, Paris, Béatrice-Nauwelaerts, 1959.

CS) De GreerF, E., L'homme et son juge, Textes et études anthropologiques, Paris-Bruges,

Desclée De Brouwer, 1962 (1962a).

— 115 —

1.5. — Looking back

The life story of Etienne De Greeff is a mixture of big successes and

sad disappointments. After a successful professional start, he became an

authority in psychiatry and in criminology, and as a successful novelist.

But, in the meantime, he was confronted with tragic life events, such as

the Beauraing affaire, serious threats during the Second World War, and

a not fully rewarding university career.

Âs a person, he comes across as very intelligent and likable, a pas-

sionate personalistic humanist, never withholding what he was thinking.

It is therefore not surprising that he had not only many well-disposed

friends but also some firm enemies.

2. — WHAT IS HIS CONTRIBUTION TO CURRENT CRIMINOLOGY?

The total œuvre of Etienne De Greeff is impressive, original and

visionary. He published 13 books and 157 articles. If we take into

account all the reprints and translations of his books we arrive at 66 edi-

tions.

In the second part of this article, his contribution to current crimi-

nology is evaluated. The reader is referred to my book for a broader

evaluation of his overall contribution to psychiatry, criminology and lit-

erature @6).

If we consider his total career, it is obvious that he became especially

well-known in scientific circles as a criminologist (or forensic psycholo-

gist and forensic psychiatrist, as it would be called today). This was

mainly the case in French-speaking countries and regions (including the

Province of Québec in Canada)”. In English-speaking countries with

a predominant approach based on social sciences, clinical criminology

was not very popular. Only one of his earlier books ‘Nos enfants et

nous’ has been translated in English, entitled Our children and our-

selves(?8. Anyhow, many criminologists integrated some aspects of

Etienne De Greeff’s approach in their own work (e.g. Jean Pinatel in

(26) CASSELMAN (2010), o.c., In this book his work is also situated within his own time

context and not only within current psychiatry, criminology and literature. Moreover, 108

photographs and a number of annexes are included in the book (e.g. : his genealogical tree,

thirteen short curricula vitae of people who were very important for his professional life, a

chronological bibliography of his complete œuvre and also summaries in Dutch, French and

English).

7 PINATEL (1967) o.c.; DEBUYST (1993), o.c.; DEBUYST, C., Etienne DE GREEFF, une ana-

lyse complexe du comportement délinquant. Ch. 15. in: MUCCHIELLI, L. (Dir.), Histoire de la

criminologie française. Paris, Harmattan, 1994, 335-349.

(28) Our children and ourselves (1958). See reference list : DE GREEFF (1939), o.c.

— 116 —

France, and Christian Debuyst, René Dellaert, Steven De Batselier and

Françoise Digneffe in Belgium).

Before concentrating on current criminology, it is appropriate to

mention that Etienne De Greeff was also very prominent as a general

psychiatrist. From the very beginning of his professional career, he

developed an original approach as psychiatrist. In his first publications

already, he adopted a phenomenological perspective, focusing on how

psychiatric patients experience their own behaviour and their world

«from their own inside»‘”). In the meantime, he systematically under-

lined the importance of a biological foundation and psychodynamic

processes with regard to the functioning of a person within a daily living

situation. Moreover, he became famous as a novelist. Many readers of

his novels appreciated very much his impressionistic way of describing

people of flesh and blood in good and bad days.

Let's come back now to the central question concerning Etienne De

Greeff”s contribution to current criminology. In answering this question,

it will become clear that he was undoubtedly one of the founding fathers

of Belgian criminology, with special attention to forensic psychology

and forensic mental health care. In what follows, we consider five

points : his view of every human being as a unique person; his interdis-

ciplinary personality examination; his dynamic criminogenesis; his ther-

apeutic approach; and his systematic attention to prevention. However,

it is important to take into consideration that the five aspects are closely

connected (=0).

2.1. — View of every human being

as a unique person

Etienne De Greeff pleaded for a respectful humanistic approach

towards every human being, including offenders and their victims. One

of his central statements was that even someone who commits a very

serious crime is still a human being. This contrasted at that time (and

still does today) with a common stigmatising attitude, not only among

(23) DE Greerr, E., «Etude sur le rêve, la perception et l’hallucination dans leurs rapports

avec la personnalité. Essai de psychopathologie à trois dimensions», Journal de Neurologie

et de Psychiatrie, 1928 (28), 1, 46-65; d'HOLLANDER, F., DE GReeFF, E., «La folie d'autrui.

Contribution à l’étude de l’interpsychologie morbide», Journal de Neurologie et de Psychi-

atrie, 1928(28), 9, 619-630; DE GreerF, E., «La psychogenèse des délires», Journal de Neu-

rologie et de Psychiatrie, 1931 (31), 6, 361-421 & 7, 441-471. (1931a)

(0) A very selective choice of Etienne De Greeff's publications was made for this article.

For a complete and chronological bibliography (and many other references) : see CASSELMAN

(2010) o.c.

— 117 —

members of the general public but also among many professionals in the

criminal justice, health care and social welfare systems ©!.

In order to discover indications for an appropriate intervention in

cases of problematic behaviour, Etienne De Greeff was permanently in

search of a particular view of the human being as a person in order to

better understand individual human behaviour in general. His humanis-

tic approach included the belief that any human behaviour 1s firmly

rooted biologically, but he was convinced that for a full understanding

a personalistic point of view was needed. In this he was highly influ-

enced by the German phenomenological philosopher, Max Scheler

(1874-1928)6?. He also selectively accepted many psychodynamic

aspects described by Sigmund Freud (1856-1939)°* and also by his

rebellious disciples Alfred Adler (1870-1937) and Carl Gustav Jung

(1875-1961). However, Etienne De Greeff vigorously rejected Freud's

exclusively sexual instinctual human drive and his absolute determinism.

Instead, he developed his own relatively complicated theoretical frame-

work with two fundamental groups of human drives, based on self-

defence (self-preservation and dominance) on the one hand and sympa-

thy (subordination and dedication) on the other °#. In his opinion, both

basic general drives are essential but constantly in conflict with each

other, resulting in a vulnerable dynamic balance. In consequence, each

human being is confronted with a fundamentally ambivalent living sit-

uation, what he called «le drame humain» (the human tragedy).

Although focusing mainly on the individual dimension of a human

being, he developed a fairly holistic and contextual approach. The focus

is on the unique view of each individual person, with an emphasis on

the individual experience and ways of giving meaning to his behaviour

and his life. The immediate social environment, including interpersonal

relationships, the family system and the educational system, are consid-

ered to contribute substantially to the process of becoming a person.

However, the society at large was, in his view, mainly a threat to the full

development and functioning of the unique person. That was, of course,

largely a consequence of the context in which he lived, with a variety of

GD De GreerF, E., «L'homme chez le criminel», Revue de Droit Pénal et de Criminologie,

1932 (12), 5, 465-507; DE GRreeFF (1937, 1947, 1948) o.c; DE GREEFF (1942) o.c.; DE GREEFF

(1949a) o.c.; TANGE, C., De Greeff et le problème du crime. L'Attitude justicière chez

l’'homme criminel et son juge. Bruxelles, Bruylant, 2001.

G2) SCHELER, M., The nature of sympathy. London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1954. First

published as a French translation of the original German version : Nature et formes de la

sympathie. Paris, Payot, 1929.

G5) De GreerFF, E., «Freud et la personnalité humaine», Saint Luc Médical, 1935(13), 3,

142-178 (1935b); DE GREEFF (1945b) o.c.

G4) DE GREEFF (1947), o.c., His conception regarding ‘sympathy’ is mainly inspired by the

German phenomenological philosopher Max Scheler.

— 118 —

totalitarian regimes, such as nazism, fascism and communism, causing

a lot of damage to individual citizens.

The personalistic humanism of Etienne De Greeff is based on bio-

logical, phenomenological and psychodynamic features, social-ethical

choices and a critical attitude towards society at large °°). It is no won-

der that he emphasized that criminology in general was pre-eminently in

need of input from a variety of scientific disciplines. In his opinion, an

isolated bio-criminology or an exclusively developmental criminology

only reached their full strength when integrated in a broad-spectrum

perspective.

2.2. — Interdisciplinary personality examination

The contribution of Etienne De Greeff to the interdisciplinary per-

sonality examination is still very valuable today. He argued strongly in

favour of a solid interdisciplinary personality examination, not only in

expert examinations in court, but also in treatment advice requests for

adult suspects, condemned inmates or minors coming in contact with

the juvenile court and residential services C.

He was gifted with exceptional clinical skills, including impressive

empathy and a far-reaching capacity for understanding. He stressed the

importance of the affective and emotional dimensions in understanding

why people commit crimes. Partner homicide is the crime he covered

most frequently in his publications. Readers of his work should be

aware that certain terms he used are now obsolete or have a different

meaning. Anyhow, his individual case study method as a narrative

reporting approach (partly based on a written autobiographical story) 1s

fully demonstrated in his publications. For example, he described in a

very subtle way the different possible connections between homicide and

suicide before and after the committing of the crime. This can be

observed in offenders who murder several members of their own family

followed by a suicide attempt that may or may not be successful. This

kind of approach 1s still very useful today, not only for clinical practice

but also for qualitative research.

