AIC_2009 Provided by University Library of Tübingen Transcribed with Tesseract

This work is protected by copyright or related property rights but available in Open Access. The right of use and especially the right to reproduction is only granted within the legal limits of copyright law or due to the consent of the copyright holder.

 Annales internationales de criminologie, 47 ANNALES INTERNATIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIE INTERNATIONAL ANNALS OF CRIMINOLOGY ANALES INTERNACIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIA e / \ _ N PS ANNEE 2009 (volume 47-1/2) SOCIÉTÉ INTERNATIONALE DE CRIMINOLOGIE Ministère de la Justice 12, rue Charles Fourier 75013 - Paris phone 33.(0)1.45.88.00.23 fax : 33.(0)1.45.88.96.40 e-mail : crim.sic@wanadoo.fr web site http://perso.wanadoo.fr/societe.internationale.de.criminologie ANNALES INTERNATIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIE Organe officiel de la Société Internationale de Criminologie Président de la Société : Tony PETERS (Belgique) Secrétaire général de la Société : George PICCA (France) COMITÉ DE RÉDACTION DES ANNALES Rédacteur en chef Prof. Georges KELLENS (Belgique) adj. Prof. Michaël DANTINNE (Belgique) Rédacteurs Associés Prof. Edmundo Oliveira (Brésil) Prof. Louise Shelley (USA) Prof. Setsuo Miyazawa (Japon) La redacciôn agradece a la Dr. Maria Jesûs Guardiola (Investigadora «Juan de la Cierva», Universidad Autônoma de Barcelona) su colabo- raciôn en la traduccion de los textos en castellano. The editors want to thank Dr. Maria Jesûüs Guardiola (Investigadora «Juan de la Cierva», Universidad Autônoma de Barcelona) for her assistance in Castilian. Merci à Dr. Maria Jesûüs Guardiola (Investigadora «Juan de la Cierva», Universidad Autônoma de Barcelona) pour sa précieuse aide en castillan. Table de matières Table of contents Indice Editorial . ». « «s e « +e + e © « » « e + « . » + » © + + » + —s © » =s » e « » < » » + + » —s — « — e o À In memory of Louk Hulsman John Blad . » . e e + + e » + « e + » » * » « e » + © » + * # < » s. « « e + = » + e « »s — — « « ». +À Préface Georges Picca e —. e » + =. e — « * » …. + « e » + … e e e .s = «s e . — » + e « e * e « « e — « » 19 Efforts to put an end to E.T.A.’s terrorism : evolution, present situation and perspective of future José Luis de la Cuesta . « e « e « + < s. » s. « + + * + = » » « « e e « + —s « » « « « e = À 23 Writers on the storm. Punishment, public debate and persua- sive speech Tom Daems . . »s « … » »s < « e + + « s e e — = © « * e » » : e » e » »s =. + » e + « » « e « — = e 47 Teenage motherhood The frequency of teenage motherhood in Italian provinces : Economic, cultural and institutional fac- tors Uberto Gatti, Richard E. Tremblay, Hans M.H. Schadee... 65 Victimization and Predatory Violence among Street Youth in Toronto, Canada Patricia G. Erickson, Jennifer E. Butters, Tara L. Bruno …. &l The relationship between criminal justice and criminology : «poetry» or «technique»? Klara Kerezsi . . e « + + « e e e * © »s e e + + + + . e % 6 + e » e « + © © « e v » e « « e = » 101 La S.I.C. face aux développements de la criminologie comme discipline académique : Le projet d’un observatoire des pro- grammes académiques en criminologie Tony Peters . . « + + + © =. e « = » * + e e = + »s * « » + « + e —. « * * + + e » * » + + « =. » + e 117 sS — 9. Les Organisations non gouvernementales (O.N.G.) à vocation une influence sur les scientifique ont-elles politiques criminelles ? Georges Picca . e » e » » + « » =s ° « + « + + » « © * » » » + + e » » … = » + « + © + « e » e e 123 EDITORIAL 2008 était pour la Société internationale de criminologie une année de congrès : la livraison des Annales internationales de criminologie de 2008 était le reflet de grands moments du congrès mondial de Barcelone. C’est un ouvrage de bibliothèque. Kobe se profile à présent : le 16° congrès mondial de la Société inter- nationale de criminologie de 2011 se prépare intensément. Les Nations Unies, quant à elles, préparent le congrès qui se tiendra en avril 2010 à Salvador de Bahia. Le prochain numéro sera tourné vers cet avenir. En 2009, nos sociétés sœurs ont organisé leurs congrès, l'Association internationale de droit pénal à Istanbul, et la Société mondiale de victi- mologie à Mito, et la Fondation internationale pénale et pénitentiaire a réuni un colloque inter-associations à Liège, où la Société internationale de défense sociale avait été fondée 1l y a soixante ans. Le thème débattu a été «L'influence des ONG scientifiques sur les politiques criminelles nationales et internationales». Le présent numéro en porte la marque. Il traduit aussi le renouvellement et le bouillonnement des activités et des réflexions de la Société internationale de criminologie. EDITORIAL 2008 fue para la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia un año de congreso : la entrega de los Anales Internacionales de Criminologia de 2008 ha sido un reflejo de los grandes momentos del congreso mundial de Barcelona. Constituye una obra de biblioteca. Kobe se perfila en este momento : el 16° congreso mundial de la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia de 2011 se està preparando intensamente. En cuanto a Naciones Unidas, prepara un congreso que tendrà lugar en abril de 2010 en Salvador de Bahia. El prôximo nümero tratarä estas cuestiones futuras. En 2009, nuestras sociedades hermanas han organizado sus congresos : la Asociaciôn Internacional de Derecho Penal en Estambul, la Sociedad Mundial de Victimologia en Mito y la Fundaciôn Interna- cional Penal y Penitenciaria ha organizado un congreso inter-asociacio- nes en Lieja, donde la Sociedad Internacional de Defensa Social se fundô hace sesenta años. El tema debatido fue «La influencia de las 7 ONGs cientificas en las criminales nacionales € politicas internacionales». El presente nûmero lleva su impronta. Asimismo, tra- duce la renovacion, las actividades y reflexiones de la Sociedad Interna- cional de Criminologia. EDITORIAL 2008 was a congress year for the International Society for Criminology : the release of the International Annals of Criminology for 2008 was the record of the important events of the world congress in Barcelona. It 1s a library publication. Kobe is next in line : the 16'® congress for the International Society for Criminology scheduled for 2011 is undergoing intense preparation. The United Nations, for their part, are preparing the Congress that will be held in April 2010 at Salvador de Bahia in Brazil. The next edition will be directed towards these future events. In 2009, our sister societies organised their Congresses. The Interna- tional Association for Penal law in Istanbul, the World Society for Vic- timology in Mito, and the International Penal and Penitentiary Foun- dation organised an inter-association conference in Liège, where the International Society for Social Defence was founded sixty years ago. The subject under debate was «The influence of scientific NGOs on national and international criminal policies». The present event bears the mark of this subject. It also demonstrates the renewal and reactiva- tion of the activities and thoughts of the International Society for Crim- inology. _8— IN MEMORY OF LOUK HULSMAN John Blad ©) On January 28, 2009 Louk Hulsman, at the age of 85 years, passed away at home in Dordrecht (Netherlands). The message sent out by his family described him as a «gardener of the world, open and connected until his final day, always striving for more humanity». Hulsman was also literally a fine and eager gardener, but apparently the metaphor refers back to the final phrases of the book «Peines Perdues» in its (adapted) Dutch translation : «When I remove from my garden the obstacles that prevent the sun and the water from fertilizing the soil, plants will grow up that I never knew existed. In a comparable manner the disappearance of the states criminal justice system, in a more healthy and dynamic society, will pave the road for a new kind of justice.» The Dutch legal scholar Kelk also referred to these words in his dis- cussion of the meaning of Hulsmans work for criminal law science in the book of friends that was issued at the occasion of Hulsmans retirement from the Erasmus University (Rotterdam) in 1986. At that time an icy, expansive wind blew through the gardens of criminal policy and Kelk applauded Hulsman as the indispensable gardener «who does not only care for what 1s growing and flowering but also examines the health of the roots of these developments critically.» * Hulsmans retirement and his «Peine Perdues», translated into Dutch as «Farewell to criminal Justice» did however not imply taking his leave of the national and international debate about criminal justice and the necessity of its abolition, far from that. He kept on being invited from around the world to explain his abolitionist perspective and found a cer- tain degree of resonance everywhere and especially in Latin-American countries, which he came to love more and more. Untill December 2008 he was travelling and lecturing and when he came home he surprised his loved ones by saying he was tired. () John Blad is associate professor in criminal law sciences at Erasmus University of Rot- terdam. In 1996 he published his doctorate thesis about the work of Louk Hulsman. J.R. BLan, Abolitionisme als strafrechtstheorie, Gouda Quint, Deventer. 1996 (with an Eng- lish summary). C Louk HULSMAN, in co-operation with Jacqueline BERNAT DE CELIS and Hans SMiTs. Afscheid van het strafrecht, Een pleidooi voor relfregulering, Het Wereldvenster, Unieboek, Houten, 1986, p. 134. (My translation, jrb.) (3 C. KELK, « Het ‘strafrechtelijk discours’ of wel, ieder vogeltje zingt zoals het gebekt is», In: Bezonnen Hoop, Opstellen aangeboden aan L.H.C. Hulsman, W.E.J. Tjeenk Willink. Zwolle, 1986, p. 10. Without a focussed empirical research (f.e. on the basis of a quota- tion-index) Hulsmans influence on contemporary debates about criminal justice can not be ascertained, but 1t is clear that this influence has been considerable. This regardless of the fate of the abolitionist proposals themselves, which have not been accepted on a systemic level anywhere. The abolitionist discourse itself, proposing to replace the system of penal law by various alternative interventions, was formulated and strongly advocated by Hulsman and his fellow protagonists Christie, Mathiesen and Bianchi and remains an option to be reflected upon seri- ously, in view of all the well-known drawbacks and disadvantages of systems driven by the punitive mentality. Recently the criminal law scholar Groenhuijsen, discussing various theoretical schools in the Netherlands, stipulated that Hulsmans «welfare-orientation» on criminal law still has great importance, espe- cially internationally for the development of restorative justice. And indeed, many of Hulsmans ideas - such as the importance of emanci- pating the victim and serving the victims needs and the necessity to avoid types of intervention that are non-communicative and degrading and stigmatizing for the offender — have become fundamental tenets in theories of restorative justice. And it must be said, that these notions were brought forward by Hulsman before he became an abolitionist : they were part of his reasons for seeing criminal justice as a social prob- lem, in stead of a solution for (other) social problems, inadequately bulked together under the legal concept of crime. Already in 1971 Hulsman urged for a victim-oriented system of crim- inal justice with interventions serving the victims needs primarily and not directed «against the offender», making it more difficult for the offender, on the one hand to restore the damages he has done and on the other hand to learn to behave in conformity with the law. The obli- gations of the offender to redress the damages should be weighed of against the common interest of reintegrating the offender and in this context also imprisonment was discussed as an impediment to both. (* AIl very topical today. But Hulsman has never written anything about penal mediation or conferencing, although he must have been aware of the first experiments done in Canada around 1974. (% L.H.C. HULSMAN, «De benadeelden door strafbaar gedrag en hun schadeloosstelling», in : Slachtoffers van Delicten, Baarn, Anthos, 1971, 30-45. — 10 — HHULSMAN AS CRIMINAL LAW SCHOLAR Hulsman started his professional carreer in 1949 at the ministry of Defense and, being recognized as an excellent legislative jurist he was soon commissioned to represent the Dutch interests in European organ- isations, trying to promote a Furopean Defense Community and later, having moved to the Ministry of Justice working for (the committee of experts on penal matters of) the Council of Europe. One could say that the legislative approach to problems has always remained Hulsmans fundamental point of departure when addressing whatever issue at hand. Legislation and policy were his foci, and these activities should be ade- quate and effective in the way they were designated to be and this meant stressing the importance of adequate feedback and policy changes when necessary in view of the real, manifest and latent (often counterproduc- tive) effects. Criminal policy he defined as «the complex of decisions about the usage of the criminal justice system» and in his inaugural lecture (1965) with the title «The maintenance of Law» he discussed criteria for the selection and allocation of societal problems to be addressed, to the var- ious available systems of law : civil law, administrative law and criminal law. These allocation criteria were stressed as fundamental, because the systematic capacities to maintain any law adequately depend on the validity of these criteria. ‘ S) The inaugural lecture and his essay about (absolute and relative) neg- ative criteria for penalisation (1974)‘® are two of the most consulted and appreciated contributions of Hulsman in the Dutch legal literature to this day. As chairman of the state committee installed to design an adequate drug-policy (1968) Hulsman was the intellectual father of the interna- tionally renowned Dutch drug-policy, based on a certain amount of tol- erance and a sharp distinction between the (legal) regimes for soft and hard drugs. Criminal law interventions were discussed as more likely to enhance the (personal and social) problems related to the use of sub- stances than to decrease them and health care was considered to be of great importance. ‘ This policy is one of the causes of the Netherlands being the country with the lowest number of drug-deaths of the world. As already mentioned, the position and interests of victims had his attention early and in this regard he was advocating an important role C L.H.C. HULSMAN, (1965) Handhaving van Recht, Kluwer, Deventer/Antwerpen. (6) L.H.C. HULSMAN, «Kriteria voor strafbaarstelling», in : E. ANDRÈ DE LA PORTE (Ed.). Strafrecht te-recht?, In den Toorn, Baarn, 1972, pp. 80-93. (O 'THE COMMITTEE HULSMAN reported in 1971 : Ruimte in het drugheleid, Boom, Meppel. — ]1 for social security systems and for an easily accessible and generous Vic- tim Compensation Fund. Hulsman was very involved in teaching probation officers and in developing their functions in criminal justice, which he considered of great importance. On the other hand, he was interested in the theoretical and practical issues of the determination of criminal sanctions in con- crete cases adjudicated by the courts, instructing judges to decide in a rational and systematic way in view of the types of offences and the goals that were to be reached by the sanction in concreto. The course he developed in this field was unique and also taught in the Erasmus University in the 1970’s and 1980°s. In 1983 important legislative innovations in the system of (available) criminal sanctions were implemented, deeply influenced by Hulsman stress on the need to avoid imprisonment, making the monetary sanc- tion and the «transaction» between the public prosecutor and the defendant available for all types of offences. INTEGRATED CRIMINAL LAW SCIENCE When Louk Hulsman was appointed in 1963 to the newly founded law school of Erasmus University he had high hopes of developing a criminal law science with a much higher degree of scientific rationality, especially in terms of influencing the conduct of individual delinquents and the population at large in the direction of conformity with legiti- mate behavioural expectations (norms). In 1965 he stipulated that crim- inal law was a «briljant instrument to maintain the law» but directly identified many shortcomings in the criminal law system and in the administration of criminal justice. In particular, he claimed, that the sys- tem was not adequately equipped with suitable means and resources and that the level of legal professionalism was too low. But much more importantly, any realistic insights and social scientific — psychological and sociological — knowledge about how behaviour can adequately be influenced were lacking completely. ‘ For this reason the criminal jus- tice system risks to be more counterproductive than productive in terms of maintaining laws. For the first ten years of the intellectual journey that began, one can say that the search was for a «functional theory of criminal law», trying to find out what works adequately and what not. Colleagues were (8) L.H.C. HULSMAN, «De benadeelden door strafbaar gedrag en hun schadeloosstelling», in : Slachtoffers van delicten, Anthos, Baarn, 1971. Het schadefonds werd uiteindelijk veel beperkter van strekking dan Hulsman bepleitte. C) L.H.C. HULSMAN, «Strafrecht en gerechtigheid», Te Elfder Ure, 1965, 12, 2, pp. 60-65. appointed who were thinking along the same lines, such as the criminol- ogist Hoefnagels and the jurist and psychologist Ter Heide. Hulsman agreed explicitly with the philosopher of law Van Haersolte stating : «Man is not a magician whose good will naturally brings about the desired results, but a technician who will have to find the adequate 10) means to serve his goals. He (...) commands nature by obeying it.»‘ Both Hulsman and Ter Heide were heavily influenced by the school of «Defense Sociale Nouvelle» as initiated by Marc Ancel in 1954.‘ }1) In this new articulation of the ideas of social defense resocializing the delinquent was one of the main techniques of serving society and this was thought to be best facilitated in a context of fundamental solidarity with the offender. Committing criminal offences was seen by both as a disorder, not per se intra-personal, but of the person in relation to his or her social behavioural field. Learning to act differently would have to be the main purpose and meaning of the sanction as Ter Heide stip- ulated.‘!*) In order to create room for adequate behavioural interven- tions a certain degree of de-juridification was considered necessary, loos- ening up the strictly punitive interpretation of the criminal sanction (punishment). which became defined by Hulsman — not as the imposi- tion of a pain but — as censuring the delinquent and «calling him back to the normative order.» !