(5) DE GREEFF (1949a), o.c., 193-237; DE GreeFF, E., Humanisme et équilibre. Exposé fait

à la réunion de clôture de l'Année Mondiale de la Santé Mentale, Son ultime message. Brux-

elles, Comité national belge de l’'Année mondiale de la Santé mentale, 1962, 4-16 (1962b).

G6) DE GrEEFF (1937, 1947, 1948) o.c; DE GREEFF (1942) o.c.; DE GREEFF (1949b) o.c., 33-

78; DE GREEFF, E., «L'expérience belge. L'examen médico-psychologique et social des délin-

quants. Rapports présentés à la Commission Pénitentiaire Benelux», Revue de Droit Pénal

et de Criminologie, 1952-S3(33), 6 (mars 1953), 599-605; DE GreerF, E., «L'examen médico-

psychologique et social du délinquant. Cinquante ans d’histoire du droit pénal en Belgique»,

Revue de Droit Pénal et de Criminologie, Publication Jubilaire 1907-1957, 183-195.

— 119 —

Moreover, his point of view concerning criminal responsibility has

lost nothing of its topicality ”. He criticized the nearly «all or nothing

accountability», which is even today included in Belgian law. He was

explicitly in favour of a kind of sliding scale as has been applied for

quite some time in the Netherlands. He was, of course, very interested

in the relative (but sometimes important) impact of psychopathology,

e.g. in offenders with psychotic problems, intellectual impairment, sexual

dysfunction, alcohol and other drug-related problems, and personality

disorders. He also described a possible increased dangerousness in the

early phases of a psychotic syndrome and in psychotic offenders with an

underlying personality disorder, more recently called co-morbidity.

Meanwhile, an interdisciplinary approach became increasingly impor-

tant, not only for personality examinations but for (clinical) criminology

in general.

2.3. — Dynamic criminogenesis

The elaboration of what Etienne De Greeff called criminogenesis 1s

one of his most important contributions to current criminology. He

wanted to understand better the onset and development of all kinds of

delinquent behaviour. He paid a lot of attention to the onset and devel-

opment of delinquent careers in general, and manifest deviant acting-out

behaviour in particular C9.

He elaborated his dynamic criminogenesis especially in relation to

several types of homicide, while making clear that it can also be

observed in other crimes . In the case of many homicides, he distin-

guished three crime-specific phases. In a first phase, the future offender

does not accept himself as a future murderer and thinks, for example,

that it would be a good thing for his future victim to die in a car acci-

dent. But he soon rejects such an idea. In a second phase, he becomes

more and more in favour of killing his target. Finally, in a third phase,

he ends up in a crisis situation, in which he is convinced that there 1s

no other solution possible than eliminating his victim.

G7) DE Greerr, E., «La notion de responsabilité en anthropologie criminelle», Revue de

Droit Pénal et de Criminologie, 1931 (11), 5, 445-460 (1931b); DE GrEEFF, E., «Sur le senti-

ment de responsabilité», Revue Internationale de Défense Sociale, 1956 (10), 1-2, 1-19.

G8) DE GreerF (1937, 1947, 1948) o.c; DE GREEFF (1942) o.c.; DE GREEFF (1949b) o.c.; DE

GREFFF, E.,

«Criminogenèse.

Rapport

des

Actes

du

II* Congrès

International

de

Criminologie», Paris, Palais de la Sorbonne, 10-19 septembre 1950. Givors, Martel, 1950,

267-306.

(9) DE GreerF, E., «La psychologie de l’assassinat», Revue de Droit Pénal et de Crimi-

nologie, 1935 (15), 2, 153-164 & 3, 213-235 & 4, 357-393 (1935a); DE GrEEFF (1937, 1947,

1948) o.c.; DE GREEFF, E., «La structure du drame chez les assassins», in: «Structures et

Liberté», Etudes Carmélitaines, 1958, 37, Vol. 1, 187-223 (1958b).

— 120 —

However, in Etienne De Greeff’s opinion, the origin of many

offences goes even further back than the three crime-specific phases.

Although he did not denominate it explicitly, he more or less distin-

guished three processes : a macro-, a meso- and a microprocess. The

macroprocess 1s not crime-specific and goes back to a more distant start-

ing-point in the life course of the future offender. The mesoprocess indi-

cates a development that is already crime-specific but longer in duration

than the microprocess. Indeed, the microprocess refers to a very short

period of time before and during the execution of a crime («le passage

à l’acte»). Although psychopathological influences are sometimes obvi-

ous in homicide (and other crimes), Etienne De Greeff did not consider

homicide, even a highly incomprehensible one, as automatically a psy-

chopathological event. He stressed the importance of a mental process,

in the course of which one’s own further life seems gradually to become

impossible as long as the other person continues to exist.

The different dynamic processes described by Etienne De Greeff are

consistent with the qualitative approach in current developmental crim-

inology, and in contrast with — but complementary to — a pure quanti-

tative approach using large samples. In both qualitative research and

daily clinical practice, the narrative case study approach is nowadays

increasingly popular. Many present-day criminologists attach great

importance to a narrative approach in reconstructing life stories and life

styles in pre-delinquents and full-blown delinquents. This developmental

approach has been successfully applied to sex offenders, illicit drug users

and many other individuals coming into contact with the criminal justice

system ‘*9)(#1). Current career research using an (autobiographical) nar-

rative approach, such as in «desistance from crime» projects, are very

promising‘*’). Moreover, in addition to the rational approach, an emo-

tional approach has again become important

(43)

2.4. — Therapeutic approach

The contribution to current criminology of Etienne De Greeff”s ther-

apeutic approach is important but limited. When he was trying to help

offenders, concrete therapeutic offers were very limited, although treat-

ment and rehabilitation were more widely accepted as an intervention

for offenders than today. Except for mentally disturbed offenders, treat-

(40) Laws, D.R., Relapse prevention with sex offender. New York, Guilford Press, 1989.

( BrocHu, S., Drogue et criminalité: une relation complexe. Montréal, Bruxelles,

Presses de l‘Université de Montréal, Deboeck Université, 1995.

(42) MARUNA, S., Making good. How ex-convicts reform and rebuilt their lives. Washing-

ton D.C., American Psychological Association, 2004.

(43) SHERMAN, L., «Reason for emotion : reinventing justice with theories, innovations and

research», Criminology, 2003, 41, 1, 1-37.

— 121 —

ment nowadays occupies a much more modest position alongside a

range of other interventions. But during the second quarter of the last

century, psychotherapeutic interventions just emerged while modern

psychotropic pharmaceuticals became available during the last years of

Etienne De Greeff’s life. Even severely mentally disturbed offenders

were rarely transferred to a psychiatric hospital and once there they

received only very traditional biological treatment “*.

Despite all this, three aspects are worth mentioning. First, Etienne

De Greeff’s basic empathic clinical attitude is of fundamental value for

all offenders and victims, especially for those in need of treatment. He

stressed the importance of creating an overall relational context that

allows an individual to discover his own view of himself, other people

and the world.

Secondly, Etienne De Greeff refused to assume an attitude of defeat-

ism, even with regard to serious offenders. In principle, he did not

exclude improvement, and even recovery, in the long run. For severe

problems, a long period of support was considered necessary and once

an inmate was conditionally released, he was supposed to be carefully

followed up on an ambulatory basis. Nowadays, for pragmatic reasons

(including cost-benefit considerations) the effort delivered is too often

limited to short-term interventions.

Thirdly, if psychiatric treatment was needed, Etienne De Greeff

always combined biological treatment with a humanistic approach. This

is again very important in current psychiatric treatment in the context

of modern neurosciences, where too much may be expected from an

exclusively pharmacological treatment in an evidence-based approach,

and interventions such as psychotherapy and rehabilitation may be

neglected.

2.5. — Systematic attention to prevention

Etienne De Greeff systematically emphasized the importance of

prevention. The current relevance of the concrete practical preventive

measures he proposed 1s limited. But his systematic focus on a preven-

tive approach (from early childhood on) is extremely important for

(44) DELFOSSE, J., «L’attitude clinique du psychiatre», in : Autour de l’œuvre du Dr. E. De

Greeff, Tome I, L'homme devant l'humain, Etudes de psychologie et de psychopathologie,

Louvain, Nauwelaerts, Paris, Béatrice-Nauwelaerçs, 1956, 61-63. DIGNEFFE, F., ADAM, C., «Le

développement de la criminologie clinique à l’Ecole de Louvain. Une clinique interdisci-

plinaire de l’humain»,

Criminologie,

2004 (37),

1

43-70; DEBUYST, C., DIGNEFFE, F.,

PIRES, À. P., Histoire des savoirs sur le crime et la peine, 3, «Expliquer et comprendre la

délinquance (1920-1960)», Bruxelles, Larcier, 2008. See : La criminologie clinique de l'Ecole

de Louvain, Etienne DE GREEFF (1898-1961), 275-291.

— 122 —

current criminology in general and for forensic mental health in par-

ticular (‘#).

Crime prevention should not be limited to the introduction of highly

technological strategies, such as cameras in the streets and along high-

ways and electronic ankle-bands. It should include also preventive inter-

ventions in relation to individuals within their living context and also in

a broader social context.

It is important to pay sufficient attention to the prevention of nega-

tive dysfunctional psychosocial consequences of coming into contact

with the judicial system at all levels (police, courts and incarceration).

Adequate prevention should also focus on not making victims, some of

whom will be at risk of becoming perpetrators themselves later.

When it comes to prevention of recidivism in severely mentally dis-

turbed inmates, Etienne De Greeff stressed that, besides the adequate

treatment of the psychiatric syndrome (e.g. psychosis) it is important to

pay enough attention to personality-specific risk factors. However,

today often too much is expected of exclusively quantitative risk assess-

ment and probabilistic relationships are often considered as (quasi)

causal relationships.

2.6. — Looking ahead

Looking back can be helpful for looking forward. All five aspects of

the impressive oeuvre of Etienne De Greeff mentioned above can inspire

future criminology. Some aspects relate almost exclusively to clinical

criminology, e.g. his personality examination practice, his therapeutic

approach and his systematic attention to prevention. Other aspects are

also of interest for the broader field of future criminology. First, there

is the need for a solid philosophical foundation, including a basic view

of the human being within society. During his long life, Leon Radzino-

wicz (1906-1999) was a witness to the development of modern criminol-

ogy. It is striking that, in his last publication shortly before he died, he

pleaded for a «bridge between criminology and philosophy»‘*°. Sec-

ondly, an integrated approach resulting from an interdisciplinary effort,

is often put forward as important for criminology. Nevertheless, it 1s

obvious that current criminology is a rich but disparate collection of

many different approaches with still too little real interdisciplinary inte-

(4°) De GreerF, E., «L'état de danger avant le crime», Revue de Droit Pénal et de Crim-

inologie, 1938 (18), 3, 237-258; DE GREEFF, E.. «Synthèse et avenir de l'hygiène mentale»,

Saint Luc

Médical,

1951 (23),

1

99-110; DE GREEFF, E., «Hygiène mentale, problème

d'aujourd'hui», in : Propos sur la santé mentale, Bruxelles, Comité national Belge de l'Année

mondiale de la Santé mentale. 1960, 11-14.

(46) RADZINOWICZ, L., Adventures in criminology, London & New York, Routledge, 1999,

454-455.

-— 123 —

gration *. Etienne De Greeff himself experienced how difficult it is to

be highly esteemed as an interdisciplinary-minded scientist. For social

scientists, he was too much oriented towards the individual person, for

psychologists too much biologically oriented, and for the biomedical sci-

entists too much psychologically oriented. À third issue concerns the

importance of a qualitative approach in criminology in general and a

qualitative developmental career approach in particular. From time to

time Etienne De Greeff collected quantitative data using methodologies

that would nowadays be considered of poor quality. But his predomi-

nant approach was qualitative. This contrasts with the current demand

in criminology for cool statistical data, with an exclusively evidence-

based practice, in which the question «what works?» takes a central

position. In current criminology quantitative approaches are indeed

dominant, but qualitative approaches are quite popular again and a

careful combination of both is highly advisable.

3. — GENERAL CONCLUSION

After having formulated

interim conclusions

in the

sections

«Looking back» and «Looking ahead», it’s time now for a general con-

clusion.

In 1962 the first edition of the International Annals of Criminology

was published as a continuation of the Bulletin de la Société Interna-

tionale de Criminologie. It started with a obituary of Etienne De Greeff,

as if an era in criminology was coming to an end and another one start-

ing. And indeed, within less than a decade after his death in 1961, crim-

inology in Belgium had developed considerably, with a broader range of

interdisciplinary educational programmes and especially from the 1970s

on, a marked increase in empirical research.

Anyhow, after an extensive study of his life and his work, of which

this article is only a short summary, it became obvious that Etienne De

Greeff is one of two Belgian scientists who contributed the most to

criminology. While Adolphe Quetelet introduced quantitative methods

in social sciences in general and in criminology in particular, Etienne De

Greeff was one of the founding fathers of the qualitative approach in

(clinical) criminology. The fact that a part of the work of Etienne De

Greeff can still be useful for current criminology 1s, to say the least,

remarkable for a man who died almost fifty years ago.

(4 HENry, S., LUKaS, S.A., Recent developments in criminological theory, Towards disci-

plinary diversity and theoretical integration. Farnham, Ashgate, XITI-XXXVIII.

— 124 —

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— 125 —

DE GreerF, E., «L’état de danger avant le crime», Revue de Droit Pénal et de

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pen,

[

Groeit,

1946. Second print: Antwerpen,

>

[

Groeit,

Bilthoven,

H. Nelissen, 1950. Italian translation : / nostri figli e noi. Roma, Anonima

Veritas Editrice, 1947. German translation : Wir erziehen unsere Kinder. Eine

Psychologie das

Kindes

und das

Heranwachsenden.

Mainz,

Matthias

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Ivotitoùrov fatpikñç puyoloyiac Kai puyiknç àyreivnç, 1955. English translation :

Our children and ourselves. Dublin, Clonmore & Reynolds, London, Burns

Oates and Washbourne, 1958 and also: Staten Island, New York, Alba

House, 1958. Spanish translation : Nuestros hijos y nosotros. Madrid, Studium

Ediciones, 1975. Portuguese translation : Nôs e os nossos filhos. Lisboa, Edi-

çôes da À.C.P., s.d.

DE

GREEFF, E., Amour et crimes d’amour. Bruxelles, Editions Joseph Vandenplas,

1942. First reprint : 1949. Second reprint : Psychologie et Sciences humaines,

Nr. 46. Bruxelles, Charles Dessart, 1973. Dutch translation : Liefde en liefdes-

delicten.

Heerlen, Uitgeverij Winants, Antwerpen, P. Vink, 1951. Greek

translation : Epwœtac Kai eykAnuoTa oxô épota, EKAOËH, 1995.

DE

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Tournai-Paris, Casterman, 1944. Second edition : 1945.

e

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1945. Second edition. Paris, Plon, 1946. Third edition. Paris, Plon, 1951.

Fourth edition. Paris, Plon, 1953. Dutch translation : Het blinde mensdom.

Helmond, Uitgeverij Helmond, 1947 (and another three times in 1947). Ger-

man translation : Untergang durch die Instinkte? Mainz, Matthias Grünewald

Verlag, 1954 (1945a).

DE

GREEFF, E., (under the pseudonym Stéphane Hautem), Le retour au silence,

Journal d'un homo citroënsis K.228B.bis.

Roman, Bruxelles,

Ed. Charles

Dessart, 1945 (1945b).

DE

GreerF, E., Les instincts de défense et de sympathie. Bibliothèque de philoso-

phie contemporaine, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1947. Reprint :

Cercle des étudiants de l’Ecole de Criminologie. À l’usage exclusif des étudi-

ants de l'Université Catholique de Louvain, 1971. Dutch translation : Liefde

en afweer. Oer-instincten der mensheid. Helmond, Uitgeveri; Helmond, 1949.

Spanish translation : Los instintos de defensia y de simpatia. Peru, Universi-

dad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1967.

DE

GREFFF, E., Aux sources de l'humain. Collection Présences, Paris, Plon, 1949.

Dutch translation : Aan de bronnen van ons bestaan, Helmond, Uitgeveri; Hel-

mond, 1950. (1949a)

D

es

GREFFF, E., Ames criminelles. Collection «Lovanium», Tournai-Paris, Caster-

man, 1949. Italian translation : Anime criminali. Corpus et anima nr. 2. Roma,

Edizioni. Paoline, 1955. Second edition : (Stefano DE GREEFF), Enciclopedia

psicologica 18, Roma, Edizioni. Paoline, 1960. Reprint of the second edition :

1967 (203 p). Fourth edition : Biblioteca di Psicologia e Pedagogia, 1969. Por-

tuguese translation : (Estèvao DE GREEFF) Almas criminosas,

Sao Paulo,

Ediçôes Paulinas, 1967. (1949b)

— 126 —

DE GREFFF, E., La nuit est ma lumière. Collection Esprit. Paris, Editions du Seuil,

1949, Reprints : Paris, Editions du Seuil, 1950 and 1951; Cercle des lecteurs,

Liège et Club Moderne du Livre, Paris. 1953; Paris, Editions du Seuil, 1954,

1955 et Livre de poche, 3438, 1972. Dutch translation : Het duister is mijn

licht. ’s-Gravenhage, Uitgeversmaatschappi; Pax, 1950. Second editon : 1951.

German translation : Die Nacht ist mein Licht, Hamburg, Europäische Ver-

lagsanstalt, 1951. Polish translation : Noc jest moim swiatlem. Warszawa,

Wydawnictwo Pax, 1955. Greek translation in 1956. Italian translation : La

notte è la mia luce. Versione di Gino de Negri. Milano, Instituto di propa-

ganda libraria, 1958. (1949c)

DE

GreerF, E., Criminogenèse, Rapport des Actes du II° Congrès International de

Criminologie, Paris, Palais de la Sorbonne, 10-19 septembre 1950. Givors,

Martel, 1950, 267-306.

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1951 (23), 1, 99-110.$$

DE

GrerrF, E., «L'expérience belge. L’examen médico-psychologique et social des

délinquants. Rapports présentés à la Commission Pénitentiaire Benelux»,

Revue de Droit Pénal et de Criminologie, 1952-53 (33), 6 (mars 1953), 599-605.