* From 1965 onwards Hulsman was a member of the «Société inter- nationale de défense sociale (pour une politique criminelle humaniste)» and of the advisory board of its journal Cahiers de Défense sociale. At the occasion of his 80" birthday there was a special issue of this journal in honour of Hulsman with as central theme : criminal justice between (14) abolitionism and zero tolerance. Hulsman passionately worked on his ideas for an integrated criminal law science, combining law and criminology in his teaching and writing and building up an integrated law curriculum in the Erasmus Law School, launched in 1970, that contained so many social scientific ele- ments that some professors in law began to doubt whether such a cur- riculum could really deliver good lawyers. In Hulsmans view, the social sciences should have the function of offering jurists broader frames of reference for the prediction of the (O Op. cit., footnote 9. (My translation, jrb.) (D Marc ANCEL, La defense sociale nouvelle, Editions Cujas, Paris, 2d edition 1966 (first edition 1954). OD T. TER Herbe, Vrijheid. Over de zin van de straf, Bakker/ Daamen, Den Haag, 1965. (3 This conception of punishment was already present in the famous Utrecht School. represented in Rotterdam by Hoefnagels, although this school also hang on to retribution. something which Hulsman refused to accept as a justification for punishment. (4 See www defensesociale.org./revista2003/00.pdf. _— — 13 effects of legal interventions and thereby for the selection of legal instru- ments to serve the legal and social order adequately. While developing a radically new kind of curriculum for legal educa- tion, Hulsman went on playing his part in many national and interna- tional committees, editorial boards, conferences and research pro- grammes. His energy and commitment seemed to be endless. The integrated approach to legal education gained an international component for the students after the start in 1984 of a comprehensive international «Erasmus» programme, subsidized by Brussels, called «Criminal Justice and Critical Criminology» which still exists today although the label «critical» has disappeared from the title. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE ABOLITIONIST PARADIGM Between 1974 and 1977 Hulsman gradually developed the intuition, that efficaciousness and control of penal interventions could only be possible when the structural and cultural organisation of the criminal justice system were radically changed. In his inaugural lecture and later, designing negative criteria for penalisation (1972), he hoped that the usage of criminal law interventions could be rationally steered and lim- ited. In the beginning of the 1970s articles appeared on issues as «feed- back» in the system and the «costs and benefits» and «cost- effectiveness». He began to work with two opposite understandings of criminal justice : one interpreting it as a solution to social problems, the other interpreting it as a major social problem itself. He gradually became convinced that the second was the more plausible interpretation. In 1977 the first lecture was given, in French, in which Hulsman tried out an abolitionist perspective on criminal justice, focussing on what he had come to see as the most problematic and misleading concept : crime. In summary : crime has no ontological reality and the only thing the very different problematic behaviours or situations have in common 1s that they have been labelled as crime. If we want to do good research into the causation of these very different phenomena, looking for interventions that could really remediate their causes and/or address the harmful con- sequences, does it help us to know that these phenomena are called crime? It only distracts or blinds us and leads us to think that punish- ment is the necessary reaction. All the connotations of the concept of crime Hulsman began to see as misleading and counterproductive in our endeavour to gain reliable knowledge of the phenomena at hand. “ (15) Later these views were the subject of the famous article : Louk HULSMAN, «Critical criminology and the concept of crime», Contemporary Crisis, 10, 1986, 63-80. — 14 — The French lecture on «an abolitionist perspective on criminal justice» appeared in the Dutch language in 1979, as an appendix in a book resulting from a series of meetings between prominent professors and practitioners of criminal law. ° It was an appendix because Huls- man had not succeeded to convince his conversation partners of the cor- rectness of his perspective, although most of them were also quite crit- ical of criminal justice and particularly of imprisonment. Meanwhile in the Netherlands the incarceration-rates were on the rise and Hulsman feared that this would escalate further soon. On European level Hulsman had been preparing an extensive report on decriminalisation, that was issued in 1980 by the Council of Europe. The report not only offers a very detailed analysis of the nature and processes of decriminalisation, but also insights into the strategic uses of it. Hulsman was very proud and happy with the report because, as he said, it had been possible to develop another kind of language, e.g. a language that was not colonized by the linquistics of criminal justice, between the members of the committee, allowing them to see the prob- lems of criminal justice in a new light and thus finding different and new exits and options for adequately dealing with them. One could say that from then on Hulsmans primary method in think- ing about any problem became to deconstruct and debunk informal and formal language in order to create room for alternative action. In his own words he shifted from a «catascopic» to an «anascopic» perspec- tive. Did it also imply a radical good-bye to any type of instrumental ambition with the use of law, the type of ambition he started out with? Yes and no : paradoxically, abolitionism was the ultimate attempt to (gain control over and) improve the system. In a letter to his good friend Wim Duk - an eminent Dutch scholar in administrative law - Hulsman wrote in 1984, he said that he had come to the conclusion that criminal policy could merely be influenced deeply by choosing an abolitionist perspective : «À reformist vision, that does not fundamentally question the system (that does not develop a different set of images and concomitant fundamental concepts) can exert only little influence on the ondulatory motion between ‘reduction’ and ‘expansion’.» (17) At the funeral service Duk said that he was convinced by Hulsmans views, but they found no resonance with the majority of criminal law d6) L H.C. HULSMAN, «Een abolitionistisch (afschaffend) perspectief op het strafrechtelijk systeem», in : Problematiek van de strafrechtspraak, Bosch en Keuning. Baarn, 1979, pp. 50- 74. OD L.H.C. HULSMAN, «Een brief aan Wim over capaciteitstekorten, het niet-tenuitvoer- leggen van strafrechtelijke beslissingen en expansieve strafrechtspolitiek», in Recht op scherp, Tjeenk Willink. Zwolle, 215 227, p. 215. —- 15 — scholars and policymakers in The Netherlands and the criminal justice system started to expand from 1985 onwards and became more punitive than it has ever been in this country. One of the few colleagues who explicitly supported Hulsman, A.A.G. Peters, appreciated his viewpoints confirming that «l’abolition du sys- tème penal .. serait pour le tissue social le signal d’une renaissance» and criticized criminal law scientists in general for not putting up any resistance against the formation of a repressive ideology within the crim- inal justice system. (18) A COURAGEOUS AND CONSISTENT SCHOLAR In view of what has been discussed above, it would be wrong to put the meaning of Hulsmans work only in the key of penal abolitionism : so much of what he has contributed to criminal law theory then remains unseen. When one considers his abolitionist discourse as most charac- teristic, it should however be noted that this is only the surface of a dis- course that on a deeper level remained oriented at or looking for ade- quate responses to problematic situations that we are used to call «crime». Hulsman was one of the founders of the Coornhert League in 1971, a society for humanistic reform of the criminal justice system that had real influence on policies in the 1970s but has faded away now. Many of Hulsmans functionalist and humanistic ideas about criminal justice were widely shared in the Dutch professional society. To quote the famous professor of law, W.P.J. Pompe (Utrecht School), reporting on Crime and Punishment in 1976 : «(...) Guilt does not need to be only and not even in the first place to be amended by punishment. It would be commendable, to begin a dialogue with the offender to find out how reconciliation could be brought about, be it by making amends, be it by forgiveness, be it by punishment. All under the condition that the offender appreciates the wrongfulness of his conduct.» ‘!?) Hulsman claimed that this type of dialogue was perverted and made impossible by the threat of punishment and the way the criminal proce- dures work and one could say that he was more stubborn, consistent (18) Antonie A.G. PETERS, «Strafrecht en beleid: de constitutionele dimensie», in C. FIINAUT and P. SPIERENBURG (Ed.), Scherp toezicht, Gouda Quint, Arnhem. 1990, 211- 225, 218. (19) As quoted by Hans Smits in a recent study of the demise of the Coornhert League, Strafrechthervormers en hemelbestormers. Opkomst en teloorgang van de Coornhert-Liga, Amsterdam : Aksant, 2008, 13. — 16 — and insistent than many of his colleagues in arguments with policymak- ers It should also be mentioned, that for Hulsman a retributionist justi- fication of punishment was unacceptable, since for him this would imply absolute norms and a denial of the separation of law and ethics, which seemed to him fundamental to modern society, characterized by per- sonal liberty. Retribution would in his view only increase the suffering by adding the suffering of punishment — not only for the offender but for his social network too — to the suffering caused by the problematic and damaging conduct of the culprit. (20) It is unfortunate that Hulsmans abolitionist strategy — for that 1s what it was: a strategy — seems to have had the opposite effect in the sense that from the middle of the 1980’s his influence on the debate waned. The functionalist approach to criminal justice has been replaced by penal populism and instrumentalism and the notion that the punitive system could be part of the problem has become suppressed. Since his departure from Erasmus University in 1986 Hulsman did not publish a lot in Dutch anymore, but numerous articles were pub- lisned in many other languages and so was his book «Peines Perdues». ‘* Hulsman kept on travelling to contribute to countless con- ferences and to acquaint himself with the cultures of other countries, regions and cities. And he always found confirmation of his intuition, that «things are not necessarily so» and that we should be open to many different solutions and experiments. Hulsman kept the courage to be dissident and to suggest what he knew was extra-oridinary and to many people even shocking or fright- ening. But he brought his messages kindly and with great personal inter- est in the views of others, hoping that they would find reasons in their own experiences in life that «the menu is not the meal» and that the reality of experiences is always so deeply different from the stories that are told about them. After his death Hulsman was awarded the W.A. Bonger prize for his complete criminological work by the Dutch Society for Criminology and in connection to this a collection of selected essays will be published in 2010 (in the Dutch language). The laudation applaudes Louk Hulsmans work as «scientifically original, trail-blazing and of decisive societa! importance for the liberal CO L.H.C. HULSMAN, «De strafrechtelijke sanctie en zijn maat». Wijsgerig Perspectief. 1968, Meulenhof Educatief, pp. 207-232. CD There is a Dutch, French. Spanish and Korean translation but some friends claim there are more. Hulsmans daughter 1s trying to find out if that 1s so. See www.loukhuls- man.org. 17 Dutch drug-policies, the position of victims in the criminal justice sys- tem and the development of alternatives for penal interventions such as mediation and restorative justice. » Louk Hulsman never took leave from the debate about criminal jus- tice systems and, although those who knew him well will miss his warm personal presence, he will remain part of it through his work. RESUMÉ Louk Hulsman est mort le 28 janvier 2009. Ce texte est un hommage à un grand pénaliste, à un talentueux avocat d’une science criminelle intégrée, à un initiateur célèbre du paradigme abolitionniste en justice criminelle, à un savant courageux et cohérent, et à une personnalité atta- chante. RESUMEN Louk Hulsman falleciô el 28 de enero de 2009. Este texto constituye un homenaje a un gran penalista, a un talentoso defensor de una ciencia penal integrada, a un célebre iniciador del paradigma abolicionista en la justicia penal, a un cientifico valiente y coherente y a una personalidad atrayente. SUMMARY Louk Hulsman died on the 28th of January 2009. This text is a hom- mage to a great criminal lawyer, a talented exponent of an integrated criminal science, a famous instigator of the abolitionist paradigm in criminal justice, a courageous and coherent scholar and a charming indi- vidual. — 18 — PRÉFACE Georges Picca ‘) Il y a plus d’une année, avait lieu à Barcelone (Espagne) notre X V* Congrès mondial de criminologie. Il a réuni, comme les précédents Congrès, un nombre important de participants, venus de diverses régions du monde. Depuis, l’activité de notre Société s'est poursuivie et développée ainsi qu'en témoignent diverses manifestations. Ce nouveau volume des ANNALES, témoigne, en outre, de l’activité de la recherche et, sa diversité, dans différents domaines intéressant de nombreux aspects de la délinquance actuelle. On doit souligner, en effet, à cet égard, que l’évolution de diverses tendances de la criminalité d’aujourd'’hui, appelle des réponses nouvelles et adaptées, dans le cadre des diverses politiques criminelles, nationales et transnationales. En effet le contexte économique, politique ainsi que le développement de la communication et des échanges internationaux, contribuent à donner désormais, des caractéristiques nouvelles à la cri- minalité. L'action dans les différents domaines de la criminologie, apparaît, par suite, plus que jamais nécessaire pour favoriser les évolutions que l'on peut souhaiter aux diverses politiques criminelles. C’est dans cette perspective, que s'inscrit le thème choisi pour le XVI° Congrès mondial de la Société Internationale de criminologie : (Kobe, Japon, 5 au 9 août 2011) «Global Socio-Economic Crisis and Crime Control Policies : Regional and National Comparison». Ainsi après Rio de Janeiro (2003), Philadelphie (2005) et Barcelone (2008), le prochain Congrès de la Société Internationale de Criminologie s'inscrit dans un cadre géographique et culturel, nouveau. Il répond, en cela, aux perspectives dans lesquelles se situe la Société Internationale de Criminologie dans les différentes régions du monde. C’est par suite, en son nom que nous remercions les organisateurs nationaux de ce nouveau Congrès mondial, de leur invitation et de leur accueil. () Secrétaire général de la Société Internationale de Criminologie. _— 19 — PREFACIO Georges Picca ? Hace mâs de un año tuvo lugar en Barcelona (España) nuestro XV Congreso mundial de criminologia. Como en los precedentes con- gresos, éste reuniô un importante nûmero de participantes, procedentes de diversas regiones del mundo. Posteriormente ha continuado y se ha desarrollado la actividad de nuestra Sociedad, como asi lo atestiguan diversas manifestaciones. Ademaäs, este nuevo volumen de los ANALES testimonia la actividad de investigacion y su diversidad en diferentes ambitos, interesandose por numerosos aspectos de la delincuencia actual. Al respecto, se debe subrayar que la evoluciôn de las diferentes ten- dencias de la criminalidad actual reclama respuestas nuevas y adaptadas en el marco de las diversas politicas criminales nacionales y transnacio- nales. En efecto, el contexto econômico y politico, asi como el desarrollo de la comunicaciôn y de los intercambios internacionales, contribuyen a dar, a partir de ahora, nuevas caracteristicas a la criminalidad. La acciôn en los diferentes ambitos de la criminologia aparece a con- tinuaciôn como necesaria, mâs que nunca, para favorecer las evolucio- nes que pueden ser deseables en las diversas politicas criminales. Es en esta perspectiva que se inscribe el tema seleccionado para el XVI Congreso mundial de la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia : (Kobe, Japôn, del 5 al 8 de agosto de 2011) «Global Socio-Economic Crisis and Crime Control Policies : Regional and — National Comparison». Asi, después de Rio de Janeiro (2003), Filadelfia (2005) y Barcelona (2008), el prôximo Congreso de la Sociedad Internacional de Crimino- logia se inscribe en un nuevo margo geogräfico y cultural. Con ello res- ponde a las perspectivas en las que se sitüa la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia en las diferentes regiones del mundo. Es por ello, en su nombre, que agradecemos a los organizadores nacionales de este nuevo Congreso mundial su invitaciôn y su acogida. (@) Secretario General de la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia. — 20 — PREFACE Georges Picca ©) More than one year ago, our 15th World Criminology Congress took place in Barcelona (Spain). As in previous years, it brought together an important number of participants from different regions of the world. Since then, the activities of our society have continued and developed as evidenced by different events. This new periodic volume of the ANNALS, underlines the variety of research activities into different interesting areas of numerous aspects of current crime. We must emphasise, in this respect that the development of certain criminal trends, calls for new and adapted responses, in the context of diverse criminal policies, both national and international. Indeed the political and economic contexts, as well as the growth of communication and international exchanges, contribute henceforth, to the development of a new dimension in terms of crime and criminal characteristics. As a result, action in the different areas of criminology would seem to be more necessary than ever to foster the developments that we would wish to see in terms of various criminal policies. The theme chosen for the 16 world Congress of the International Society for Criminology fits the bill. «Global Socio-Economic Crisis and Crime Control Policies : Regional and National Comparison» (Kobe, Japan, 5 to 9 August 2011). So after Rio de Janeiro (2003), Philadelphia (2005) and Barcelona (2008), the next International Congress of the International Society for Criminology will sign up to a new geographical and cultural framework. It will respond, in this respect, to the views of the International Society for Criminology, and so in its name, we would like to thank the national organisers of this new world congress, for their hospitality. (* General Secretary of the International Society for Criminology. _ 21 — EFFORTS TO PUT AN END TO