DE

GRrEEFF, E., Le Juge Maury, Paris, Editions du Seuil, 1955. Reprint : Paris,

Club des libraires de France, 1956. Dutch translation : Mr. Maury, rechter. ’s

Gravenhage, Pax, Antwerpen, ! Groeit, 1956. Polish translation : Sedzia

Maury. Warszawa, Pax, 1957. German translation: Der Richter Maury.

Frankfurt am Main, Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 1959.

DE

GREEFF, E., Sur le sentiment de responsabilité, Revue Internationale de Défense

Sociale, 1956 (10), 1-2, 1-19.

DE

GreeFF, E., «L'examen médico-psychologique et social du délinquant. Cin-

quante ans d’'histoire du droit pénal en Belgique», Revue de Droit Pénal et

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GREEFF, E., Psychiatrie et religion. Collection «Je sais — Je crois», Ency-

clopédie du catholique du XX* siècle, Neuvième partie : Les problèmes du

Monde et de l'Eglise, 92. Paris, Librairie Arthème Fayard, 1958. Italian

translation : Psichiatria e religione. Enciclopedia Cattolica dell’uomo d’oggi.

Catania, Edizioni Paoline, 1958. Spanish translation : Psiquiatra y religion.

Yo sé yo creo. La enciclopedia del catôlico en el siglo XX 92. Andorra, Edi-

torial Casal 1 Vall, 1959. German translation : Psychiatrie und Religion. Der

Christ in der Welt. Reihe 13, Christentum und Kuiltur, 2Bd. Zürich, Christi-

ana Verlag, Aschaffenburg, Paul Pattloch Verlag 1960. Dutch translation :

Psychiatrie en godsdienst. Credo Reeks 21. Amsterdam, Antwerpen, Uit-

geversmaatschappij. Standaard Boekhandel, 1962. Japanese translation. Don

Bosco Sha, Salesian Press, 1966. (1958a)

DE

GREEFFF, E., «La structure du drame chez les assassins», in : Structures et Lib-

erté. Etudes Carmélitaines, 1958, 37, Vol. 1, 187-223. (1958b)

DE

GREEFF, E., «Hygiène mentale, problème d'aujourd’hui», in: Propos sur la

santé mentale. Bruxelles, Comité national Belge de l’'Année mondiale de la

Santé mentale, 1960, 11-14.

DE

GREFFF, E., L'homme et son juge, Textes et études anthropologiques. Paris,

Bruges, Desclée De Brouwer, 1962. (1962a)

DE

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l'Année Mondiale de la Santé Mentale, Son ultime message. Bruxelles, Comité

national belge de l'Année mondiale de la Santé mentale, 1962, 4-16. (1962b)

— 127 —

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E. De Greeff, Tome II. L’'homme devant l'humain. Etudes de psychologie et de

psychopathologie. Louvain, Nauwelaerts, Paris, Béatrice-Nauwelaerts, 1956,

61-63.

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chiatrie anno 2000. Actuele ontwikkelingen in breed perspectief, Deventer,

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disciplinary diversity and theoretical integration, Farnham, Ashgate, 2009.

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lished by Chatto & Windus, 1932.

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mystérieux de Beauraing, Etudes, documents, réponses, Paris, Bruges, Desclée

De Brouwer, 1933.

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1989.

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ington D.C., American Psychological Association, 2004.

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nologie. Paris, Cujas, 1967. Spanish translation : Caracas, Universidad Cen-

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itation, Antwerpen, Apeldoorn, Garant, 2007.

SCHELER, M., The nature of sympathy, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1954.

First published as a French translation of the original German version :

Nature et formes de la sympathie. Paris, Payot, 1929.

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and research», Criminology, 2003, 41, 1, 1-37.

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criminel et son juge, Bruxelles, Bruylant, 2001.

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d’aujourd’hui, Louvain, Nauwelaerts, Paris, Béatrice-Nauwelaerts, 1956.

Autour de l'Œuvre du Dr. E. De Greeff, Tome 1I, L'homme devant l'humain,

Etudes de psychologie et de psychopathologie, Louvain, Nauwelaerts, Paris,

Béatrice-Nauwelaerts, 1956.

— 128 —

SUMMARY

Etienne De Greeff (Tournai 1898 — Kortenberg 1961) was a Belgian

psychiatrist, criminologist and novelist, who left behind an impressive,

original and visionary œuvre. This article is looking for an answer to

two questions. First, who was Etienne De Greeff? Secondly, what is his

contribution to current criminology?

For the answer to the first question, his fascinating and at times dra-

matic life story was reconstructed by interviewing people who knew him

(such as family members, former students and former collaborators),

searching archives, carefully studying publications by and about him,

and visiting places that were important for him. His life was a mixture

of big successes and tragic disappointments. He was a passionate per-

sonalistic humanist, very intelligent and likable, but never withholding

what he was thinking.

In the second part of the article, Etienne De Greeff’s contribution to

current criminology 1s assessed. Five aspects were selected : his view of

every human being as a unique person; his interdisciplinary personality

examination; his dynamic criminogenesis; his therapeutic approach; and

his systematic attention to prevention. The five aspects are closely con-

nected and are all still very valuable today.

RESUMÉ

Etienne De Greeff (Tournai 1898 — Kortenberg 1961) est un psy-

chiatre, criminologue et romancier belge qui nous a légué une œuvre

impressionnante, originale et visionnaire. Ce livre est le résultat d’une

aventure de recherche afin de trouver une réponse à deux questions. Pre-

mièrement, qui était Etienne De Greeff? Deuxièmement, quelle est sa

contribution à la criminologie contemporaine?

Qui était Etienne De Greeff? Cette première partie est entièrement

dédiée à l’histoire de sa vie fascinante mais parfois dramatique. Nous

avons pu la reconstruire en interviewant des personnes qui l’ont encore

connu (comme des membres de sa familles, des anciens étudiants, des

anciens collaborateurs), par l’exploration d’archives, par l’étude de ses

propres publications ainsi que de celles le concernant et enfin par des

visites d'endroits qui étaient importants pour lui. Sa vie est un mélange

de grands succès et de déceptions tragiques. Etienne De Greeff était un

humaniste personnaliste passionné, particulièrement intelligent et très

aimable, mais mâchant pas ses mots afin d’exprimer ses propres 1idées.

Dans la seconde partie sa contribution à la criminologie contempo-

raine est considérée. Nous avons sélectionné cinq aspects : son approche

— 129 —

de chaque humain comme une personne unique, son examen interdisci-

plinaire de la personne; sa criminogène dynamique; son approche thé-

rapeutique et son attention systématique pour la prévention. Les cinq

aspects sont très liés l’un à l’autre mais 1l sont tous les cinq encore hau-

tement d’actualité aujourd’hui.

RESUMEN

Etienne De Greeff (Tournai 1898 — Kortenberg 1961) fue un psiquia-

tra, criminôlogo y novelista belga que nos legô una obra impresionante,

original y visionaria. Este libro es resultado de una aventura de investi-

gaciôn que tiene la finalidad de encontrar una respuesta a dos cuestio-

nes. En primer lugar, (quién era Ftienne De Greeff”. En segundo lugar,

cuâl es su contribuciôn en la criminologia contemporänea?

iQuién era Etienne De Greeff? Esta primera parte està enteramente

dedicada a la historia de su fascinante vida, pero a veces dramâtica.

Hemos podido reconstruirla entrevistando a personas que lo han cono-

cido (como miembros de su familia, antiguos estudiantes, antiguos cola-

boradores), por la revisiôn de archivos, por el estudio de sus propias

publicaciones asi como aquellas que le conciernen y, finalmente, por

visitas de lugares que eran importantes para él. Su vida es una mezcla

de grandes éxitos y decepciones trâgicas. Etienne De Greeff fue un

humanista personalista apasionado, particularmente inteligente y muy

amable, pero muy directo a la hora de expresar sus propias 1deas.

La segunda parte se dedica a su contribuciôn a la criminologia con-

temporânea. Hemos seleccionado cinco aspectos : su aproximaciôn al ser

humano como una persona ünica, su examen interdisciplinario de la

persona; su dinämica criminôgena; su aproximaciôn terapéutica y su

atenciôn sistemâtica para la prevenciôn. Los cinco aspectos estän muy

relacionados entre si y todos son todavia de una gran actualidad hoy.

— 130 —

UN MAESTRO EJEMPLAR

ANTONIO BERISTAIN : PENALISTA,

CRIMINOÔLOGO, VICTIMOLOGO

José Luis de la Cuesta Arzamendi “)

À los ochenta y cinco años de edad, tras una rica vida académica,

Ilena de logros y realizaciones y en la que ha permanecido activo hasta

la ültima Nochebuena, el 29 de diciembre de 2009 el Prof.Dr. Dr.h.c.

Antonio Beristain Ipiña nos ha dejado.

Nacido en Medina de Rioseco (Valladolid) el 4 de abril de 1924, de

una familia de vizcainos, la vida del Profesor Beristain Ipiña transcurrid

desde sus cuatro años de edad en el Pais Vasco, donde igualmente desa-

rrollô la mayor parte de su labor investigadora, desde febrero de 1973,

en la Facultad de Derecho de San Sebastiän.

Muültiples han sido los méritos investigadores de este prestigioso Doc-

tor en Derecho por la Universidad Complutense de Madrid (1961) y

Licenciado en Filosofia (Burgos, 1950) y en Teologia (Frankfurt, 1957).

Centenares los trabajos y escritos, difundidos en forma de libros o de

articulos publicados en importantes editoriales y en las mejores revistas

españolas y extranjeras de la especialidad, y dedicados al esclarecimiento

de puntos clave de la teoria y la prâctica del Derecho penal, la Politica

Criminal, la Criminologia y la Victimologia.

Los trabajos de su primera etapa académica —-sobre la Nueva

Defensa Social, los delitos de peligro, el finalismo en Derecho penal, la

delincuencia juvenil y de menores, las drogas, la multa, la pena de

muerte y la cârcel, las Medidas Penales en el Derecho contemporäneo

o las lesiones-, animaron el debate cientifico con aportaciones funda-

mentales procedentes de la mejor doctrina del Derecho comparado,

influyendo en la legislaciôn penal y penitenciaria aprobada en desarrollo

de la Constituciôn y en los largos debates sobre la reforma de la legis-

lacion de menores.

À partir de la fundaciôn del Instituto Vasco de Criminologia (1978),

atraido especialmente por las aportaciones que esta joven ciencia repre-

senta para el Derecho Penal y para la Politica Criminal, Beristain se

convirtiô en uno de los principales promotores del desarrollo de la Cri-

minologia en España. Lo mismo sucederia desde finales de década de los

() Director del Instituto Vasco de Criminologia, Presidente de la Asociaciôn Internac-

lonal de Derecho Penal (AIDP-IAPL).

— 131 —

noventa con sus aportaciones en el campo Victimolôgico : nuevamente,

la obra de Antonio Beristain destacô como pionera, irradiando progre-

sivamente su preocupaciôn por las victimas en la doctrina de nuestro

entorno mâs cercano, donde la toma en seria consideraciôn de las apor-

taciones de la Victimologia ha comenzado ya a prender con fuerza entre

estudiosos e investigadores. En uno de sus ültimos trabajos (La Victi-

mologia de mâäximos, después de Auschwitz), publicado en 2009, resu-

mia Antonio Beristain su visiôon de la Victimologia, como ciencia, multi,

inter y transdisciplinar-no vindicativa- Ilamada a enriquecer la investi-

gaciôn y praxis del Derecho penal, la Criminologia, la Politica, la Socio-

logia y la Filosofia.

Caracteristica central de la obra cientifica de Beristain es, en todo

caso, el abordaje directo y sin miedo de las relaciones entre las ciencias

juridicas y las axiolôgicas y espirituales, asi como de los puntos cardi-

nales del Derecho penal, de la Criminologia y de la Victimologia : aqué-

llos donde la correcciôon de las soluciones cientificas tradicionales

encuentra a veces fuertes dificultades a la luz de criterios de justicia

material, y siempre tomando como base aportaciones multidisciplinares

que permiten ver el fenômeno delincuencial y la victimizaciôn desde nue-

vas perspectivas.

Activamente comprometido contra la situaciones injustas y a favor

de los derechos humanos sufriô por ello importantes dificultades

personales : durante el franquismo por su lucha contra la pena de

muerte y su defensa de los derechos de los presos («Las cârceles no

deben ser cementerios»); en la ültima etapa de su vida por su combate

frontal contra los diversos perfiles de la macrovictimaciôn terrorista (en

particular, la del terrorismo etarra).

Su labor de promociôn del voluntariado penitenciario, y con las vic-

timas… son otras tantas manifestaciones de la viveza de espiritu, que ha

caracterizado su vida y de su compromiso por la construcciôn de una

sociedad mejor, al servicio de los menos favorecidos y de las victimas.

En el plano académico, con sus posiciones no pocas veces polémicas,

aunque siempre abiertas al debate cientifico, y su esfuerzo en la büs-

queda de un sistema penal mâs humano, centrado en la repersonaliza-

ciôn del delincuente y en la satisfacciôn de las victimas, la influencia

entre nosotros de Antonio Beristain es, sin duda, fundamental. Son

muchas, en efecto, las promociones de alumnos universitarios que reci-

bieron directamente sus enseñanzas, en Deusto, Valladolid, Madrid,

Oviedo, en la Facultad de Derecho de San Sebastiän, en la Academia

de la Ertzaintza, en Arkaute, en los centros de formaciôn de no pocas

policias municipales y sobre todo, en las aulas del Instituto Vasco de

Criminologia/Kriminologiaren Euskal Institutoa, que él mismo fundara.

— 132 —

Tampoco aqui la labor de este singular maestro dejô a nadie indife-

rente. Insiste la sabiduria oriental cômo el verdadero maestro mäs que

transmitir el conocimiento erudito que sabe y ha aprendido, se esfuerza

en «despertar» al discipulo, en acompañarle y servirle de apoyo en su

büsqueda particular de la verdad, provocando el cuestionamiento pro-

fundo de lo no cuestionado, el afân por el descubrimiento de nuevos

perfiles que nos permitan entender la realidad. Pues bien, Antonio Beris-

tain, buen conocedor de la teoria penal, criminolôgica y victimolôgica,

se mostraba en general poco preocupado por repetir en clase conoci-

mientos fâcilmente accesibles a través de los materiales bibliogräficos y

preferia esforzarse en empujar al estudiante a descubrir «la cara oculta

de la Luna». Volcado en su afân de suscitar la rebeldia frente a la injus-

ticia, las clases de Beristain eran ciertamente distintas, al sustituir el

monoôlogo desde la câtedra por la permanente provocaciôn al diälogo y

el contraste de posiciones en torno a cuestiones candentes en el plano

penal, criminolôgico y victimolôgico.

En cuanto a su tarea al frente del Instituto Vasco de Criminologia,

no puede entenderse menos fecunda. Ahi estän las promociones del

Master, y Diploma de Criminologia, la colecciôn de Eguzkilore, los

numerosos cursos, seminarios, jornadas, coloquios y reuniones cientifi-

cas organizadas, asi como la creaciôn en San Sebastian de uno de los

tres centros internacionales de la Sociedad internacional de Criminolo-

gia, el Centro internacional de investigaciôon sobre la delincuencia, la

marginalidad y las relaciones sociales, que seguia presidiendo en repre-

sentacion del Rector de la Universidad del Pais Vasco. En el seno del

Instituto y del Centro Internacional, el Profesor Beristain liderô durante

decenios la tarea investigadora y dirigido mültiples tesis doctorales y tra-

bajos investigadores, habiendo formado a gran parte de los profesores

e investigadores que desarrollan en la actualidad su actividad docente e

investigadora en el ârea penal y criminolôgica en el Pais Vasco.

Como es lôgico, la trayectoria académica de Antonio Beristain ha

encontrado importantes reconocimientos al mâs alto nivel en el marco

internacional, donde ha participado en importantes organismos cientifi-

COs

Invitado a muültiples Conferencias, Congresos y Reuniones de

Expertos del Consejo de Europa y de Naciones Unidas, fue Miembro

del Consejo de Direcciôn de la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia,

Miembro del Beirat del Internationales Dokumentations- und Studien-

zentrun für Jugenkonflikte (Wuppertal, Alemania), Correspondant de la

Revue de Science criminelle et de droit pénal comparé (Paris), de la

Revue de droit pénal et de criminologie (Bruselas), 1976-2001, Miembro

correspondiente de la Sociedad Mexicana de Criminologia, Miembro

correspondiente del Instituto de Derecho Penal Comparado de la Uni-

versidad Catôlica de La Plata (Argentina), Académico Correspondiente

— 133 —

de la Academia Mexicana de Ciencias Penales, Socio Titular de la Socie-

dade Sul-Rio-Grandese de Criminologia (Brasil), Fundador y Director

de la Revista Eguzkilore. Cuaderno del Instituto Vasco de Criminologia

y Profesor consulto extranjero del Doctorado en Derecho de la Univer-

sidad John F. Kennedy (Buenos Aires, Argentina).

Antonio Beristan era Doctor Honoris Causa por la Universidad de

Pau y Paises del Adour (Francia) (1977) y por la Universidad Nacional

de Lomas de Zamora, Buenos Aires (Argentina) (2005). En cuanto a

otros reconocimientos merecen destacarse :

—

la Medalla de «The Hebrew University of Jerusalem» (1973), la

Medalla de Mérito Criminolôgico de la Sociedade Brasileira de Cri-

minologia e Ciencia Penitenciaria (1980), la «Medalla Santo Ivo»

otorgada por el Egregio Conselho Superior de la Fraterna Ordem di

Christo (1980), la Medalla al Mérito Social Penitenciario (1994), la

Medalla Félix Restrepo, S.J., de la Pontificia Universidad Javeriana

(Colombia) (2001), la Gran Cruz de la Orden de San Raimundo de

Penñafort (2001);

los premios siguientes : Premio Hermann Mannheim de Criminologia

Comparada (1993), X Premio de Convivencia’ de la Fundaciôn Pro-

fesor Manuel Broseta (2002), II Premio Internacional Covite, otor-

gado por el Colectivo de Victimas del Terrorismo en el Pais Vasco

(2003), V Premio de la Fundaciôn José Luis Lôpez de Lacalle (2005),

Premio «Derechos Humanos 2005», instituido por el Consejo General

de la Abogacia Española (2006), III Premio de Convivencia Civica

Catalana (2007), XII Premio Gregorio Ordôñez (2009).