E.T.A°S TERRORISM : EVOLUTION, PRESENT SITUATION AND PERSPECTIVE OF FUTURE José Luis de la Cuesta “) ORIGINS AND EVOLUTION OF THE BASQUE CONFLICT As a cultural region, the Basque Country (Euskal Herria) constitutes an ensemble of seven territories (Alava, Bizkaia, Gipuzkoa and Navarra in Spain, along with Lapurdi, Zuberoa and Nafarra Behera in France) located in the European Western Pyrenees, on the Biscay Gulf’s shore. Over three million inhabitants live in these territories (2,500,000 in the Southern territories; 500,000 in the Northern territories) that cover an extension of approximately 20,664 squared kilometres. The Basques’ history is an ancient one. According to the most learned historians, Basque is one of the most ancient ethnics in Europe and the Basque language is considered a pre-indoeuropean language whose origins are still very much discussed. Historically, Navarra was a very important Kingdom and under Sancho III (X-XIth centuries) its influence covered much more than all the Basque territories. Neverthe- less, upon his death in 1035 his Kingdom was distributed among his heirs and, notwithstanding their cultural and linguistic links, from that point onward, the Basque territories were never formed nor integrated into a political unity. Recent origins of the Basque political conflict are found in the long and difficult transition, particularly in Spain, from the Ancien Régime to a liberal and constitutional system. In fact, since the 18* century, the permanent questioning of the rights (Fueros) of the Basque provinces provoked a progressive reinforcement of the Basque national feeling. “ Politically, the last two centuries were turbulent times in Spain and, par- ticularly during the 19" century of nationalism, different attempts to () Director of the Basque Institute of Criminology (University of he Basque Country). President of the AIDP-IAPL. Member of the Board of Directors International Society of Criminology. C In this way the writings of Larramendi around 1756-1758, Manuel DE LA LARRA- MENDI, Sobre Los Fueros De Guipuzcoa (Sociedad Guipuzcoana de ediciones y publicaciones, San Sebastian, 1983): José Augustin CHAHO, Voyage en Navarre Pendant L'Insurrection des Basques (1830-1835) (1836). __ 23 — assimilate Navarra and the other Basque territories with the other Span- ish provinces always found a very strong popular opposition and led to intermediate solutions that were never completely accepted by any of both sides. Under the Constitution of the Second Republic, established in 1931, Spanish nationalities and regions could benefit of a political autonomy. Thus, after the approval of the Catalan Statute, in 1936 the first Auton- omy Statute for the Basque Country gave way to the establishment of the first provisional Government of Euzkadi (the name given to the Basque Country by Sabino Arana, the founder of the Basque National- ist Party (PNV), in 1895). Although a provision opened the way to the participation of Navarra, the 1936 Statute did not in the end include Navarra. In any case, the military upraising had already taken place and military rebels won the Civil War after three years (1939), lead by Gen- eral Franco. General Franco, acting as a Dictator, maintained the Fueros in Navarra and Alava, who had supported him during the war, but declared the provinces of Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa, where the Basque Nationalists had a greater influence, as betrayers. FRANCO REGIME AND THE BIRTH OF THE ETA The political repression in Spain during the Franco regime was immense and specifically focused on popular and nationalist movements; thus, in the Basque country, Basque nationalism and cul- ture. In 1952, EKIN was created as a reaction against the passivity of the traditional Basque nationalism and in 1959 a group of Basque stu- dents, dissident to EKIN, created Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (Euskadi and Freedom) (E.T.A.)°’ to assure the defense of the Basque language, Euskera, and the Basque ethnic, as well as to fight against Spain and to support the independence of the seven Basque territories. In 1961, the ETA committed its first violent action in the attempted derailment of a train occupied by Franco sympathizers travelling to San Sebastian to celebrate the anniversary of the military uprising of 1936.‘* In 1962, the G Antonio ELORZA, La Historia de ETA (Ediciones Temas de Hoy, S.A. 2000) (4th ed., 2000); Antonio Fernändez HERNANDEZ, Ley de partidos politicos y derecho penal. Una nueva perspectiva en la lucha contra el terrorismo 33-78 (Libreria Tirant Lo Blanch 2008); J.M. GARMENDIA, La Historia de ETA (vol. 2, San Sebastiän, 1996); G. JAUREGUI BERECI- ARTU, ÎIdeologia y estrategia politica de ETA : analisis de su evolucion entre 1959-1968 (Madrid : Siglo XXI 1981); F. LETAMENDÏA, Historia del nacionalismo vasco y de ETA (vol. 3, San Sebastiän, 1994). (4) Some sources consider however that the first ETA’s violent attack was a bomb in San Sebastian on June, 27 1960, provoking the death of Begoña Urroz Ibarrola, a child 22 months old, available at http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Banda_Terrorista_E.T.A. — 24 — ETA celebrated its First Assembly as the Basque Revolutionary Move- ment of National Freedom, a revolutionary and clandestine organiza- tion that adopted armed struggle as its main vehicle for achieving Euskadïs independence. In 1969, the Burgos Military Process sentenced nine ETA activists to the death penalty.’ This provoked a strong international opposition forcing Franco to commute them. This important military process thrust the ETA into worldwide recognition. Under Franco’s regime, the most spectacular action of the ETA involved the killing of Admiral Carrero Blanco °)’, the President of the Spanish Government in 1973. In 1974, the ETÀ assassinated 12 civilians and wounded more that 80 in its first massive attack in Madrid. This attack provoked a division in the ETA among those favorable to the popular insurrection, ETA militar, and the members of ETA politico-militar that accepted only selective violence, as practiced until 1974. THE EFFECTS OF PARDONS AND AMNESTIES Upon Franco's death on November 20, 1975, several pardons and amnesties were signed by King Juan Carlos I, at the proposal of the Government and Parliament,. The first limited Royal pardons were fol- lowed in 1976 by partial amnesty (Royal-Decree-Act, July 30, 1976), after the nomination of Adolfo Suarez as the new President of the Gov- ernment. Even if around one thousand political prisoners benefited of the pardons and were liberated, they failed to cover terrorist offenses. Most of the ETA prisoners thus remained in prison. In 1977, Royal Decree 19/1977 which intended to broaden the application of amnesty laws, was approved. However, the decree’s effects were not felt until October of 1977 after the first democratic elections when the Spanish Parliament unanimously approved the Amnesty Act 46/1977. This Act covered all crimes and offenses committed with political intent during Franco’s time and until the democratic elections of June 15, 1977. The 1977 amnesty law greatly contributed to the political normalization of Spanish life. However, the situation was more complex in the Basque Country. The traditional political parties took part in the 1977 first democratic elections while the ETA politico-militar declared their support for a new party, Euskadiko Ezkerra. ” Nevertheless, supporters and sympathizers ° Gisèle HALIMI, Le procès de Burgos (Gallimard, Paris, 1971). (6) Eva FOREST, Operaciôn Ogro. Cômo y por qué ejecutamos a Carrero Blanco (San Sebastiän, 1978). ( «Euskadis Left». - 25 of the ETA militar decided not to take part in the elections because the Alternativa KAS was not accepted. The ETA militar had conditioned their participation upon the inclusion of the Alternativa KAS. Approved in the summer of 1976, the Alternativa KAS required : l the establishment of all the democratic freedoms; 2 a complete amnesty ; 3 the adoption of measures in order to improve the life conditions of the popular mass and in particular of the working class; the dissolution of the repressive forces; and recognition of Fuskadi’s national sovereignty, and therefore of the right of the Basque Country to decide in entire freedom its national destiny and, eventually, the creation of an own State. The decision to not take part in the elections was followed by con- tinued commitment in the ETA’s armed struggle. In the Fall of 1977, the release of the last 30 ETA prisoners was accompanied by new crim- inal processes resulting from the recent terrorist attacks and actions occurred during that summer. On January 6, 1978, an autonomous pro- visional government of the Basque Country was established and at the end of 1978 the Spanish New Constitution, where general pardons were proscribed (Article 62 1), was proclaimed. LEGAL DEVELOPMENTS ON TERRORISM WITHIN THE SPANISH DEMOCRACY Many reforms were introduced during the Spanish transition regard- ing the legal treatment of terrorism. Until then, terrorist offenses were exclusively contained in the Code of Military Justice and prosecuted before military tribunals. During the political transition to Democracy, the offenses were transferred to the Penal Code in 1977 and initially treated as ordinary crimes. Nevertheless, in 1979 and particularly in 1981, new offences concerning association in armed bands and the favoring of terrorism (and apology) were introduced into the Penal Code. In 1984, a special Act was approved to refund and complement the whole and disperse legal and procedural legislation on terrorism, outside of the Penal Code and of the Code of Penal Procedure. These new provisions were later, in 1988, reintegrated into the Penal Code and the Code of Penal Procedure. The approval of the 1995 new Penal Code did not put an end to the legal reforms in this field. On the contrary, reforms appeared, and continue to appear, periodically with the purpose of extending the incriminations and establishing harsher punishments, as it was specifically recognized in 2003. —-" 26 — Nowadays, like in many other countries, Spanish anti-terrorist crim- inal constitutes «a of legislation typical example emergency legislation»‘*’. Diversion from the general rules concerning incrimina- tions and sanctions are the principal characteristics of this legislation that 1s devoted to assure a firm answer to terrorism in the criminal and penitentiary frame. This is done by advancing the moment of penal intervention, expanding incriminations, increasing punishments and their execution, even with respect to minors and juveniles, combining sentences with mitigation measures, giving increased power to the pros- ecutorial and enforcement instances and restricting procedural guaran- tees. Although history has repeatedly taught «that when the rule of law 1s replaced by the rule of might, civilization regresses and the social costs increase far beyond the temporary impressions of security» , this leg- islative evolution has been accompanied, particularly in recent times, by a decided extension of pressure on the /zquierda abertzale (the Basque leftists radicals close to the ETA) by the way of new penal and non- penal legal reforms : in particular, the new legislation on Political Parties (2002) that establishned a «new perspective in the fight against terrorism»!M); at the same time a new trend of case law, led by the Audiencia Nacional, decided to extend the concept of terrorism to the social and political groups that operate in the «grey zone», even 1f their behavior does not involve violence directly. ! TREATMENT OF THE VICTIMS OF TERRORISM The victimization generated by the ETA during 1its 50 years of exist- ence is high. Although the figures change according to the source, the Fundaciôn de Victimas del Terrorismo “ informs that 822 persons have been assassinated; 44 before November of 1975“°. After Franco’s death, * nearly 800 assassinations have taken place‘!°’ and at least ( José Luis DE LA CUESTA, « Anti-Terrorist Penal Legislation and the Rule of Law : Spa- nish Experience», in Revue électronique de l'Association Internationale de Droit Pénal ! elec- tronic-Review of the International Association of Penal Law / Revista electronica de la Aso- ciacion Internacional de Derecho Penal, 2007, A-03 : 11. 9 M. Cherif BASSIOUNI, «The Regression of the Rule of Law Under the Guise of Com- bating Terrorism». 76 Revue Internationale de Droit Pénal 17. 24 (2005). (d0 A .Fernändez HERNANDEZ, supra note 2. OD See infra. ( Fundaciôn : Victimas del Terrorismo, http://www.fundacionvt.org/. (3 Wikipedia. http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anexo :Asesinatos_cometidos_por_ETA entre_1968_y_1975. 19 Wikipedia. http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anexo :Asesinatos_cometidos_por_ETA_ desde 1975. ( In the period 1978-1980 (approval of the Spanish Constitution and the Autonomy Statute for the Basque Country, first Basque elections for the Autonomous institutions. and _ 27 — 84 sequestrations. 19 The number of individuals subjected to the «revolutionary tax» and, more specifically, to what has been called «prosecuting violence» ” is not easy to calculate. State legislation The legal treatment of terrorism victims began at the early 1980's. Following the path laid out by Article 7 of the Royal Decree-Act of Cit- izenship Security (1979)“8, the Organic Act 8/1984, against the action of armed bands and terrorist elements, established that the corporal damages provoked by, or in the occasion of, terrorist crimes were sus- ceptible to State reparations. ° This Act was developed by Royal Decree 336/1986 (substituted by Royal Decree of October 28, 1988) where the content and extent of the reparation were established, requir- ing a link of causality between the delictual activities of the armed gangs or terrorist elements and the death or serious injures occurred. “ In June 19, 1992, a new Royal Decree was approved extending the frame of reparation to both physical and psychological injuries, treatment expenses and to material damages that took place in the domicile of nat- ural persons who were victims of terrorist attacks. (* A more complete and detailed regulation was approved in 1997. This regulation, that was separated from the general system provided for the victims of violent crime and sexual offenses (established by the Act 35/1995 and Royal Decree 738/1997),? aimed at improving quantitatively and qualita- tively public intervention towards the victims of terrorism. To do so, the regulation promoted integrated and personalized assistance to victims and was followed by specific initiatives, the Royal Decree-Act of August 1, 1997 and the Royal Decree of 23'“ January 1998. @ In 1999 two important texts were approved : constitution of the first Basque Government), ETA assassinated 247 persons : 82 per year. Covite, http://www.covite.org/. (16) The longest sequestration was the sequestration of José Antonio Ortega Lara, in Jan- uary 17, 1996; it lasted 532 days. It is followed by the sequestration of José Maria Aldaya, in May 8, 1995; it lasted 342 days. (7) La Coordinador Gesto Por la Paz de Euskal Herria Ante la Violencia de Persecuciôn, July, 2000, available at http://www.gesto.org/pdf/violenciapersecucion.pdf. (18) This provision was developed by the Royal Decree of March 5, 1982. (19) By Act 52/1984, a particular protection of the international transport against terrorist attacks in Spain was also established. (20) Gerardo LANDROVE Diaz, La Moderna Victimologia, 143 (Valencia : Tirant lo blanch, 1998). @!) Except if they were the responsible of these attacks. (@2) Nevertheless, the recognized purpose of Act 35/1995 was «to gradually homogenize the legal funding system for victims of all crimes». (23) G. LANDROVE DfAZ, supra note 19, at 155. (These norms declared also all the victims of terrorist acts after January 1, 1976, as beneficiaries of the results of the National Lottery's lot of October 18, 1997). __ 28 _ Royal Decree 1974/1999, establishing the Royal Order of Recogni- tion of the Victims of Terrorism ; and Act 32/1999 on Solidarity with the Victims of Terrorism. This text, as amended in 2000 and 2003, and as developed by Royal Decree 288/2003 and different orders, established the regime presently in force. According to Act 32/1999 (that also maintains the protection of international transport established in 1984), victims of terrorist offenses or serious attacks (so long as the victims are not responsible for the acts against public order or public safety), are to be compensated by the State through a system compatible with civil liability compensations and broader than the general mechanisms of victims assistance, both in mat- ters of the protection covered and of the financial aid quantities and the forms of indemnity. The State compensation in cases of terrorism COVETS : — any personal injuries suffered (either physical or psychological) : and/or the costs of medical treatment : and/or (24 any damages to their homes, ) vehicles, to the mercantile or indus- trial establishments, and to the seeds of the political parties, unions and social entities. In these cases, the State compensation has a sub- sidiary nature before any other compensation recognized by the Public Administration or assurances. Financial aid is also foreseen to cover certain necessities of the vic- tims and their families, including study, research, psychological treat- ment and psycho-pedagogical assistance ?* There are also funds devoted to the support and aid of programs developed by associations in defense of or assistance to the victims of terrorism. Furthermore, the coverage of personal and family special situations which are unattended or insufficiently covered by ordinary aid programs is also provided. Applications for compensation must be presented to the Home Minister. The list of possible beneficiaries 1s broader than in the case of victims of violent crimes and sexual offences. The Home Minister is competent to examine the necessary link with a terrorist act or attack, according to the circumstances, and must decide expeditiously (4-6 months) and avoiding 1f possible complex formalities or the need of documentary evi- dence, particularly if it is a well known case or there 1s sufficient infor- mation on it in the Minister’s files and archives. C4 Reparation includes a provisional lodging, if required. C5) Funds for exemption from academic fees and for financing medical treatments, pros- theses and surgical operations not covered by another public or private system are also included (art. 7 Act). __ 29 — In 2004, a High Commissioner for the Support of the Victims of Ter- rorism position was created (Royal Decree 2317/2004) to follow and assess the intervention of the competent organs of the State Administra- tion concerning the assistance and help of the terrorism victims and to promote the collaboration with the other Administrations, as well as with associations and other public and private entities seeking compre- hensive protection of the victims of terrorism. The proposal of legisla- tive initiatives to improve existing mechanisms of information, assist- ance and support of the victims of terrorism was also a competence of the High Commissioner, a position that disappeared in September 2006. Legislation and Programs of the Autonomous Communities Concern surrounding the victims of terrorism led some Spanish Autonomous Communities (Madrid, Navarra, Valencia and the Basque Country) to the adoption of several norms and programs of help and support of the victims of terrorist attacks and/or the associations and çntities devoted to the defense of the interests of the victims of terror- 1SM Of particular interest under this framework is the policy followed by the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country. This policy opened a program in 1988 (Decree of August 4, 1988) with the purpose of completing those areas of support and help not sufficiently covered by the State program. As has been already evoked, at that time only personal injuries where covered by State compensation. ? After several reforms the administrative program and regulations were completed in 2008 by an Act (4/2008) on the recognition and reparation of the victims of terrorism. The Act’s purpose is to provide answers mainly to the vic- tims of the ETA’s terrorist violence, but also of the terrorist attacks coming from the extreme-right groups, paramilitary actions “" and, par- ticularly, of the GAL (Antiterrorist Groups of Liberation) . The pre- (6) G. LANDROVE DfAZ, supra note 19, at 146. @N As to the Batallôn Vasco Español, the Grupos Armados Españoles and the Triple A the Basque Government considers that they killed 32 persons, available at http://www- org2.rtve.es/noticias/20080624/gobierno-vasco-asegura-que-extrema-derecha-matado-perso- nas/101671.shtml. (8) The GAL was a group directed created by the Spanish Minister of Interior. Between 1983 and 1987 they attacked ETA and its entourage. They committed more than 30 attacks, killed 24 persons and injured around 27 (some of them had no relationship with ETA), avail- able at http://Www-org2.rtve.es/noticias/20080624/gobierno-vasco-asegura-que-extrema-dere- cha-matado-personas/101671.shtml. Although even the Minister and the highest positions of the Minister were seriously punished, Supreme Court jurisprudence was contradictory con- cerning the terrorist nature of GAL : they were not considered terrorists in 1992 (Decision of March 12, 1992), and later in 1998 (Decision of July, 29, 1998) even if their terrorist nature was affirmed the sentence punished the accused because of illegal association. Criti- — 30 — vention of situations of injustice or abandonment of the victims due to the impunity of certain terrorist acts also remains a central focus of the Act, that presents three main branches : - the recognition of the victims of terrorism ; - the assistance and material help of the victims of terrorist attacks, having a link with the Autonomous Community of the Basque Country and committed or not by persons integrated in terrorist groups (Article 2) in order to give an adequate answer to their daily needs; and, following the international instruments and documents on the pro- tection of victims against serious and systematic violations of human rights, the establishment of a list of general principles and a complete regulation of the rights of the terrorism victims — this con- stitutes certainly an important and new approach in the victims' field in Spain. Truth, justice, reparation, memory, dignity, peace, freedom and con- viviality are, according to the Act, the basic points of reference in order to establish the list of rights of the victims of terrorism. - Justice, legal justice and restorative justice (Article 3), dignity (Arti- cle 4), recognition and reparation - comprehensive not only in eco- nomical but also integral restitution, reparation, rehabilitation and assistance, as well as the moral reparation (Article 5)79 - are con- sidered clearly victims’ rights, that require complete solidarity on whole society. Truth (Article 7) and memory (Article 8) are rights shared by the victims and society as a whole. According to the Act, once the present terrorist threat has definitively finished, the right to truth may require the establishment of a Truth Commission to contribute to the reintegration of the citizens in a new society peaceful, free and in harmonical conviviality. Concerning the right to memory, the Act considers that the victims memory is an essential element in achieving the ethical, social and political de-legitimacy of terrorism and clearly requires a public and official recognition of the harm caused to innocent victims and of the political significance of the victim s condition. cally, C. LAMARCA PÉREZ, «Sobre el concepto de terrorismo (À propôito del caso Amedo)», in Anuario de Derecho Penal y Ciencias Penales, 535-559 (1993); G. PORTILLA CONTRERAS, «Terrorismo de estado : los Grupos Antiterroristas de Liberaciôon (G.A.L.)», in Libro hom- enaje al Profesor Marino Barbero Santos 501-530 (vol. 2, Cuenca, 2001). (9 And with the participation of the victims and their organizations and associations. The establishment of a Basque Council of Participation of the Victims of Terrorism (Article 6) 1s devoted to this aim. 31 — — Peace, freedom and conviviality (Article 9) are rights of all Basque citizens, and demand a clear and categorical proscription of the use of any illegitimate force with the purpose of creating a generalized state of terror. The requirement of peace, freedom and conviviality also demands a promotion of culture of the peace, of human rights and of the ethical and democratic values, implementing the neces- sary actions in order to attain a compromise of the educational sys- tem and the mass media. The victims’ assistance is developed by Title III. À complete revision of the ensemble of programs already implemented in the Basque Coun- try was made, establishing a real «system of protection and assistance» intended to build a whole set of measures (reparation of material dam- ages, assistance, medical and psychological treatment, educational help, assistance concerning housing and employment) that are organically consistent and seeking to cover every need of the victims. Last but not least, Article 27 focuses on the promotion and support of the organized movement of terrorist victims. Their public behavior has always impacted society as a whole ” and raises important ques- tions regarding their social and political protagonism 6. The Basque Act, in recognizing the increasing importance of these associations and the fact that they actually assume the direct management of many pro- grams, places in the Administration a predominant function of support of their activities and of promotion and coordination of their tasks in the field of the assistance of victims of terrorism. On June 19, 2008, the Basque Minister of Justice, Azkarraga, announced that, following the Basque Parliament’s Resolution of Octo- ber 5, 2007, the Basque Government will also present soon a Draft con- cerning the victims of torture and disappearances, not included in the Act 4/2008. According to the Direction of Human Rights of the Basque Government, the different police forces have caused in the Basque Country about 109 deaths and 538 injured persons. More than 95 % of these victims have no relationship or link either to the ETA or to the wrongdoers, nor are these individuals linked to political parties $” and the Basque Government would like to provide for them specific treat- ment and assistance through this new Act 6°. (30) A. BERISTAIN, «Las victimas y el perdôn.. Hacia la superaciôn integradora del sufrimiento», in Du monde pénal. Mélanges en l'honneur de Pierre-Henri Bolle 367-379 (Bale, 2006). GD José Luis DE LA CUESTA, «Reflexiones sobre el protagonismo social de las victimas del terrorismo», in Bake Hitzak 46-48, 49 (2003). G2) Jon MIRENA LANDA, «La Otra Victimizaciôn y la Ertzaintza : Una Réplica», in Diario Vasco 25 (July 8, 2008). G3) Deia, http://www.deia.com/es/foros/viewtopic.php?t=4843&sid=4b4446595326ca377 be505ced0d79b1d. __ 32 — ATTEMPTS TOWARDS A NEGOCIATED RESOLUTION OF ETA’S TERRORISM Many attempts towards a negociated resolution of FTA'’s terrorism have been developed since the political transition in Spain (34) Early contacts between Spanish Government and the ETA Soon after the approval of the Act for the Political Reform (1976) the contacts between the ETA and the Spanish Secret Services took place, with the Government’s approval, for the first time in Geneva in November of 1976. However the ETA militar rejected the dialogue and it was pursued only with the E7'A politico-militar. These contacts never succeeded. One of the Government’s intermediaries, J.M. Portell, was assassinated in 1978 and one of the ETA'’s representative, J.J. Etxabe, suffered an attack in the following days. As an end result, the ETA politico-militar suffered a division in 1976 when the Special Commandos (Bereziak) dissociated and entered in ETA militar. Dissolution of ETA politico-militar Other attempts at peacetalks in 1979, after the approval of the Con- stitution, also failed. However, in 1981 the negotiations between J.J. Roson, the Minister of Interior, and M. Onaindia, the General sec- retary of EIA , a political party close to ETA politico-militar, and J.M. Bandrés, a famous lawyer and member of Euskadiko Ezkerra (Basque Country's left party), opened the way to the dissolution of ET'A (36) politico-militar. This led to the integration into free society of 130 ancient ETA members ®. After this experience, a new methodology was established. In 1981, a reform of the Penal Code opened the way of mitigation, and even exemption, of responsibility for those members of terrorist organizations that dissociated and helped to prevent some crimes, or to reduce their effects, and collaborated with the authorities (Article 174bis c). However, neither this provision nor Article 6 of the Act 9/1984 were fundamentally applied in the program of social reinser- tion of the ETA members. On the contrary, individualized pardons, based upon a personal and public declaration of reject of the «armed struggle» and acceptation of the democratic system followed in Decem- (4 A. FERNANDEZ HERNANDEZ, supra note 2, at 102-130. CS) Euskal Iraultzarako Alderdia (Party for the Basque Revolution). G6 A fraction (the Octavos) separated and entered in ETA military. C" In January 1985, only three cases remained still unsolved. El Pais, 15/01/1985. _33 _ ber of 1983.68 Around 60 persons benefited of this methodology, unan- imously supported by the Basque Parliament (March 14, 1985) in which the Basque Government, and in some cases the Socialist Party, the Spanish Ombudsman, the Ministers of Justice and Interior, and the National Audience took part °°). Nevertheless, the ETA militar’s com- pletely opposed to this new methodology and on September 10, 1986, they killed Dolores Gonzâlez Catarain, Yoyes. This woman, an ancient ETA leader, had abandoned the ETA in 1980 and returned to the Basque Country in 1985 against the ETA’s will. First Political Pacts (1987-1988) Since the middle of the 1980’s, strengthening political cohesion and social rejection of terrorism has been a recurrent thematic purpose of democratic political parties in Spain. Already on November 5, 1987, after the ETA’s indiscriminate attack of Hipercor, in Barcelona, where 21 persons died, an important Pact was signed in Madrid, denouncing the ETA”s illegitimacy to represent the Basque Country, rejecting the negotiation of political issues with the ETA and requiring the ETA to abandon their weapons and respect democratic ways. This Pact was fol- lowed by the Pact of Ajuria Enea (Agreement for the Normalisation and Pacification of Euskadi — January 12, 1988), approved in the Basque Country after the publication of the Report demanded by the Basque Government to an International Experts’ Commission (1986), and the Agreement in Favor of Peace and Tolerance (Pamplona 1988). The Pact of Ajuria Enea was signed by all the Basque groups represented in the Basque Parliament, except Herri Batasuna ° (the leftist group close to the ETA). The Pact of Ajuria Enea aimed at rejecting violence, affirm- ing the unity of all the democratic parties in the defense of the Statute of Autonomy of the Basque Country, its full development and declaring the leadership of the Basque Government concerning the political and social action against violence and to achieve peace. The Pact left an open door to favor the reinsertion of those who dissociated and, also, to uphold dialogue between the State and terrorists to find a final solu- tion to the violence. (8) José Luis DE LA CUESTA ARZAMENDI, «Atenuaciôn, remisiôn de la pena e indulto de miembros de grupos terroristas», in Cuadernos de Politica Criminal 584-591 (30, 1986). See also Maria Luisa CUERDA ARNAU, Atenuaciôn y Remision de la Pena en los Delitos de Ter- rorismo (Ministerio de Justicia e Interior, Madrid, 1995). G9) J L. DE LA CUESTA ARZAMENDI, supra note 37, at 584-591. (40) Wikipedia, http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Herri_Batasuna. — 34 _ Algiers Talks and Other Intentions of the Socialist Government In the mean time, and as previous Governments had already tried, after several contacts and a special public offer in 1984 (the « Alternative for peace»), in 1986 the secret conversations between the Socialist Gov- ernment and some ETA leaders in Algiers‘*! began and, as an answer to the Government's requirement, the ETA declared a 15-day ceasefire on January 8, 1989. This opened the way to some high level individuals taking part in the discussions in Algiers, including the Spanish Minister of Interior and the State Security Secretary. The peace talks did not progress. The ETA did not declare a truce and on April 7, 1989, they sent parcel bombs to several authorities. This put an end to the dia- logue. Having deported all the FTA members in Algiers to other coun- tries, the three main representatives were sent to Santo Domingo (Dominican Republic). Even if contacts were maintained, until 1992, they did not result in any new formal talk or conversation. The «Democratic Alternative» and Further Efforts by the Socialist Government In 1992, after the police intervention in Bidart, France, that heavily hurt the ETA’s organization, and the failure of a new attempt (Opera- cion Azkoiti) in 1993, the ETA'‘s new direction opened a door to the establishment of new contacts and promoted a revision of the KAS Alternativa. As already explained above, the KAS alternative proposal, approved in 1977, contained the list of the ETA°s conditions‘*”) and was substituted by the Al/ternativa Democrâätica$° in April 1995. Several requirements were established as minimum conditions for any negotia- tions with the Government : recognition of Euskal Herria's right to self-determination; - territorial unification of the Basque Country; and amnesty for prisoners and exiled. The use of the referendum as a way of exerting the right of self-deter- mination was also included.‘**) In 1995, Margarita Robles, the Secretary of State of the Minister of Interior, endorsed the intervention of Nobel (D C. FONSsECA, Negociar con ETA. Del proceso de Argel de Felipe Gonzâlez a la paz dialogada de Rodriguez Zapatero (Temas de Hoy 2006). G5 See supra. (4) Elkarri, http://elkarri.org/pdf/AlternativaDemocratica.pdf. ( During the electoral campaign of 1995, as they tried to publish through a video the ETA's proposal, the Herri Batasuna leaders were prosecuted and sentenced to seven years imprisonment by the Supreme Court (1997); this sentence was however annulated by the Constitutional Court in 1999. _— 35 _— Prize winner Adolfo Pèrez Esquivel, whose mediation activity was inter- rupted soon after the 1996 general elections by the new Popular Party government. The Nationalist’s Declaration of Lizarra (Estella, 1998) After the assassination of Ermua’»s councilman Miguel Angel Blanco, ‘*°) a member of the Popular Party, the Pacts came to an end. The last meeting of the Pact of Madrid was in December 12, 1997, while the Pact of Ajuria Enea ended in 1998. At the beginning of that year Lehendakari Ardanza, the Basque President, proposed a new plan, par- tially inspired by John Major’s proposal for Ulster, to promote a final agreement and to establish an active and global strategy towards paci- fication, based upon an eventual FTA decision of non-limited tempo- rary ceasefire. The failure of Ardanza’s proposal provoked a deep pes- simism about the «political horizon»‘*°) concerning the end of the ETA’s terrorismand, pushed the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) and Eusko Alkartasuna (EA)“”) to reach an agreement with the Basque rad- ical leftists groups, including Herri Batasuna (HB), * culminated in the Lizarra Declaration of September 12, 1998. Izquierda Unida, the Spanish leftist party that succeeded the Communist Party, also joined this pact that allowed the Basque Nationalist Party remain in the Government with a new Lehendakari, Ibarretxe, and a new majority. This new Gov- ernment achieved a legislature pact with Euskal Herritarrok, “ the new coalition of Basque radical leftist groups, who publicly stated their com- mitment to employ exclusively political and democratic means to achieve a solution to the «existing political conflict in Euskal Herria». The Lizarra Declaration defended, as a main basis for pacification purposes, a dialogue without conditions and including the recognition of the so-called «Basque framework of Decision». The Lizarra Declaration was immediately followed by the ETA’s announcement of a total, uni- lateral and without any temporal limit ceasefire. (45) Miguel Angel Blanco was sequestrated on July 10, 1997 and ETA gave 48 hours to the Government in order to put an end to the policy of dispersal of ETA'’s prisoners and nearing them to penitentiary establishments closer to the Basque Country. On July 12, 1997 Miguel Angel Blanco appeared seriously injured (two shots in the nape of the neck) and immediately died. (46) Petxo IDOYAGA, «El conflicto vasco sin horizonte politico», in 97 Viento Sur 84 (May 2008). (4) «Basque Solidarity». (48) «Popular Unity». (49) «Basque Citizens». __ 36 _ Meeting in Zurich 1999 Then, in Zurich, the new Government of the Popular Party tried again to reach a peace agreement. Having the ETA declared a truce on September, 1998 (after a public declaration of President Aznar, who had been the victim of a terrorist attack on April 19, 1995, and a new pact among the nationalist parties, the Pact of Lizarra, on May 19, 1999), a unique meeting was held in Zurich. Although the Government trans- ferred some Basque prisoners to penitentiary establishments closer to the Basque Country, the ETA’s proposal in favor of a deeper nationalist pact in August 1999, was not accepted by the nationalist parties. À sec- ond meeting with the Government did not take place and in November the ETA announced that the truce was broken. On December 2, 1999, one day before the truce’s final date, the Basque Nationalist Party declared its position favorable to promote with Euskal Herritarrok, the leftist coalition close to the ETA, a new political frame for Euskadi. Nevertheless, in January 2000, the ETA began to assassinate again. The Antiterrorist Agreement (2000) The rupture of this ceasefire by the ETA, in December 1999, pushed the Socialist Party to propose to the Popular Party, then governing Spain, the signature by the two Spanish majoritary parties of a new « Agreement in favor of the liberties and against terrorism» on December 8, 2000). In this Agreement both Parties decided to jointly promote the policy against the ETA, establishing a permanent collabo- ration and exchange of information and declared that the formal rup- ture with the Lizarra Pact would be a condition to any institutional or political pact with Basque Nationalists. One of the first results of this Agreement was the Organic Act 6/2002 on Political Parties that, as already evoked ° opened the door to the political illegalization of the leftist radical party Batasuna ". After the elections of March 2004, that took place immediately after Al Qaeda’s terrorist attack in Madrid on March 11‘%, the so called «Antiterrorist Pact» was weakened ; the last meeting of this Pact was held on Novem- ber 3, 2004. G0 See supra. (S1) «Unity». 