Dos Câtedras Universitarias españolas Îlevan su nombre : la Câtedra

«Antonio Beristain» de Estudios sobre el Terrorismo y sus Victimas,

creada por el Instituto de Derechos Humanos «Bartolomé de las Casas»

de la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid (2006), y la Câtedra Internacio-

nal de Victimologia «Antonio Beristain», instituida por la Universidad

de Murcia y la Fundaciôn Victimologia, Murcia (2008).

Somos muchos los que nos sentimos muy afortunados de haber

conocido a Antonio Beristain, de haber podido seguir de cerca su labor,

de haber disfrutado de su magisterio, de sus atenciones, de su apoyo en

tantas situaciones académicas, familiares, personales…. En nombre de

todos ellos cuantos integramos el Instituto Vasco de Criminologia que

él fundo y por el que trabajô de manera impar, tenaz e infatigable, que-

remos manifestar nuestro mâs emocionado recuerdo a esta figura señera

del Derecho penal, la Criminologia y la Victimologia en Euskadi.

Admirado maestro, querido Antonio, jdescansa en paz!

— 134 —

UN MAÎTRE EXEMPLAIRE

ANTONIO BERISTAIN : PÉNALISTE,

CRIMINOLOGUE, VICTIMOLOGUE

José Luis de la Cuesta Arzamendi “)

Âgé de quatre-vingt cinq ans et après une riche vie académique,

pleine de réussites et de réalisations, dans laquelle 1l est demeuré actif

jusqu’à la veille de Noël, le 29 décembre 2009, le Prof. Dr.Dr.h.c. Anto-

nio Beristain Ipiña nous a quittés.

Né à Medina de Rioseco (Valladolid) le 4 avril 1924, dans une

famille de Bizkaye, depuis l’âge de 4 ans la vie du Professeur Beristain

Ipiña s'est passée au Pays Basque, où il a aussi développé la partie la

plus importante de sa vie de chercheur, à partir de février 1973 à la

Faculté de Droit de Saint Sébastien.

Nombreux sont les mérites de recherche de ce prestigieux Docteur en

Droit de l'Université Complutense de Madrid (1961) et Licencié en Phi-

losophie (Burgos, 1950) et en Théologie (Frankfurt, 1957). Des centaines

de travaux et écrits, diffusés en forme de livres ou d’articles publiés par

d’importantes maisons d’'édition et dans les meilleures revues espagnoles

et étrangères spécialisées, et dédiés à l’éclaircissement des points clé de

la théorie et de la pratique du Droit Pénal, de la Politique Criminelle,

de la Criminologie et de la Victimologie.

Les travaux de sa première étape académique — sur la Nouvelle

Défense Sociale, les infractions de danger, le finalisme en Droit pénal,

la délinquance juvénile et des mineurs, les drogues, l’amende, la peine de

mort et la prison, les Mesures pénales en Droit contemporain ou les

coups et blessures — ont animé le débat scientifique avec des apports

fondamentaux de la meilleure doctrine comparée, et on influé sur la

législation pénale et pénitentiaire adoptée en application de la Constitu-

tion et les longs débats sur la réforme de la législation des mineurs.

À partir de la fondation de l’Institut Basque de Criminologie (1978),

attiré particulièrement par la contribution que cette jeune science pré-

sente pour le Droit Pénal et pour la Politique Criminelle, Beristain est

devenu l’un des principaux promoteurs du développement de la Crimi-

nologie en Espagne. Le même phénomène s’est produit vers la fin des

années 90 avec ses apports dans le champ victimologique : à nouveau,

() Directeur de l'Institut Basque de Criminologie; Président de l'Association Internation-

ale de Droit Pénal (AIDP-IAPL).

— 135 —

l’œuvre d’Antonio Beristain s’est détachée comme pionnière, rayonnant

progressivement sa préoccupation envers les victimes sur la doctrine de

notre entourage le plus proche où la prise en considération sérieuse des

contributions de la Victimologie a commencé déjà a prendre force parmi

la doctrine et les chercheurs. Dans l’un de ses derniers travaux (La Vic-

timologia de mâximos, después de Auschwitz), publié en 2009, Antonio

Beristain résumait sa vision de la Victimologie, comme une science

multi, inter et transdisciplinaire, — non vindicative — appelée à enrichir

la recherche et la pratique du Droit pénal, de la Criminologie, la Poli-

tique, la Sociologie et la Philosophie.

Caractéristique centrale de l’œuvre de Beristain est, en tout cas, le

traitement direct et sans peur des relations entre les sciences juridiques

et les sciences axiologiques et spirituelles, ainsi que les points cardinaux

du Droit Pénal, de la Criminologie et de la Victimologie : ceux où la cor-

rection des solutions scientifiques traditionnelles rencontre souvent de

fortes difficultés à la lumière des critères de justice matérielle et toujours

en prenant comme point de départ des apports multidisciplinaires per-

mettant de voir le phénomène délinquentiel et la victimisation à partir

de nouvelles perspectives.

En raison de son engagement actif contre les situations injustes en en

faveur des droits humains, 1l a souffert d’importantes difficultés person-

nelles dans sa vie : pendant le Franquisme par sa lutte contre la peine

de mort et sa défense des droits des prisonniers («Les prisons ne doivent

pas être des cimetières»); lors de la dernière étape de sa vie, par son

combat frontal contre les divers profils de la macrovictimisation terro-

riste (en particulier, du terrorisme de ETA).

Son travail de promotion du bénévolat pénitentiaire et avec les

victimes … sont autant d’autres manifestations de la vivacité d'esprit qui

a caractérisé sa vie et de son engagement en vue de la construction d'une

société meilleure, au service des moins favorisés et des victimes.

Au plan académique, avec ses positions souvent polémiques, mais

ouvertes toujours au débat scientifique, et son effort dans la recherche

d’un système pénal plus humain, centré sur la repersonalisation du

délinquant et la satisfaction des victimes, l’influence parmi nous d'Anto-

nio Beristain est, sans doute, fondarnentale. En effet, nombreuses sont

les promotions d’élèves universitaires qui ont reçu directement ses ensei-

gnements à Deusto, Valladolid, Madrid, Oviedo, à la Faculté de Droit

de Saint Sébastien, à l’Académie de la Police Basque, à Arkaute, dans

les centres de formation de plusieurs polices locales et surtout dans les

salles de cours de l’Institut Basque de Criminologie, qu’il a fondé.

Ici non plus la contribution de ce maître singulier n’a laissé personne

indifférent. On souligne en Orient que le vrai maître plutôt que de trans-

— 136 —

mettre la connaissance érudite qu’il possède et a apprise, s’efforce de

«réveiller» le disciple, de l’accompagner et de lui servir d’appui dans sa

recherche particulière de la vérité, provoquant un questionnement pro-

fond de ce qui n'est pas questionné, l’effort pour la découverte de nou-

veaux profils nous permettant de comprendre la réalité. Eh bien, Anto-

nio Beristain, bon connaisseur de la théorie pénale, de la criminologie

et de la victimologie, apparaissait en général peu préoccupé de répéter

en cours des connaissances facilement accessibles à travers la bibliogra-

phie et préférait concentrer son effort à pousser l’étudiant à la décou-

verte de «la face cachée de la Lune». Tout à fait décidé à susciter la

rébellion contre l’injustice, les cours de Beristain étaient certainement

différents, car le monologue depuis la chaire était substitué par la pro-

vocation permanente au dialogue et au contraste des positions autour

des questions brûlantes au plan pénal, criminologique et victimologique.

Quant à sa contribution à la tête de l’Institut Basque de Criminolo-

gie, elle n’est pas moins féconde, avec les promotions du Master et du

Diplôme de Criminologie, la collection d’Eguzkilore, les nombreux

cours, séminaires, journées, colloques et réunions scientifiques organisés,

ainsi que la création à Saint Sébastien, d’un des trois Centres interna-

tionaux de la Société Internationale de Criminologie, le Centre Interna-

tional de recherche sur la délinquance, la marginalité et les relations

sociales, qu'il continuait à Présider jusqu’à sa mort à la demande du

Président de l’Université du Pays Basque. Au sein de l’Institut et du

Centre International, le Professeur Beristain a conduit pendant des

décennies les activités de recherche et dirigé plusieurs thèses doctorales

et travaux scientifiques, ayant formé la plupart des professeurs et des

chercheurs qui développent au présent leur activité d’enseignement et de

recherche au champ pénal et criminologique au Pays Basque.