37 — The « Peace Process» (2006) The last attempt occurred in Geneva in 2006 67 with the support of the Center for Humanitarian Dialogue Henri Dunant. After long prep- arations, a previous declaration of truce restricted to Catalonia in 2004, another proposal of Batasuna, «Orain Herria, Orain Bakea» («Now the people, now the peace») of November 2004, ° and three years without terrorist attacks, the approval of a resolution in the Spanish Parliament in May 2005 allowed the Government to open dialogue with the ETA. According to this resolution, the dialoge would be only possible 1f there was unequivocal evidence of abandoning the violence and without dis- cussing political issues which should be solved by the political parties. On March 23, 2006, the ETA announced a ceasefire that was imme- diately confirmed and extended into the following day. This opened the way to official meetings with the Government, as recognized by Presi- dent Rodriguez Zapatero in his institutional Declaration in the Parlia- ment of June 29, 2006. The purpose of these meetings had to be a «technical one» and thus involved the abandoning of weapons along with the treatment and release of prisoners. In fact, following the meth- odology already proposed by Batasuna, parallel to these meetings another secret forum in Loiola, the place of the Jesuits Sanctuary in Gipuzkoa, took place. In these meetings individuals working out polit- ical issues concerning the Basque conflict, first between Socialists and Basque radical leftists and later including the Basque Nationalist Party, drafted a first agreement. This document included a compromise, with the recognition of the «national identity» of the Basque people, as belonging to a nation, widely shared by the Basque society. It assured the respect by the State institutions of the decisions freely and demo- cratically adopted by the Basque citizens and opened the way to a reform of the present institutional model, including the establishment of an Institutional Common Organ for the Basque Autonomous Commu- nity and the Foral Community of Navarra. AIl the parties were com- mitted to incorporating these agreements to the juridical framework, and to develop and submit them in a referendum. However, the representatives of Batasuna did not receive the ETA's endorsement for this agreement and, after a new meeting with the Gov- ernment’s representatives, on December 30, 2006 the ETA put a bomb in the Terminal 4 of Barajas Airport that killed two individuals. Even if the ETA declared that this attack did not mean a rupture in the peace (52) El Pais, http://www.elpais.com/articulo/reportajes/fue/dialogo/ET A/elpepusocdmg/ 20070610elpdmgrep_1/Tes. 63) Elkarri, http://www.elkarri.org/pdf/batasuna_es.pdf. Batasuna had already made a Proposal in favour of a democratic solution in January 26, 2002. __ 38 — process, as they did on January 9, 2007, the process obviously broke down. PRESENT SITUATION AND PERSPECTIVES OF THE FUTURE Basque Rejection of Violence According to G. Jauregui Bereciartu, * different phases can be dis- tinguished concerning the Basque social reaction against the ETA. The explicit support during Franco’s time transformed progressively in an implicit one during the Spanish political transition, The period between 1981 and 1986 can be considered a period of indifference. After the assassination of « Yoyes» in 1986 and until the attacks of Hipercor in 1987 the implicit rejection of the ETA’s violence grew fast. The Hipercor attack, and the one in Zaragoza in the same year, opened a new phase of explicit rejection characterized by the creation and development of pacifist NGO's. After the kidnapping of Julio Iglesias Zamora in 1993 and, more particularly, the assassination of Miguel Angel Blanco in 1997, this explicit rejection became massive. Nowadays, even 1f the majority of the Basque population (54 %) con- siders the Basque conflict as one between Euskadi and Spain, a 63 % absolutely rejects justifying any radicalism because of this conflict, as in a democratic system any political option can be defended without vio- lence. Nevertheless, 16 % of the Basque population still considers legit- imate or at least justified the use of violence as a way of defending polit- ical projects. But even among the electors of the Izquierda Abertzale only 15%% support (with criticism) violence and 40 % declare that they share the ETA’s political objectives but reject its violent methods 6°). Increasing Repression Against the ETA’s Entourage and More The increasing social reaction against the ETA has been accompa- nied in the 21* century by an increase of the number of ETA’s prison- ers. According to antiterrorist sources °® at the end of 2007 the number of Basque activists in prison in Spain, France, United Kingdom and Canada, either prosecuted or sentenced because of their links to ETA, was the highest of the last decade totaling 728 persons of which 560 C4} A. ELORZA, supra note 2, at 272-273. 55) Euskobarômetro, Estudio Periôdico de la Opiniôn Püblica Vasca 40-58 (May, 2008). (G6) Noticias de Gipuzkoa, http://www.noticiasdegipuzkoa.com/ediciones/2008/01/02/polit- 1ca/euskadi/ d02eus19.870108.php. __ 39 _ were in Spanish prisons °”. At the same time, a clear intensification of the pressure on the /zquierda Abertzale has taken place on the basis of the new legislation on Political Parties. Act 6/2002 created a new kind of political illegality, allowing the dis- solution of those political parties, pursuant to activities that damage to the foundations of democracy. According to this Act, a long list of acts evidences the aim of undermining individual freedom and disabling the democratic system (Article 9) : express or tacit support for terrorist acts:; exculpating or minimizing the significance of terrorist acts; encouraging a culture of civil conflict and confrontation (or aimed at intimidating, reversing the opinion, neutralizing or socially isolating those who oppose terrorism), allowing individuals who have been found guilty of acts of terrorism and who have not publicly denounced terrorism to sit as members of the executive bodies of the party, including such individ- uals in their electoral lists or allowing individuals who have a dual polit- ical affinity to remain members of the party; using symbols, messages or other items representing, or identified with, terrorism, violence or other associated conduct as tools for the party’s activities; making over electoral rights or privileges enjoyed by political parties to terrorists or those collaborating with terrorists; regular collaboration with groups or entities acting systematically in concert with a violent or terrorist organ- ization, or protecting or supporting terrorism or terrorists; giving sup- port to terrorism through institutions of government by means of administrative, economic or other measures; promoting, giving coverage to, or participating in activities rewarding, paying homage to, or hon- oring terrorist or violent acts or those who commit them or collaborate with them; giving coverage to acts of disruption, intimidation or social duress relating to terrorism or violence. Following this legislation, Batasuna, the political party of the Izquierda Abertzale (the Basque leftists radicals) integrated in the Basque National Liberation Movement, where the ETA 1s also present, was declared 1llegal already in 2003 and could not take part in the fol- lowing elections. Nowadays, other organizations (the Comunist Party of the Basque Territories (EHAK) and the Basque Nationalist Action (ANV), considered the successors of Batasuna, as of September 2008 have been declared 1llegal. This kind of 1llegality is not a criminal one and only affects to the political parties, and not to the individuals. Nevertheless reforms in the penal field have also intervened in 2003, increasing the punishments for terrorism and trying to assure a complete and integral execution of the punishments; these reforms have been rein- 67 On the characteristics of ETA activists, see F. REINARES, Patriotas de la Muerte : Quiénes han militado en ETA y Por Qué (Taurus, Madrid, 2000). — 40 — forced by the Doctrine Parot in caselaw. Simultaneously a new jurispru- dential trend has extended the application of terrorist incriminations to the social and political groups that operate in the «grey zone», even 1f their behavior do not involve direct violence. This has affected the juve- nile organizations of the Izquierda abertzale (JARRAI, HAIKA, SEGI) S, that integrated as leaders those responsible for many public disorders as part of the FTA's strategy (kale borroka). Until then, these young leaders were prosecuted on the basis of their illegal associations, but nowadays they are considered terrorists. Also legal entities have been the target of this jurisprudential policy. The newspapers Egin and Euskaldunon Egunkaria, and the radio station Egin irratia were closed in 1998, as a provisional measure, by the Instructor Judge Garzoôn after the decision of opening proceedings against their directors and owners because of their alleged relation to the FTA; Howeve doubts about the constitutionality of such a measure are very heavy and ten years later have yet to be solved ©°). On the other hand, on the occasion of the very much criticized macro-process 18/98 against KAS and EKIN (successor of KAS), other legal entities were also the object of prosecution and in December of 2007 47 persons were punished to more than 520 years of prison. The Audiencia Nacional, a specialised court in Madrid, having competence over terrorism cases, rejected that KAS and EKIN were simple «satellite organizations» and considered them as a real part of the ETA. Accord- ing to the Audiencia Nacional this was not the case of the Foundation Joxemi Zumalabe, also submitted to the same process; nevertheless his leaders and managers were accused and punished to 9 years of prison as collaborators in the promotion of the ETA's strategy of «civil diso- bedience, as a complementary way of fighting»‘ 60)_ Furthermore, although the Act on political parties is not, as already said, a criminal one, several penal consequences derived from the decla- ration of 1llegality on the basis of Act 6/2002, provoking serious con- cerns and reactions within the Basque Country. The former President of the Basque Parliament and two members of the Board have been charged and punished with incapacitation because of disobedience, as they executed the decision of the Parliament's Board considering that (8) Antonio FERNANDEZ HERNANDEZ, Jarrai-Haika-Segi : de Asociaciôn Hicita a Organi- cacion Terrorista, Revista Penal, January 17, 2006, at 95. (9) José Luis DE LA CUESTA & Ignacio MUNAGORRI LAGUÏA (Dirs.), Clausura de Medios de Comunicacion Vascos (Egin, Egin, Irratia y Euskaldunon Egunkaria) (Report for the Basque Government, 2008 printing). 9 On the 18/98 process, Freedom of Expression and Opinion, and Right of Association in the Basque Country (Report of the Basque Association of Lawyers -Eskubideak and the Basque Observatory of Human Rights, Basque Country, October 2002), available at http:// www.joxemi.org/sos-berria/dokumentazioa/behatokia_1.pdf. — 41 — the Parliament’s internal regulation opened no way to enforce the Supreme Court’s Order of dissolution of the Parliamentary group of Batasuna and did not enforce it‘6). On the other hand, due to the fact that they had political interviews with the leaders of Batasuna after its legal dissolution, and even if the Public prosecutor has not maintained any kind of accusation, the Lehendakari, President of the Basque Gov- ernment, and the leader of the PSE (Euskadi's Socialist Party, the regional organization of the Spanish Socialist Party) are presently sub- ject to penal prosecutions, promoted by two associations, because of their alleged cooperation in the disobedience committed by the Batasuna“s leaders ‘6”). Searching for New Paths Towards a Final Solution These interventions have not interrupted the search of new paths towards a final solution of terrorism in the Basque Country. On Febru- ary 8, 2007, before the ETA’s formal declaration of the end of the last truce (but after the attack on the T-4 in Barajas, Madrid), Batasuna pre- sented a new proposal of a multilateral political dialogue on behalf of the Izquierda Abertzale‘). According to this «Proposal of Autonomy and Right to Decide in View of a Definitive Peace», that seems to depart from the «principle of reality» and presents new interesting elements (64) there would be two political issues to be solved before arriving at a solu- tion of the Basque conflict : — the right of Euskal Herria to be treated and to decide as a unique political subject : and — the territorial integration of the Basque Community, which nowa- days is split in two Autonomous Communities, in Spain, and three provinces, in France. On the other hand, in recent years, the Nationalist Government led by Mr. Ibarretxe has promoted several initiatives concerning the «political conflict» in the Basque Country. Following the demand in favor of the recognition of the right of self- determination, which had been declared for the first time by the Basque Parliament in February 15, 1990, a proposal of a new Statute of Auton- (61) A. FERNANDEZ HERNANDEZ, supra note 2, at 359-375. (62) Jd. at 255-265. (63) El Pais, http://www.elpais.com/articulo/espana/Texto/integro/propuesta/Batasuna/ elpepuesp/ 20070207elpepunac_8/Tes. (64) Ramôn ZarLo, La Propuesta de autonomia politica de la Izquierda abertzale, Deia, February 23, 2007, available at http://www.deia.com/es/impresa/2007/02/23/bizkaia/iritzia/ 340468.php. _— 42 — omy declaring the Basque Country as an Associated Free State, the so- called Plan Ibarretxe,‘°’ was approved by the Basque Parliament in December 2004, by 39 favorable votes (nationalist parties with a partial support of Batasuna) and 35 votes against. Already in the Basque Par- llament the Project found, therefore, an strong opposition from the Socialist Party (PSOE) and the Popular Party (PP), absolutely majori- tary in the Spanish Parliament (Cortes Generales). Consequently, on February 2005, the lower chamber of the Spanish Parliament, the Con- greso de los Diputados, who needs also to approve this kind of texts before submitting them to referendum, decided by an absolute majority not to accept the debate on this proposal. The Lehendakari of the Basque Country immediately called for new elections in April of 2005. The coalition in the Basque Government promised that a democratic consultation on the right to decide would be organized if they won the elections as they did. On June 26, 2008, the Basque Parliament approved, by a difference of one vote resulting from the partial support of the EHAK (considered a successor of Batasuna) and, again, with the full opposition of the Socialist Party (PSOE) and the Popular Party (PP), an Act to call the Basque Population to a dem- ocratic consultation on October 25'" regarding two questions ‘°9 : — the opening of a final dialogue if the ETA manifests its unequivocal commitment to put an end to violence once and forever; and the opening of a negotiating process by the Basque political parties to attain a Democratic Agreement on the exercise of the Basque people’s right to decide. and the submission of this Agreement to referendum before the end of 2010. ‘67) Nevertheless, on September 11, 2008, the Constitutional Court admitted the Spanish Government’s appeal deeming the Basque Act unconstitutional and annulling it. (69) Euskadi, http://Wwww.nuevoestatutodeeuskadi.net/default.asp?hizk=ing. (66) These are the two questions approved by the Basque Parliament : «Do you agree to support a negotiated end to violence, if ETA declares unequivocally its will to put an end to violence once and for ever?» and «Do you agree to the initiation by all Basque political parties, without exclusions, of a negotiation process to reach a Democratic Agreement on the right of the Basque People to decide their own future, and to the celebration of a Referen- dum on the aforementioned Agreement before the end of 2010?», available at http:// www.lehendakari.euskadi.net/r57-4075/en/contenidos/noticia/decla_29080528_leydeconsulta/ en_consulia/presentacion.html. ( The last «Sociometer» of the Basque Government indicates that in April 2008 a 30 % of the Basques manifested his opposition to the independence of the Basque Country, and a 22% was in favor. À 32% declared that they would be in favor or against depending on to the circumstances. Eusko JAURLARITZA, Gobierno Vasco, Euskal Soziometroa, Sociometro Vasco 37. 