Naturellement, la trajectoire académique d’Antonio Beristain a

trouvé d'importantes reconnaissances au plus haut niveau au plan inter-

national, où 1l a participé à l’activité d’importantes organisations scien-

tifiques. Invité à plusieurs Conférences, Congrès et Réunions d’Experts

du Conseil de l’Europe et des Nations Unies, 1l a été Membre du Conseil

de Direction de la Société Internationale de Criminologie, Membre du

Beirat du Internationales Dokumentations-

und Studienzentrun für

Jugenkonflikte (Wuppertal, Alemania), Correspondant de la Revue de

Science criminelle et de droit pénal comparé (Paris), de la Revue de

droit pénal et de criminologie (Bruxelles), 1976-2001, Membre corres-

pondant de la Sociedad Mexicana de Criminologia, Membre correspon-

dant de l'Instituto de Derecho Penal Comparado de l’Université Catho-

de

lique de

La Plata (Argentine),

Académicien correspondant

l’Academia Mexicana de Ciencias Penales, Membre Titulaire de la

Sociedade Sul-Rio-Grandese de Criminologia (Brésil), Fondateur et

— 137 —

Directeur de la Revista Eguzkilore. Cuaderno del Institut Basque de

Criminologie et Professeur étranger du Doctorat en Droit de l'Univer-

sité John F. Kennedy (Buenos Aires, Argentine).

Antonio Beristan était Docteur Honoris Causa de l’Université de Pau

et des Pays de l’Adour (France) (1977) et de l’Université Nationale de

Lomas de Zamora, Buenos Aires (Argentine) (2005). Parmi1 d’autres

reconnaissances on peut souligner :

—

la Médaille de «The Hebrew University of Jerusalem» (1973), la

Médaille du Mérite Criminologique de la Sociedade Brasileira de

Criminologia e Ciencia Penitenciaria (1980), la «Médaille Santo Ivo»,

octroyée par l’Egregio Conselho Superior de la Fraterna Ordem di

Christo (1980), la Médaille du Mérite Social Pénitentiaire (1994), la

Médaille Félix Restrepo, S.J., de la Pontificia Universidad Javeriana

(Colombia) (2001), la Grande Croix de l’Ordre de San Raimundo de

Peñafort (2001);

les prix suivants : Prix Hermann Mannheim de Criminologie Com-

parée (1993), Prix de Convivialité de la Fondation Professeur Manuel

Broseta (2002), Prix International Covite, octroyé par le Collectif des

Victimes du Terrorisme au Pays Basque (2003), Prix de la Fondation

José Luis Lôpez de Lacalle (2005), Prix «Droits Humains 2005» du

Conseil Général des Barreaux Espagnols (2006), Prix de Convivialité

Civique Catalane (2007), Prix Gregorio Ordôñez (2009).

Deux chaires universitaires espagnoles portent son nom : la Chaire

«Antonio Beristain» d’Etudes sur le Terrorisme et ses Victimes, créée

par l’Institut des Droits Humains ‘Bartolomé de las Casas’ de l’Univer-

sité Carlos III de Madrid (2006), et la Chaire Internationale de Victimo-

logie «Antonio Beristain», instituée par l’Université de Murcia et la

Fondation Victimologie, Murcia (2008).

Nous sommes nombreux à estimer avoir eu beaucoup de chance

d’avoir connu Antonio Beristain, d’avoir pu suivre de près son activité,

d’avoir joui de son magistère, de ses soins, de son appui lors de tants

de situations académiques, familières, personnelles.… Au nom de tous les

membres de l’Institut Basque de Criminologie, qu'il a fondé et pour

lequel 1l a travaillé de façon insigne, tenace et infatigable, nous voulons

manifester notre plus ému souvenir de cette figure signalée du Droit

pénal, de la Criminologie et de la Victimologie en Euskadi.

Maître admiré, cher Antonio, requiescat in pace!

-— 138 —

JEAN-PAUL BRODEUR (1943-2010)

Frédéric Ocqueteau

La mort brutale de Jean-Paul Brodeur, le 26 avril, laisse un goût

amer à tous ceux qui eurent le plaisir de se confronter à un intellectuel

exigeant avec lui-même, drôle, inquiet, déroutant, et parfois saisi par de

légendaires colères. Un intellectuel responsable et clair dans ses ensei-

gnements, toujours soucieux d’assumer des responsabilités administra-

tives difficiles jusque et y compris ce moment où la souffrance vint le

terrasser sur les lieux mêmes de son travail .

Philosophe doté d’une solide formation , il bifurqua vers la crimi-

nologie le jour où, au terme d’une longue méditation sur une plage afri-

caine, il en arriva à la conclusion que sa véritable fascination pour les

phénomènes de violence sous toutes leurs formes ne serait pas épuisée

par une compréhension purement théorique et abstraite . La crimino-

logie québécoise interdisciplinaire lui fournit un cadre adapté pour aller

plus loin, à partir de cette décision intime dont le bien fondé ne l'aban-

donna jamais.

Sa trajectoire de prof de crimino à l'UDM, rapidement émaillée d’une

productivité intellectuelle qui ne cessa plus de tourner à plein régime‘*),

montra alors un savant soucieux de toujours penser l’éthique en acte

pour problématiser et pour accompagner les travailleurs de l’ordre

(juges, policiers, travailleurs sociaux) incessamment confrontés à la ges-

tion des désordres déviants et criminels du monde.

Sa démarche de recherche profondément critique aurait pu faire de

lui un intellectuel sulfureux à tenir à l’écart. En effet, «la délinquance

de l’ordre», son premier ouvrage issu d’une longue immersion au sein

de la Commission Keable, ayant révélé les arcanes de l’infiltration par

la GRC de groupes souverainistes, aurait pu le desservir et le margina-

liser définitivement, si du moins il avait été.… français, ce qu'à dieu ne

plaise!

(> Au CICC de la célèbre rue Jean Brillant, dont il préparait encore la demande de

financement pour la prochaine échéance quadriennale.

( T1 soutint une thèse sur Spinoza sous la direction d’A. MATHERON, avec Paul Ricœur

dans son jury, à Paris X-Nanterre.

@ Témoignage personnel de l’un de ses amis proches.

(4) On retiendra entre autres parmi des dizaines d’articles et directions de revues, des

livres fort savants : La délinquance de l'ordre, Montréal, 1984; How to recognize good polic-

ing, problems and issues, Sage, 1998; Visages de la police, pratiques et perceptions, Montréal,

2003; et son «opus magnum», comme 1l disait en se moquant de lui-même : The policing

Web, Oxford, à paraître, 2010.

— 139 —

Heureusement, rien de cette marginalisation possible ne se produisit.

Il sut rapidement devenir un spécialiste écouté dans le champ de la

sociologie policière dont le Québec avait besoin, après qu'il eût théorisé

les rapports de la haute et de la basse police. I] devint rapidement, sur

un plan international, l’indispensable tête de pont entre Etats-Unis et

Europe continentale. Infatigable navigateur partagé entre les exigences

de rigueur du chercheur et des engagements politiques marqués sur les

politiques de sécurité, 1l fut surtout un observateur inlassable des méca-

nismes de l’éclatement progressif des appareils policiers du monde amé-

ricain, canadien et britannique.

À ce sujet, sa pensée décomplexée, voire iconoclaste, fit souvent

figure de provocation au pays des «maudits français», où l’on était

encore peu enclin à s'emparer des conclusions d’un intellectuel peu

conformiste soutenant des choses aussi politiquement incorrectes que

celles-ci: 11l n’y a jamais eu nulle part de monopole de la violence

légitime; une police peut s’avouer vaincue et déserter quand elle estime

que rien dans son mandat ne l’oblige à se comporter comme une troupe

de conquête militaire; le constructivisme dur ou mou n’est pas nécessail-

rement la voie d’accès royale à la compréhension des ressorts intimes de

l’adaptation policière au terrain des menaces et des troubles; une pensée

au sujet des «bonnes pratiques» policières est légitime, pouvant et

devant même être évaluée et possiblement transposée; la «criminologie

empirique appliquée» n’est pas nécessairement une horreur; ou bien

encore, qu’il vaut la peine de se demander sérieusement si la délation

peut être «civique», et tant d’autres choses encore qui provoquèrent des

haussements d’épaule, et bien plus souvent des controverses passionnées.

Son «tropisme français» le conduisit à entretenir un dialogue fécond

avec Dominique Monjardet © dont il accompagna la route dans l’aven-

ture de l'IHESI, donnant au nouvel institut la légitimité internationale

dont son premier directeur, Jean-Marc Erbès, eut le plus grand besoin

à l’époque de sa fondation (1989).

La nature différenciée des blocages historiques et organisationnels au

sujet des appareils policiers sur lesquels se penchaient chacun des deux

compagnons ne les prédisposait pas toujours à s’accorder spontanément

sur certains diagnostics et leviers de leur modernisation respective. Tou-

tefois, une détermination commune rarement prise en défaut les amena

à une très heureuse issue pédagogique. Car la plus belle réussite de leur

coopération, dont je fus un témoin admiratif, restera pour moi, leur

explication des textes fondateurs de la sociologie policière de langue

anglo-saxonne ‘#).

G) Un sociologue pionnier dans la mise à jour des professions policières en France.

— 140 —

Cette entreprise au long cours sapait silencieusement les digues de la

«résistance au projet de connaître» des appareils, et singulièrement en

territoire français où la très archaïque et confortable insularité des élites

policières bardées de juridisme, paraissait toujours à ces dernières un

motif suffisant de ne pas apprendre quoi que ce soit des intrus extérieurs

à leur propre monde.