41 (July, 2008), available at ftp://gvas.euskadi.net/pub/gv/estudios_sociologicos/ 08sv3711.pdf. — 43 — Increasing Pessimism Regarding the End of Terrorism Furthermore, after the assassination of Isaias Carrasco, a former Socialist councilmen in Arrasate (Gipuzkoa), four days before the gen- eral elections of 200868 a deep pessimism about the «political horizon» ‘°) concerning the end of the ETA°s terrorism is shared by the 73 % of the Basque Country's opinion, even if 81 % would support even- tual negotiations between the Spanish Government and the ETA, and 55 % would accept several counterparts in case of a definitive abandon of weapons, like the celebration of a referendum (53 %) or the adoption of pardons and reinsertion measures (56 %). ‘7°) RESUMEN E.T.A. (Euskadi Ta Askatasuna) naciô como reacciôn al intensa- mente represivo régimen de Franco en los años 50, con el fin de preser- var la identidad y la lengua vascas y de luchar a favor de la indepen- dencia del Pais Vasco. Tras la muerte del General Franco, aun cuando se concedieron diversos indultos y amnistias con el fin de facilitar la transiciôn al régimen democrâtico, E.T.A. y los grupos politicos de su entorno decidieron no participar en las elecciones democrâticas de 1977, continuando con los atentados terroristas. El nûmero de atentados se incrementô mucho en los años 80, lo que dio lugar a reformas impor- tantes de la legislaciôn penal. También se aprobaron progresivamente medidas dirigidas a la reparacion de las victimas, pero sôlo desde finales del pasado siglo se han puesto en marcha programas mäs completos dirigidos a la ayuda y reconocimiento de las victimas del terrorismo. Desde finales de los 70 han tenido lugar también diversos procesos de negociaciôn con el fin de llegar a una soluciôn pacifica del conflicto, pero todos han fracasado. Desde la finalizaciôon del ültimo proceso de paz (enero 2007), se reanudaron los atentados. En 2008 han sido cuatro los asesinatos. SUMMARY E.T.A. (Euskadi Ta Askatasuna) was born as a reaction to the immensely oppressive Franco regime in the 1950s and aimed to preserve (68) In 2008 three new assassinations took place: Juan Manuel Piñuel Villalôn, Luis Conde de la Cruz and Ignacio Uria Mendizäbal. (69) P. IDOYAGA, supra note 45. (0) Euskobarômetro, supra note 54, at 59-61. __ 44 — the Basque language, ethnicity and fight in support of the Basque terri- tory's independence. After General Franco’s death even 1f a series of wide amnesties were granted in order to facilitate the transition to a democratic regime, E.T.A. and the political groups around it decided not to participate in the democratic elections of 1977 and more terrorist attacks ensued. The number of attacks increased very much during the 80's and this provoked important reforms in the penal field. Legislative measures in favor of the reparation of the victims were also progres- sively adopted, but only since the end of the XXth century more com- prehensive programs to aid (and recognize) the victims of terrorism have taken place. Several negotiations have been underway since the end of the 1970s to attempt a peaceful resolution to the conflict; but all of them failed. The breaking down of the most recent peace process in Jan- uary of 2007 opened the way to new terrorist attacks and four new kill- ings and assassinations occurred in 2008. RÉSUMÉ L'E.T.A. (Euskadi ta Askatasuna) était née en réaction au régime intensément répressif de Franco et visait à préserver l’identité et la Lan- gue Basques, et à lutter en faveur de l’indépendance du pays basque. Après la mort du général Franco, malgré une série d'amnisties destinées à faciliter la transition vers un régime démocratique, l’E.T.A. et les groupes politiques qui l’entourent ont décidé de ne pas participer aux élections démocratiques de 1977, et une augmentation des attaques ter- roristes s'ensuivit. Le nombre des attaques s'accrut lourdement durant les années '80, et provoqua d'importantes réformes dans le domaine pénal. Des mesures législatives en faveur de l'indemnisation des victimes furent progressivement adoptées, mais il fallut attendre la fin du XX° siècle pour voir apparaître des programmes plus complets d’aide et de reconnaissance des victimes du terrorisme. Depuis la fin des années "70, différents processus de négociation ont été entrepris pour résoudre pacifiquement le conflit, mais tous ont échoué. La rupture du plus récent processus de paix, en janvier 2007, a ouvert la voie à des nou- velles attaques terroristes. Quatre assassinats ont eu lieu en 2008. - 45— WRITERS ON THE STORM. PUNISHMENT, PUBLIC DEBATE AND PERSUASIVE SPEECH Tom Daems “!) 1. — INTRODUCTION In recent years there has been a great deal of interest in «public criminology». In part following up on the grand debate in sociology, which was more or less initiated by the influencial yet somewhat con- troversial presidential address by Michael Burawoy (2005) for the Amer- ican Sociological Association, the discussion also received a more prom- inent place within criminology (see e.g. Chancer & McLaughlin, 2007a: Loader & Sparks, 2008; Engbersen, 2008; De Haan, 2009). Perhaps this is most tellingly 1illustrated by having a quick look at the programmes of three recent criminology conferences. The 8th conference of the Euro- pean Society of Criminology carried the title «Criminology in the public sphere» and aimed to explore inter alia the most fruitful ways in which the work of criminologists may inform intervention and enter wider public conversation (Edinburgh, 2-S September 2008). The annual con- ference of the British Society of Criminology was devoted to the theme «AÀ ‘Mirror’ or a ‘Motor’? What is Criminology For?». One of the goals was to ask, given criminology's increasing significance and reputation, what 1s the public role envisaged for criminology now and in the future (Cardiff, 29 June-l1 July 2009). And in June the Dutch Society of Crim- inology devoted special attention to «Criminology and the media». The plenary speakers — professor Richard Sparks and professor Chrisje Brants-Langeraar — were invited to reflect upon the relationship between criminology and the media on the one hand, and the public face of crim- inology, on the other hand (Leiden, 18-19 June 2009). In a certain way the idea of a «public criminology» is not new : it forms part of —- or should form part of — the broader, intellectual role social scientists have within society. However, the distinctiveness of the current debate, so it seems, is that there is apparently a perceived need for more involvement of criminologists in the public sphere. Whether (U Postdoctoral Fellow Research Foundation Flanders (FWO), Institute of Criminal Law and Leuven Institute of Criminology (LINC), Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Bel- gium. This article 1s based on my book Making Sense of Penal Change (Oxford University Press, 2008). _— 47 — this has to do with a recent (either will-ful or not) retreat from public debate or, alternatively, with a perceived need to increase such an involvement, remains more or less an open question. Some who sense that criminology has become a technicist science that increasingly limits its intellectual ambitions to delivering ready-made recipes to policy ques- tions, may be arguing that developments within criminology are to blame (e.g. Walgrave, 2008). Others who think that salient developments in crime control in recent times call for more public intervention by criminologists may be inclined to opt for the second reason (see e.g. Chancer & McLaughlin, 2007b). In this article we aim to contribute to this discussion. We will be doing this by examining the intellectual life-courses of four authors who have published widely, and over an extended period of time, on the topic of recent penal change. More in particular, we will try to establish a number of links between the three terms that are figuring in the sub- title of this article — punishment, public debate and persuasive speech — and we will explore how this adds up to four different positions in the public sphere. In the next section we will devote a few words to the topic of what makes scientific — and therefore criminological — speech distinc- tive when compared to those other voices that enter the public discus- sion on crime, unsafety, punishment and control. We then continue by describing in more detail four different ways in which social scientists have given flesh to the relationship between their professional activities within an academic community on the one hand, and their involvement with social and penal issues as participants in a political community on the other hand. Fleshing out this relationship between academia and polity is important, so we will argue, because the specific ways in which scholars tend to perceive their public roles can also have an impact on how they produce knowledge about the world out there. That will be the topic of the fourth section of this article. We will conclude with a plea to move the terms of debate from a «public criminology» to an «antipolitical criminology», a term that we will borrow from the Hun- garian writer George Konräd. 2. — SCIENTIFIC RHETORIC The discussion about «public criminology» raises questions about the distinctive character of scientific speech within the broader societal debate. Indeed, the ultimate goal 1s not merely to reach a select audience of fellow academics but also, and in particular, to inform members of a larger, non-professional public and to convince them of certain (sci- entific) insights. Scientific texts, then, are rhetorical objects, that 1s, __ 48 — means to persuade colleagues and others about certain interpretations about the world out there (Gross, 1990). To approach criminology as a rhetorical enterprise is not the same as arguing that the voice of the criminologist 1s indistinguishable from the voices of the lawyer, judge, politician, journalist, church leader, victim, and so on. On the contrary : it moves the question where the criminologist's voice can be distin- guished from those other voices straight into the centre of discussion. The answer to that question 1s nicely epitomized in what Dutch crim- inologist Elisabeth Lissenberg told her students towards the end of her inaugural lecture for the Chair of Criminology at the University of Amsterdam : «everyone who has not studied the subject will be able to tell you more about crime than yourself» (Lissenberg, 1989 : 22, my translation). Between the lines one can read that we are not merely deal- ing with a quantitative distinction but also with a qualitative one : because we have studied the subject we (as well as those to whom we direct our words) can assume that what the criminologist says and writes adds something distinctive to the debate. In the mid-1990s David Nelken went one step further and drew our attention to the need for rethorical reflexivity within criminology. On that occasion he offered the following questions for criminologists to reflect upon : «How does, and how should. criminological argument relate to the tech- niques of description and persuasion used by those (police. prosecutors. judges, journalists, offenders, other criminologists, etc.) whose communi- cations they analyse and often criticise? What, if anything, makes it superior? Are some forms of writing more reflexive than others? Is there a limit to the extent to which it 1s practical or desirable to reveal the props of production which make accounts convincing?» (Nelken, 1994 : 18) Science matters not so much in absolute philosophical terms of «epistemological superiority» but in more down-to-earth sociological ones. Indeed, as Harbers once argued, we are not dealing here with ver- tical differentiation in terms of truth and objectivity as the Olympus- model suggests but with horizontal differentiation in terms of the divi- sion of labour within the Agora (Harbers, 1992 : 49). It is the craftman- like, controlled and controllable approach (Bauman (1990) would speak about «responsible speech») to questions about crime and deviance, punishment and control, that differentiates the criminologist's voice from other voices on the topic and this is also the key argument in favour of the superiority of the knowledge he or she offers (see also Hood, 2002). Criminologists enter public discussions primarily as scien- tists — as crimino-/ogists — and it 1s from that perspective that they are invited (or take steps themselves) to contribute to that debate. 49 — 3. — FOUR INTELLECTUAL POSITIONS For this paper we draw upon a recently finished research project (Daems, 2008). We selected four authors (David Garland, John Pratt, Hans Boutellier and Loïc Wacquant) who have published widely on (changes with respect to) punishment and control, a theme that in the past 10 or 15 years has attracted a great deal of scholarly interest within criminology and that is also explicitly mentioned as one of the reasons why a «public criminology» is deemed to be necessary (Chancer & McLaughlin, 2007b : 156). The central question that they address in their work is the following : How to explain the salient transformations with respect to crime control and punishment in recent decades? For each of the selected authors we compiled an extensive list of their pub- lications which can be found in the usual scientific fora (books, articles, book chapters, reviews). If possible we complemented this with inter- views and opinion articles that were distributed through other, more popular media channels. This resulted in thousands of pages of research material, published in a time period of 25 à 30 years. One of the advantages of the applied methodology was that we could explore how an author, on a critical and normative level, relates to his subject, and how such orientations may change over time. When schol- ars write about «penal regressions», «mass imprisonment», «new western «culture of punitiveness», «gulags style», control», «hyperincarceration», «killing state», and so on, they reveal a sense of unease — and sometimes even disgust — towards current penal develop- ments. These notions are often deliberately used to expose the profound consequences these changes may have for social life. Against this back- ground it becomes interesting to explore how authors develop their own public identity, that is, how they perceive the relationship between their scientific activities on the one hand, and public debate and policy for- mation on penal issues, on the other hand. When scholars write about developments which they perceive as undesirable or disturbing, one can expect that the relationship between their scholarly and public lives moves front-stage. In the following pages we will briefly illustrate how Garland as «scientist», Pratt as «prophet», Boutellier as «crusader» and Wacquant as «boxer» have given flesh to that relationship in their work. 3.1. — The scientist At the start of his academic career, in the early 1980s, David Garland conducted research on the history of the penal welfare strategy in Brit- ain and the historical roots of criminology (Garland, 1985). His theo- retical framework at that time was strongly inspired by Foucault and, to a lesser extent, by neo-marxist perspectives on punishment. In those years Garland was explicitly oriented towards the public debate. It was crucial, so he wrote in a book review of 1982, to construct «alternative strategies of control» which would draw upon «ideologies of collective and social responsibility, popular participation, democratic regulation and the accountability of expertise» (Garland, 1982 : 185). In the 1983 book The Power to Punish, Garland wrote with Peter Young that the production of knowledge about the social world is always steered at changing it (Garland & Young, 1983 : 32). Alternative forms of penality needed to be constructed which were, so they argued, «more socialist, more popular, more democratic» and which «aspire to the paradox of a liberative penality» (Garland & Young, 1983 : 33). However, soon after the publication of Punishment and Welfare in 1985 Garland started to move to a pluralist theoretical position. His ear- lier (partly Foucauldian, partly neomarxist) theoretical framework became one framework amongst several others, in particular those derived from Durkheim and Elias. From his pluralist position, there was no longer an a priori superiority of the one above the other. Garland aimed to understand punishment in all its complexity and the only way to do that, so he argued, was to develop and practice a multidimen- sional sociology of punishment (Garland, 1990). This theoretical shift had major implications for how he could get involved in public debate. To move away from the early Foucault / Marx-inspired framework implied that punishment was no longer merely about discipline and regulation : it was also about irrational emotions and passions, and it always operated within certain morally and culturally defined boundaries. Such a pluralist theoretical position was difficult to reconcile with proposing the «alternative strategies of control» of the early 1980s : even 1f it were possible to construct such strategies, their viability and efficacy would be limited by the «tragic quality of punishment», that 1s, the fact that punishment 1s always beset by «irresolvable tensions» and inescapably marked by «moral contradiction» and «unwanted irony» — as he explained in Punishment and Modern Society (Garland, 1990 : 292). Revealing multiple causes, effects and meanings makes it much more difficult to formulate a straightforward critique and to single out that one panacee that would liberate the (penal) world of all evil. Garland was well aware that this was the price he needed to pay for his theoretical choice. But for him the gains of arriving at a more truthful description of punishment out- weighed the losses. Indeed, in The Culture of Control (2001) and also in more recent publications (Garland, 2006; Garland, 2009 : 265), he reaf- firmed the value of the multidimensional approach. _— 51 — Against this background it also becomes better understandable why Garland described himself recently as a «dispassionate observer» who aims to investigate issues with which one is «passionately involved» but at the same time with «a detachment that permits one to grasp com- plexities and to minimize the projection of one’s own wishes and fears onto the phenomenon» (Garland, 2004 : 163). Such a position has implications for how Garland relates to the public debate. For sure, Garland aims to reach a wide audience with his writings (as he emphasized on different occasions, The Culture of Control was written with a large, non-professional audience, that stretches beyond the boundaries of the academic world, in mind (Garland, 2001, ix-x; Garland, 2004 : 186, note 1)) but not at any price. For that reason we label his posi- tion the «scientist». We want to stress, however, that this does not mean that we are suggesting that the three other authors that we will discuss furtheron are not scientists. The crucial difference, however, has to do with how they aim to persuade the broader public of their messages : Pratt as «prophet», Boutellier as «crusader» and Wacquant as «boxer» use other — so to speak, «extra-scientific» — rhetorical means to convince their readers of the strength of their stories and to make their messages travel successfully from sender to receiver. In particular in the cases of Boutellier and Wacquant — as we will discuss later in this article — these «extra- scientific» elements enable them to come up with a much sharper critique and to arrive at a much more pronounced normative position. 