Monjardet, pour leur prouver leur erreur, se battait en artisan soli-

taire avec les armes de sa sociologie des professions, et pour se donner

la foi du charbonnier, alla durant deux décennies se ressourcer annuel-

lement à Montréal. Jean-Paul Brodeur, au CICC de l'UDM, en voya-

geur curieux, y ouvrait de son côté de multiples chantiers, dirigeant des

thèses novatrices, faisant bénéficier ses étudiants de retours sur investis-

sements dans les milieux policiers québécois du SPVM ou de la SQ, dont

la plupart des dirigeants avaient eu la chance de transiter par ses mains

(cours et formations). Infatigablement, 1l répondait présent à chacun des

appels de l'IHESI ou de toutes autres sollicitations de labos français ou

francophones (CESDIP et GERN). Il devint rapidement une ressource

incontournable dans les jurys de thèse où émergeait de temps à autre un

objet de sociologie ou de science politique avec «terrain policier».

On me permettra une dernière touche plus intimiste à cet hommage :

Jean-Paul Brodeur m'accueillit au CICC pour un enseignement en duo

dans l’un de ses cours en 1995; 1l m’encouragea, à Montréal, à écrire un

livre sur la sécurité privée, publié en 1997; 1l accepta d’être rapporteur

de ma thèse d’'habilitation sur travaux à la Sorbonne en juin 2002. Et,

en novembre 2008, à l’occasion d’une commande du CIPC, nous nous

enfermâmes dans son bureau pour confronter nos visions respectives de

la gestion des émeutes urbaines dans les banlieues françaises de

l’automne 2005 d’avec celle qui venait de se produire dans un quartier

nord de Montréal durant l’été 2008, afin d’élaborer quelques recomman-

dations utiles.

Cet événement montréalais traumatique qui provoqua la mort d’un

jeune homme, prit de court la ville entière : un service du SPVM venait

apparemment d’y commettre l'irréparable, suscitant alors un doute pro-

fond sur le mythique «modèle de police communautaire» mis au point

quinze ans auparavant. Jean-Paul alla se fondre seul dans la foule pour

sentir le deuil de la famille de la victime à l’approche du verdict qui

allait innocenter la police «en état de légitime défense». Il voulait obser-

ver comment les policiers allaient se comporter en prévision d’une pos-

sible révolte populaire. Et 1l en revint ému et soulagé, car tout se passa

dans le calme et la dignité : la «négociation communautaire» anticipant

(6) J.-P. BRODEUR et D. MONJARDET (dir.), Connaître la police, grands textes de la recher-

che anglo-saxonne, Paris, IHESI, La documentation française, Hors-série, 2003.

— 141 —

la gestion émotionnelle de l’incident avait une fois de plus fonctionné à

merveille.

C’est le dernier souvenir que je conserve de l’'homme aux cheveux

blancs et aux grands éclats de rire solaires, dont la générosité se laissait

parfois deviner sous le masque d’un caractère pudique, passionné,

ombrageux, d’un pessimisme actif et d’une lucidité combative jamais en

repos.

Paris, 16 juin 2010

— 142 —

AN OBSERVATORY

ON ACADEMIC CRIMINOLOGY PROGRAMS

UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE ISC

www.criminology-programs.org

Katrien Lauwaert “)

In the International Annals of Criminology of 2009 the president of

the International Society for Criminology (ISC), prof. Tony Peters,

announced his intention to intensify the role of the ISC in the field of

teaching in criminology. He noted that during meetings of scientific

organizations, scientific research is in the middle of attention. There 1s

little time and attention dedicated to how criminology 1s taught.

The ISC expressed the wish to fill this gap by establishing an Observ-

atory on Academic Criminology Programs. The main goal of the

Observatory is to promote the exchange of information on academic

criminology programs, in particular by setting up an interactive plat-

form where information on criminology programs is collected and made

available for consultation. It is meant as a service to interested institu-

tions, professionals and students all over the world.

There are many good reasons for establishing the Observatory.

In the changing criminological landscape it becomes more and more

difficult to get an overview of the academic programs offered in the dif-

ferent countries. À growing number of universities worldwide organize

programs in criminology. These programs are very diverse : they are run

at different levels (bachelor’s, master’s or PhD), they are hosted within

different departments (law, social sciences.…), some programs are gen-

eral while others focus on specific fields of criminology such as policing,

security, prevention…

The body of students in criminology is growing. In order to help stu-

dents function in a globalized world, student mobility should be encour-

aged, enabling future criminologists to gain knowledge of different lan-

guages and cultures and, more specifically, of the broad spectrum of

criminological approaches. The introduction of the bachelor — master

structure in academic curricula in many countries should make 1t easier

() Member of the expert group of the Observatory on Academic Criminology Programs:

lecturer at the Department of Criminology, University of Liège; senior affiliated researcher

at the Leuven Institute of Criminology, K.U.Leuven.

— 143 —

for bachelors in criminology to seek a graduate degree from another

university. In practice, however, it is not all that clear that this is really

happening. Providing easy access to information on existing programs

would put students in a better position to choose a program fitting their

professional needs amongst programs offered in their own country and

abroad.

Academic staff can learn from colleagues at other universities when

they are setting up or reorganizing their criminology programs. Knowl-

edge of which colleagues teach which courses could inspire more teach-

ing staff exchange, or even joint elaboration of teaching materials and

the organization of joint exchange programs.

In short, the availability of up-to-date information on teaching pro-

grams in criminology could lead to all kinds of initiatives that would

benefit the quality of criminology programs and create new opportuni-

ties for students and academic staff. Moreover, publicizing what univer-

sities have on offer will help them attract new students.

To date, no centralized access exists to consistent and up-to-date

information on criminology programs. This is exactly what the ISC

wants to provide through the creation of the Observatory on Academic

Criminology Programs. This observatory is a long term project, which

will be advanced step by step. Under the initiative of the ISC’s presi-

dent, Tony Peters, a first two year phase was launched in September

2009.

THE STRUCTURE OF THE OBSERVATORY

ON ACADEMIC CRIMINOLOGY PROGRAMS

À small international group of colleagues was mobilized to get the

work started. This group — called the expert group - has drafted a mem-

orandum of understanding providing the provisional framework for the

Observatory in the first two years.

The Observatory operates under the auspices of the International

Society for Criminology.

During the first two years, the Leuven Institute of Criminology

(K.U.Leuven) hosts the secretariat of the Observatory, which is in

charge of the daily management of the observatory. À part-time staff

has been hired for this purpose.

The expert group — consisting of individual members — sets out the

overall policy, monitors the quality of the information provided on the

website and 1s instrumental in establishing the contacts with institutions

currently offering academic criminology programs. In November 2010

— 144 —

the expert group was composed of the following members : prof. dr.

Ana Isabel Cerezo (University of Malaga), prof. dr. Jack Greene

(Northeastern University, Boston), prof. dr. Katrien Lauwaert (Univer-

sity of Liège), prof. dr. Gorazd Mesko (University of Maribor), prof. dr.

Martin Moerings (University of Leiden), prof. dr.

Letizia Paoli

(K.U.Leuven) and prof. dr. Joanna Shapland (University of Sheffield).

Different international criminological associations, such as the Inter-

national Penal and Penitentiary Foundation (IPPF), the European Soci-

ety of Criminology (ESC) and the American Society of Criminology

(ASC) have expressed their support for the Observatory and the project

has been presented at their conferences .

Once the observatory has become fully operational, procedures will

be put in place to elect the members of the expert group and ensure a

balanced representation of participating institutions (i.e. the institutions

publishing data on their academic criminology programs on the Observ-

atory website). Representatives of the international organizations sup-

porting the Observatory will then also be called to compose the Observ-

atory Advisory Committee.

This committee wil provide general

guidance and have advisory power.

THE WEBSITE

The main objective of the observatory in the initial two year period

1s to develop and run a website that functions as an interactive platform

for exchange of information on academic criminology programs world-

wide.

Thanks to the secretariat and the expert group the website is now

operational in English, French and Spanish and can be consulted at

www.criminology-programs.org. The access to the website 1s free and

universal.

The website 1s conceived as an interactive tool. The user can carry

out searches on criminology programs using criteria such as the univer-

sity, the city and country, the language of the program and the level of

education (bachelor or master). For each criminology program in the

database standard information is provided on the offering institution,

the level of education, the language and duration of the program, credit

points, fees, prerequisites and the availability of distance learning. À

link to the webpage of the program is also provided for those searching

more detailed information.

@ The IPPF conference at the Université de Liège in June 2009, the ASC conference in

Philadelphia in November 2009, the ESC conference in Liège in September 2010.

— 145 —

The collection of data is a work in progress. The observatory will

first proactively collect data on European criminology programs. To do

so effectively the observatory has joined efforts with the European Soci-

ety for Criminology Curricula Working Group (chair : prof. dr. Gorazd

Mesko), which has been working on an inventory of European crimi-

nology programs. Ât a later stage the data on programs in other parts

of the world will also be collected.

Not all programs will be admitted in the database. Commercial ini-

tiatives will be excluded. Moreover the focus will be on interdisciplinary

academic programs treating issues of criminology and criminal justice

requiring at least one year of study.

The Observatory should become a wonderful tool for the advance-

ment of academic criminology. Its success will depend on the number of

programs registered and the publicity given to it. So do not hesitate to

register your programs by contacting the Observatory Secretariat at

observatory@law.kuleuven.be or Faculty of Law, Hooverplein 10, 3000

Leuven, Belgium.

— 146 —