3.2. — The prophet Throughout the 1980s Pratt published in particular on the topics of (controlling) youth delinquency and various forms of deviance. At that time he was strongly inspired by the work of Foucault, revisionist history writing, and the critical social control literature. Towards the late 1980s, and in particular in the run-up to his study Punishment in a Perfect Soci- ety (Pratt 1992a), he began to reconsider his theoretical framework : Pratt started to move away from the Foucauldian position and he became con- vinced of the value of the work of Norbert Elias to understand the history of modern penality in New Zealand. For a moment it seemed as 1f Pratt, like Garland, would adopt a pluralist theoretical framework. Indeed, in Punishment in a Perfect Society Pratt drew upon Foucault, Elias and colonialism to arrive at a more complex account of historical develop- ments in New Zealand (Pratt 1992a). However, in the mid-1990s he would return to Foucault for his study Governing the Dangerous (1997) which was strongly inspired by the «governmentality»-literature. In his next research project, which resulted in the publication of Punishment and Civ- ilization (2002a), Elias was his main author. __ 52 — Throughout his intellectual life-course Pratt would relate in different ways to the public debate. Like the young Garland, the young Pratt was in the early years of his academic career closely engaged with the themes he was researching. In 1981 he argued that his work on the rise of the New Right in the UK was driven by the need to find «an alternative and coher- ent strategy» (Pratt, 1981 : 371). His research on juvenile delinquency and social work was driven by attempts to initiate a (Matza-inspired) ideological challenge and to alter working practices of social workers so that they would stop pathologizing young truants and lessen the regulation they were subjected to (e.g. Pratt 1985b). With the years, however, Pratt grew increas- ingly sceptical about the prospects of progressive change. From the 1990s onwards there are no longer practical suggestions for imp»roving day-to- day practice in his published work. Pratt’s turn to historical questions in this period, however, was not meant to be an escape strategy. Exploring the past, so he argued, could help him to understand better the present and would assist him in drawing lessons from history (Pratt, 1992b). The most important change in his intellectual position happened towards the end of the 1990s. From then onwards it is possible to see him adopting a position that is «prophetic» in nature. Pratt’s work became increasingly infused with warnings and outlines of possible dark-coloured futures. According to Pratt the boundaries of punishment came to be pushed, and we were entering into a new era of punishment which could have deep implications for our futures (e.g. Pratt, 1998; Pratt, 2000; Pratt, 2002b). Like a prophet Pratt aimed to confront his audience with the potential (dark) future in the hope that this would avoid that such a future would become our reality. Indeed, prophets predict catastrophe in order to prevent it (see Bauman, 2006). When we perceive his relationship to his object of research as a shift to such a prophetical position then this helps explain his disproportion- ate attention for the dark sides of punishment; it could explain why he focused so much on chain gangs, «three strikes and you’re out»-laws, austere prison regimes, punitive work orders, boot camps, mass impris- onment, and so on; it also helps understand why he was persuaded by the «postmodern penality»-hypothesis, with its suggestion that we have entered a new epoch. This prophetical position, then, has implications for how Pratt aims to achieve persuasion : Pratt as «prophet» does vio- lence to «realistic» and «balanced» descriptions of the (penal) world out there in the hope that the world would not become more violent itself. 3.3. — The crusader From the start of his career Dutch criminologist Hans Boutellier became interested in the morality of our times. In the early 1980s this - 33 topic was somewhat unfashionable. Sociological criminology was partic- ularly interested in the control machinery and moral questions related to «good» and «evil» were hardly being addressed. During his fieldwork in the late 1970s in a youth institution Boutellier identified more with the youth workers than with the youngsters : their problems of giving moral guidance to the young delinquents who demonstrated a remark- able self-confidence, started to interest him. According to Boutellier (1985) youth workers had ended up in an «ideologically and morally unprotected position». In order to address crime as a moral problem the work of Foucault was not very helpful to Boutellier. Instead he turned to Durkheim and formulated his hypothesis of the victimalization of morality in his first book Solidariteit en slachtofferschap of 1993 (later translated as Crime and Morality (2000)). With his follow-up study The Safety Utopia (2004) Boutellier would expand his gaze and he started to reflect more widely on the meaning of safety in a vitalist culture. Throughout his career we can observe a remarkable consistency in his use of theory. From the early beginnings until now his framework is Durkheimian. Boutellier was well aware of other theoretical develop- ments but he always kept them at a safe distance. Authors such as Rich- ard Rorty or Zygmunt Bauman were used but only to the extent that they fit into his moral framework. Boutellier’s life-long fidelity to Dur- kheim becomes better understandable if we consider more closely the role in public life that he has designed for himself. Boutellier’s academic work on the morality of our times was always driven by a deep- ingrained aspiration to make it useful for practical intervention. His «diagnosis» of society was always steered toward «remedying» its path- ological features. Like a therapist Boutellier puts society «on the couch» in the hope that, after a number of sessions, the patient’s «Super-Ego» is able to regain control over the nasty «Id». We therefore have labelled him the «crusader» : Boutellier’s mission to identify what binds people together in a morally fragmented society has driven him towards a moral crusade against the pathologies of con- temporary culture. Unlike Pratt who like a modern-day prophet presents his readers with images of what the future might bring, Boutel- lier is firmly oriented towards the present : his scholarship and policy- oriented activities are directed at the instant treatment of a society that, in his opinion, is in need of boundaries and moral renewal. Boutellier’s crusading ambitions have implications for how he aims to persuade his audience. In order to convince the reader of the need and viability of his moral crusade Boutellier paints a streamlined picture of postmodern criminals, emancipated victims, fearful and worried citi- zens, and responsive policy-makers. Instead of highlighting the darkest of penal developments (as the prophet does) Boutellier aims to __ 54 — strengthen his case by insisting on the harsh reality of crime and unsafety. It 1s also here that his uncompromising reliance on Durkheim needs to be understood : the bottom-up approach of Durkheim with its consensual view on society, is most useful for his larger public mission and his outspoken intention to remain a loyal ally for the policy-maker. 3.4. — The boxer Loic Wacquant'’s interest in crime and punishment was sparked in part by a personal experience : his fieldwork in a black ghetto in Chi- cago in the late 1980s/early 1990s in general, and his enrollment in a local boxing gym in particular, sensitized him to the deep impact of the criminal justice system on the lives of the residents in the ghetto and the functions this system fulfils in post-Fordist America. For Wacquant the study of punishment became a necessary complement to his work on marginality. This happened in two ways. First, his study of the trans- formation of the American ghetto brought him to study how the con- temporary «hyperghetto» and the prison meet and mesh (Wacquant, 200la). Second, his more wide-ranging observations on the rise of advanced marginality in post-Fordist cities led him to consider more closely the increasing reliance on the penal system. The upsurge of the penal state was in particular related to the rise of neoliberalism : a neo- liberal penality had seen the light in the United States and was being exported to other countries around the globe (see e.g. Wacquant, 1999; Wacquant, 2001b; Wacquant, 2002a; Wacquant, 2004). Wacquant'’s analysis of penal change has some similarities with the line of research initiated by Rusche and Kirchheimer (1968), that 1s, the political economy of punishment which investigates relationships between economic systems and forms of punishment. However, his approach is also different in a number of respects. Wacquant empha- sized in particular the importance of political agency; he insisted on treating neoliberalism as a complete ideological package about how human beings and society function; he drew attention to the multiple groups that are being disciplined and controlled by the penal system; and he highlighted the symbolic function of penal systems which draw, dramatize and enforce group boundaries. His deep critique of the spread of neoliberal penality needs to be understood against the background of how he wants to act in the public sphere. For Wacquant there is an indispensable link between the neoliberal revolution and the rise of the penal state. Neoliberalism is held responsible for rising inequalities in the USA and those other places where 1t settles in. Sociology as sport de combat or «martial art» needs to be mobilized in a struggle against neoliberal doxa. Like his former mentor Pierre Bourdieu and other par- — 55 — ticipants in the collective Raisons d'agir Wacquant joined in a global- wide struggle against the neoliberal revolution. Wacquant’s position, then, is the position of the «boxer» who uses his sociological gloves to fight a round against the ruthless opponent. This boxing position also has implications for how Wacquant inter- acts with his wider audience. In terms of persuasion, Wacquant presents the reader with a streamlined picture that squares well with the public «boxing» role that he has designed for himself. The characters of his story are criminals engaging in protopolitical action against «violence from above», poor families living in crime-ridden and deprived neigh- bourhoods, and policy-makers who fail to take political responsibility in protecting the weak against the devastating side-effects of the neoliberal revolution. In order to convince the reader of the need to join him in the ring against the neoliberal enemy, Wacquant directs the attention of his audience to the most appalling penal developments (such as mass imprisonment, registration and notification laws for sex offenders, boot camps, and so forth); he sees crime control policies travelling in one direction (from the USA to elsewhere); and he identifies transatlantic parallels which enable him to highlight how similar causes lead to sim- ilar effects. In Wacquant’s account «evil» (neoliberalism) breeds «evil» (the penal state) and to demonstrate this, penal change 1s approached from its most exclusionary and most divisive side. 4. — PERSUASIVE SPEECH In a recent thematic issue of Theoretical Criminology on «public criminology» Elliott Currie — who 1s strongly in favour of such a public criminology — raises the following important question : «Does that mean we abandon our longstanding standards for the proper conduct of research?» His answer followed immediately and sounded confidently : «Of course not» (Currie, 2007 : 189). The question is important because it makes a brief reference to what sets the «criminological voice» apart from those other voices in the public debate. It is criminology's scientific credentials which make the voice of the criminologist distinctive from — which 1s not necessarily the same as superior to — the voices of others. However, one of the things that we aimed to demonstrate in the pre- vious section is that the answer to this question may be a bit more com- plicated than Currie suggests. The «public criminology» debate should be about more than simply how to reactivate or stimulate the public activities of the criminologist : the production of knowledge, and the sta- tus of criminology as a scientific discipline, might be at issue. Às we dis- cussed earlier, some positions in the public debate have implications for __ 56 — how we arrive at descriptions, and how explanations are build up. Dor- othy Smith once made a useful distinction between ideology and social science. The crucial difference between ideology and knowledge 1s situ- ated in the use of procedures as «means not to know» (Smith, 1974 : 40). Such a choice to use procedures as «means not to know» also seems to be present at times in the work of the authors that we have discussed in this paper. Indeed, at times we can observe a selective use of empirical material, an uncritical endorsement of (or shift between) theoretical perspectives, an amnesia about methodological problems, and so on as «extra-scientific» means to increase the persuasive power of particular accounts and to move various audiences into certain direc- tions. Let us 1illustrate this briefly (for more details, see Daems, 2008). In his prophetical writings Pratt often relies on a small number of eccentric and exotic examples that are often solely derived from parts of the USA but that form his empirical basis to make statements about five English-speaking jurisdictions or «Western punishment» in general. The same applies to the concept «new punitiveness» (Pratt et al, 2005). Upon closer examination also here the presented empirical material 1s sparse and mostly derived from some states in the USA. Moreover, the concept 1itself lacks a sound criterion that would help us decide which practices can be categorized under its umbrella. Pratt 1s probably aware of these limits. We cannot only assume this from his long experience as an informed writer on punishment but also because in the past he has made exactly the same comments on empirical detail and conceptual clarity that we now make about his work. For example, in a paper where he argued against the idea that intermediate treatment provides evidence of a Foucauldian disciplinary type of punishment he high- lighted that the few examples that would support such a hypothesis seemed to be «very atypical», particularly «when one considers the diversity that is to be found in the full range of intermediate treatment projects». In addition, training programmes were «comparatively minor developments within the general system of punishment» (Pratt, 1990 : 228). On another occasion he argued that «we should be careful not to use «social control» as a catchphrase concept, thereby neglecting the complexities implicit in it», and he warned against «the dangers of talk- ing too generally of ‘social control’» (Pratt, 1985a : 211-212). In order to increase the persuasiveness of his prophetic accounts of recent penal change Pratt seems to have put such comments aside : the end of per- suasion (that is, to convince the reader of his «prophecies» about the dark penal future that lies ahead of us) have led him to look away. In the case of Boutellier the «extra-scientific» means of persuasion are even more clearly present. Throughout his career Boutellier has always emphasized - and at times even deliberately exaggerated - the _ 57 — seriousness of the crime and safety problems without paying too much attention to the limits of the data being used, and without discussing the methodological problems involved. Boutellier also never deviated from his Durkheimian moral perspective : no serious attempt was being made to consider other perspectives and there has never been any engagement with the criticisms levelled at the Durkheimian perspective. In his case, the end of persuasion (that 1s, to convince his readers of the seriousness of the crime problem and of the need to remoralize the whole of society) prevented him from examining methodological issues and alternative perspectives which, again, have led him to look the other way. Also in the case of Wacquant we can raise questions of how he aims to persuade his audience. The empirical examples he offers for detailing the American penal state were mostly derived from a small number of American states, and California in particular. The indispensable and functional links between the penal and the social state are, upon closer examination, far from indispensable and functional. The impact of his major illustration of how a «neoliberal penal commonsense» travels across the globe, that is, «zero tolerance», was minor. There are a number of indications which suggest that also Wacquant was well aware of these limits : in a 1998 paper he acknowledged that penal policies are not «monolithical», that one can detect «diverging» and even «contradictory» tendencies, and he referred to practices of mediation, reconciliation, depenalization and individualization of penalties (Wac- quant, 1998 : 4, note 4); in Les prisons de la misère he already indicated that «zero tolerance» was on the decline in New York City (Wacquant, 1999 : 28-34); and, as a trained sociologist, he has at several occasions severely criticized the work of colleagues who do not live up to the high standards of sociological research (see e.g. Wacquant, 2002b). Wac- quant’s end of persuasion (that is, to convince the reader of the evils of the American-born neoliberal ideology with its concomitant neoliberal penality), then, has steered his sociological gaze to the most appalling American penal developments that would help him convince his readers about the location of the source of all evil and that would make them join in his battle against the neoliberal revolution. 5. — CONCLUSION In order to safeguard the «special quality» of the voice of the crim- inologist in the public sphere, there are limits to the kinds of persuasion that we, as criminologists, can resort to. But such limits are not bad. On the contrary : they form part of our profession, they are an essential ingredient of our craft, and they come with a number of clear benefits __ 58 — to us. When we speak in public as criminologist then we do this as gate- keepers to a certain kind of knowledge. We can rely on a certain cul- tural capital that other participants in the debate usually lack. It is here that the added value of the criminologist in the public debate needs to be situated and which gives his or her contribution to the debate its dis- tinctive quality. But this also comes with a responsibility. We have aimed to demonstrated that going public is not without risks : arriving at clear, unequivocal critical or normative statements can have implications for practicing science itself. Such an observation 1s probably not new but, in the light of the many calls for greater involve- ment in the public sphere, it might deserve more attention because the credibility of criminology might be at issue. As Roger Hood recently suggested : «the voices of criminologists will be heard only 1if they can speak in their ‘wider-ranging role’ from a firm base of empirical research, and research that can make claims to be scientifically rigorous, in the sense that it is repeatable, reliable and valid. This 1s what distinguishes criminology from other types of discourse about crime. Unless legitimacy can be claimed for this view, the ‘criminologist’ will be treated as just another person with an ‘opinion’ on the subject» (Hood, 2002 : 159) We would argue that such a claim to legitimacy also implies adopt- ing, safeguarding, and defending a certain intellectual position in the public debate which we, following George Konräd, term anti-political : «Anti-politics 1s the political activity of those who don’t want to be pol- iticians and who refuse to share in power» (Konräd, 1984 : 230). Kon- rad pictured the relationship between politics and anti-politics as follows : «The relationship between politics and anti-politics is like the relationship between two mountains : neither one tries to usurp the other’s place; neither one can eliminate or replace the other» (Konrad, 1984 : 231). À criminology that aims to be anti-political welcomes the division of labour between intellectuals and politicians, and accepts and cherishes the different rhetorical mixtures of /ogos, pathos, and ethos. An anti-political criminology does not have the ambition nor the pre- tension to take the place of politicians. It recognizes that science has a peculiar rationality different from politics : «organizing ideas» cannot be the same as «organizing men and things» (Pels, 1995). It therefore also accepts that public debate on crime and punishment happens at a number of distinctive levels — moral, religious, commonsense, political, practical, scientific — and that its legitimate place 1s at the level of knowledge. Such an anti-political criminology patrols closely the bor- ders of the discipline in order to safeguard its ethos and to build up a collective identity of a scientific community that has a crucial role to play in the public debate. Following the rules of «responsible speech» __ 59 _ (Bauman, 1990), then, is indispensable for the public accountability of such a criminology and for maintaining a form of scientific persuasion. An anti-political criminology does not need to have a set of ready- made answers to pressing policy issues. Criminology should do much more because it knows much more and can enrich the public debate in many different ways. Às Zedner recently argued : «There is no absolute reason why the ability of criminology to inform or influence policy-mak- ing should be taken as a measure of success; any more than one would judge Durkheim by his influence on suicide levels» (Zedner, 2003 : 202). Moreover, as she added, «the common assumption that criminological theory, with its tendency to radical critique and unverifiable abstraction, is incapable of influence is to misunderstand the subtle, indirect ways in which knowledge can generate social understanding and inform the pol- icy agenda» (Zedner, 2003 : 227). Entering the debate on crime and pun- ishment is much more than playing society's diagnostician and offering recipes for the perceived illnesses. It IS also about «revealing complexities», «questioning certitudes» and «puncturing the false hope of simple solutions» (Zedner, 2003 : 234). This 1s, arguably, an impor- tant and valuable contribution to any public discussion on crime and punishment. Moreover, as professional gate-keepers of an accumulated body of criminological knowledge, criminologists are particularly well- equipped to fulfil such a task. There are many forces at work that aim to push criminology's role in the public sphere either into a political or an apolitical direction. The danger of making it political 1s that criminology comes to be subsumed under an ethico-political vision and only admits certain areas of research as worthy of attention. Mathieu Deflem was one of the rare voices to highlight this problematic aspect in the public sociology debate in the USA. Public sociology was revealed as a thinly veiled disguise of a par- ticularistic version of Marxist sociology, promoted by the 2003-04 Pres- ident of the American Sociological Association, Michael Burawoy (2005). There was the danger that sociology would turn into a form of political activism thereby, paradoxically, jeopardizing the role of sociol- ogy in the wider world and damaging its scientific credentials. ‘ The recent call of three Scandinavian criminologists, published in the news- letter of the European Society of Criminology, that criminologists should dissociate themselves from the Stockholm Prize in Criminology can be understood as a plea against an apolitical criminology. Balvig, Christie, and Tham (2008) claim that the type of criminology being pro- @) Mathieu Deflem, an Associate Professor in Sociology at the University of South Caro- lina, launched a campaign «Save Sociology» and maintained a website which was regularly updated between the summer of 2004 and the autumn of 2006 <http ://www.savesociol- ogy.org>. — 60 — moted by the prestigious Prize, that is, an applied criminology at the service of the state, and the procedure for awarding it, lead to the cre- ation of a «tame criminology». An anti-political criminology needs to be constantly on its guard for challenges coming from both sides — the political and the apolitical — in order to preserve a legitimate and pro- ductive place in the public debate. This implies acknowledging that the ordering of ideas is not the same, and can never be the same, as the ordering of men and things. REFERENCES BALVIG, F., CHRISTIE, N. & THAM, H. (2008), «Whither the Stockholm Prize?», Newsletter of the European Society of Criminology, T(1), }, 8-9. BAUMAN, Z. (1990), Thinking Sociologically. Oxford : Basil Blackwell. (2006), Liquid Fear. Cambridge : Polity Press. BOUTELLIER, H. (1985), «Met alleen nog de persoon als inzet. Het jongerenwerk en de moraal», Welzijnsmaandblad, 39(3), 19-23. (1993), Solidariteit en slachtofferschap, Nijmegen : SUN. (2000), Crime and Morality, Dordrecht : Kluwer. (2004). The Safety Utopia, Dordrecht : Kluwer. Burawoy, M. (2005), «2004 ASA Presidential Address. For Public Sociology», American Sociological Review, 70(1), 4-28. CHANCER, L. & MCLAUGHLIN, E. (eds.) (2007a), «Special issue on public criminology», Theoretical Criminology, 11(2). CHANCER, L. & MCLAUGHLIN, E. (2007b), «Public criminologies. Diverse perspec- tives on academia and policy», Theoretical Criminology, 11(2), 155-173. CURRIE, E. (2007), «Against marginality. Arguments for a public criminology», Theoretical Criminology, 11(2), 175-190. DAEMS, T. (2008). Making Sense of Penal Change, Oxford : Oxford University Press. DE HAAN, W (2009), «Een toekomstverkenning van de Nederlandse criminologie», De Criminoloog. 1(1), 1-2. ENGBERSEN, G. (2008), «Criminologie in meervoud. Over theoretische vernieuwin- gen in de Nederlandse criminologie», Tijdschrift voor Criminologie, 50(3), 264- 272. GARLAND, D. (1982), Book review : P. CARLEN & M. COLLISON (eds.), «Radical Issues in Criminology», The Howard Journal, 21, 184-185. (1985), Punishment and Welfare, Aldershot : Gower. (1990), Punishment and Modern Society, Oxford : Oxford University Press. (2001). The Culture of Control, Oxford : Oxford Unive-sity Press. (2004). «Beyond the Culture of Control», Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, 1(2), 160-189. (2006). «Concepts of Culture in the Sociology of Punishment», Theoretical Criminology, 10(4), 419-447. — 61 — (2009), «A culturalist theory of punishment?», Punishment & Society, 11(2), 259-268. & YounG, P. (1983), «Towards a Social Analysis of Penality», In : D. GAR- LAND & P. YouNG (eds.), The Power to Punish, London : Heinemann, 1-36. Gross, A.G. (1990), The Rhetoric of Science, Cambridge, Massachusetts : Har- vard University Press. HARBERS, H. (1992), «Gevraagd : een sociologie van intellectuelen», In: L NAUTA et al. (eds.), De rol! van de intellectueel. Een discussie over distantie en betrokkenheid, Amsterdam : Van Gennep, 37-53. Hoop, R. (2002), «Criminology and Penal Policy : The Vital Role of Empirical Research», In : A. BOTTOMs & M. Tonry (eds.), Ideology, Crime and Criminal Justice, Cullompton : Willan Publishing, 153-172. KONRAD, G. (1984), Antipolitics, London : Quartet Books. LOADER, Î. & SPARKS, R. (2008), «‘What are we gonna do now”’ Revisiting the public roles of criminology», Criminal Justice Matters, 72, 18-19. LISSENBERG, E. (1989), Verlagen en verheffen. Rede uitgesproken bij de openbare aanvaarding van het ambt van hoogleraar in de criminologie aan de Universiteit van Amsterdam op dinsdag 16 mei 1989, Alphen aan den Rijn : Samsom H.D. Tjeenk Willink. NELKEN, D. (1994), «Reflexive Criminology?», In : D. NELKEN (ed.), The Futures of Criminology, London : Sage, 7-42. Prers, D. (1995), «Knowledge Politics and Anti-Politics. Towards a Critical Appraisal of Bourdieu’s Concept of Intellectual Autonomy», Theory and Society, 24(1), 79-104. PRATT, J. (1981), «Sexuality and the popular appeal of the new right», Contem- porary Crises, 5(4), 369-381. (1985a), Review: S. COHEN & A. SCULL (eds.), «Social Control and the State», International Journal of the Sociology of Law, 13, 210-212. (198Sb), «Juvenile Justice, Social Work and Social Control. The Need for Positive Thinking», British Journal of Social Work, 15, 1-24. (1990), «Crime, time, youth and punishment», Contemporary Crises, 14, 219- 242. (1992a), Punishment in a Perfect Society, Wellington : Victoria University Press. (1992b), «Punishment and the Lessons from History», Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology, 25, 97-114. (1997), Governing the Dangerous, Annandale : The Federation Press. (1998), «Towards the ‘Decivilizing’ of Punishment?», Social and Legal Stud- ies, 7(4), 487-515. (2000), «The Return of the Wheelbarrow Men ; Or, the Arrival of Postmodern Penality?», British Journal of Criminology, 40, 127-145. (2002a), Punishment and Civilization, London : Sage. (2002b), «Critical Criminology and the Punitive Society : Some New ‘Visions of Social Control’», In: K. CARRINGTON & H. RUSSELL (eds.), Critical Crim- inology. Issues, Debates, Challenges, Cullompton : Willan Publishing, 168-184. , BROWN, D., BROWN, M., HALISWORTH, S. & MOrRISON, W. (2005), In : J PRATT et al. The New Punitiveness. «Introduction», (eds.), Cullompton : Willan Publishing, xI-XXVI. _— 62 — RUsCHE, G. & KIRCHHEIMER, O. (1968), Punishment and Social Structure, New York : Russell and Russell. SMITH, D.E. (1974), «The Ideological Practice of Sociology», Catalyst, 8, 39-54. WACQUANT, L. (1998), «La tentation pénale en Furope», Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales, 124, 3-6. (1999), Les prisons de la misère, Paris : Raisons d'’agir. (2001a), «Deadly symbiosis. When ghetto and prison meet and mesh», Pun- ishment & Society, 3(1), 95-134. (2001b), «The Penalisation of Poverty and the Rise of Neo-liberalism», Euro- pean Journal of Criminal Policy and Research, 9, 401-412. (2002a), Symbiosi mortale. Neoliberalismo e politica penale, Verona : Ombre Corte. (2002b), «Scrutinizing the Street : Poverty, Morality, and the Pitfalls of Urban Ethnography», American Journal of Sociology, 107(6), 1468-1532. — (2004), Punir les pauvres, Marseille : Agone. WALGRAVE, L. (2008), «Tussen Charlatanisme en Evangelisme. Bedenkingen over de maatschappelijke verantwoordelijkheid van de criminologie en andere sociale wetenschappen», In : A.À. FRANKEN, M. DE LANGEN & M. MOERINGS (eds.), Constante waarden. Liber amicorum prof. mr. Constantijn Kelk, Den Haag : Boom Juridische Uitgevers, 175-182. ZEDNER, L. (2003), «Usefu!l Knowledge? Debating the Role of Criminology in Post-war Britain», In : L. ZEDNER & À. ASHWORTH (eds.), The Criminological Foundations of Penal Policy: Essays in Honour of Roger Hood, Oxford : Oxford University Press, 197-235. ABSTRACT In recent years there has been a great deal of interest in the question of how social scientists in general, and criminologists in particular, should communicate with the public. Discussion has been raised about criminology's public status and its relationship to public policy, which 1s exemplified by recent debate on the need for a «public criminology». In this article we describe and critically examine four different ways of «going public» in criminology by focusing on the intellectual life-course of four key-thinkers in the recent sociology of punishment, that 1s, David Garland, John Pratt, Hans Boutellier and Loïc Wacquant. Key words : public criminology, (sociology of) punishment, rhetoric, persuasive speech RESUMÉ Ce texte est basé sur l’ouvrage Making Sense of Penal Change (Oxford University Press, 2008), qui a valu à Tom Daems cette année le prix Emile Durkheim de la Société internationale de criminologie. Il _ 63 — se réfère à l’intérêt considérable qu’a soulevé, ces dernières années, la question de savoir comment les spécialistes des sciences sociales, et en particulier les criminologues, doivent communiquer avec le public. La discussion a porté sur le statut public de la criminologie et sa relation avec la politique publique, sous la forme spécialement du débat récent sur le besoin d’une «criminologie publique». L’auteur décrit et examine de façon critique quatre façons d’«agir publiquement» en criminologie, en se focalisant sur la carrière de quatre penseurs clés de la récente sociologie de la peine : David Garland, John Pratt, Hans Boutellier et Loic Wacquant. RESUMEN Este texto està basado en la obra Making Sense of Penal Change (Oxford University Press, 2008), que le ha valido a Tom Daems la obtenciôn del premio Emile Durkheim de la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia este año. La obra se refiere al considerable interés que ha despertado estos ûltimos años la cuestiôon de saber cômo los especialistas de las ciencias sociales, y en particular los criminôlogos, deben comuni- car con el püblico. La discusiôn se refiriô al estatuto püblico de la cri- minologia y su relaciôn con la politica pûblica, especialmente bajo la forma del debate reciente sobre la necesidad de una «criminologia püblica». El autor describe y examina de manera critica cuatro maneras de «actuar püblicamente» en criminologia, focalizandose en la carrera de cuatro pensadores clave de la reciente sociologia de la pena : David Garland, John Pratt, Hans Boutellier y Loïic Wacquant. __ 64 — TEENAGE MOTHERHOOD The frequency of teenage motherhood in ÎItalian provinces : Economic, cultural and institutional factors Uberto Gatti ‘) Richard E. Tremblay ? Hans M .H. Schadee ) 1. — THE EFFECTS OF EARLY MOTHERHOOD ON CHILDREN Babies born to teenage mothers are more prone to sudden infant death, postneonatal deaths due to infection, accidents and other causes (Babson and Clarke, 1983; Berthoud, 2001 ; Hellerstedt et al., 1995) and tend to have a lower birth weight (Botting et al., 1998; Moore et al., 1997). The children of adolescent mothers are faced with various prob- lems (Whitman et al., 1997), such as a 3-fold increase 1n mental retar- dation (Broman, 1981), speech retardation (Rauch-Elnekave, 1994), poor health (Wolfe and Perozek, 1997), cognitive difficulties, and emotional and behavioural problems (Moffitt and the E-Risk Study team, 2002). Abuse and neglect and hospitalization are also much more frequent among the children of teenage mothers (Flanagan et al., 1995: Moffitt and the E-Risk Study team, 2002; Social Exclusion Unit. 1999). In the long term, the children of teenage mothers have been seen to display difficulty in socialisation, hyperactivity, poor impulse control and aggression (Brooks-Gunn and Furstenberg, 1986; Nagin and Trem- blay, 2001b), retarded progress at school (Moore et al., 1997), failure to ( University of Genoa, Italy. Corresponding author : Uberto Gatti, DIMEL, University of Genoa. Via De Toni 12, 16132, Genoa (Italy), € mail ugatti@unige.it, tel. +39 010 3537892, fax +39 010 3537578. C) University of Montreal, Canada. C University of Milano-Bicocca, Italy. _ 65 - complete school (Haveman et al., 1997), higher incarceration rates (Grogger, 1997), and, for girls, a greater probability of becoming ado- lescent mothers themselves (Furstenberg et al., 1990; Kiernan, 1995). Moreover, they are 2-3 times more likely to run away from home (Miller, 2000). This negative impact on child development may either be due to the young age of the mother (Fraser et al., 1995), or to the socio-familial deprivation that often characterises young mothers (Gueorguieva et al., 2001 ; Levine et al.; 2001; Timms, 1996; Turley, 2003). 2. — THE CHARACTERISTICS OF TEENAGE MOTHERS In general, research into the personal characteristics of teenage moth- ers seems to indicate that early motherhood is the result of a process of social exclusion. Often, adolescent mothers are poor, unemployed (Berthoud and Robson, 2001) and live in run-down neighbourhoods. Adolescent moth- erhood exerts an effect that goes beyond that of the original character- istics (Hobcraft, 1998), not least because a poor girl who postpones becoming a mother will improve her chances of gaining professional skills and getting a job (Berthoud and Robson, 2001 ; Chevalier and Vii- tanen, 2002; Wellings, 1999). The lack of a father in the family nucleus constitutes a further risk factor for early sexual activity and teenage pregnancy (Ellis et al., 2003). Some experts have also reported psychiatric disorder (Maskey,1991), conduct disorders (Zoccolillo and Rogers,1991), depressive symptoms (Clemmens, 2002; Deal and Holt, 1998), high levels of alcohol and 1lle- gal drug consumption (Quinlivan et al., 1999), sexual victimisation (Ger- sheson et al., 1989; Osborne and Rhodes, 2001), juvenile delinquency (Hobcraft, 1998). Smoking is also much more common (MacDorman et al., 2002; ONS, 1995). Given our current knowledge of the harm caused by smok- ing during pregnancy (Brennan, 2003; Fergusson, 1999), it is not diffi- cult to imagine that the link between the young age of mothers and cer- tain health and social problems of their children. The limited data on teenage fathers confirm the correlation between early fatherhood and adverse childhood experiences, such as having suf- fered physical, verbal or sexual abuse, having lived with mental 1llness in the family, substance abuse, violence within the family, parental sep- aration and parental delinquency (Anda et al., 2002). __ 66 — 3. — MACRO-SOCIAL FACTORS ASSOCIATED WITH THE RATE OF EARLY MOTHERHOOD Teenage birth rates are very different in different countries, ranging from 2 per 1000 girls aged from 15 to 19 years in some Asian nations, to 6-14 per 1000 in western and continental Europe, to 31 in the United Kingdom and 52 in the USA (UNICEF, 2001). If we compare the data for developed countries, no clear association with economic or social variables emerges. Indeed, countries with a high per capita income, such as the USA, have very high rates of teenage births; the United Kingdom's rate 1s three times as high as France’s and more than twice Germany’s; countries that are similar from the social and cultural point of view, like Spain and Portugal, display very differ- ent rates, while countries that are very different, such as Italy and Swe- den. have almost 1dentical rates. Comparisons among the various countries are made even more dif- ficult by the fact that teenage mothers display different characteristics in the different contexts. In the USA for example, teenage birth rates are particularly high among black and Hispanic women (Corcoran et al., 2000). while in other countries the ethnic factor has no influence. In some countries, such as Holland, Germany, the United Kingdom and France, most teenage mothers belong to the poorest strata of the pop- ulation, while this 1s not the case in countries like Denmark, Portugal, Finland and Greece (UNICEF, 2001). Moreover, in Japan and Greece, more than 80 % of teenage mothers are married, while in Iceland, Ire- land, Australia and New Zealand, more than 90% of teenage mothers are unmarried (UNICEF, 2001). It might be tempting to think that high rates of teenage motherhood are linked with the difficulty of obtaining an abortion. In reality, how- ever, the data reveal that low rates of teenage births are often associated with low rates of teenage abortion. For instance, Holland's rates of early birth and early abortion are among the lowest. Teenage birth rates in the various countries can therefore be seen as linked to a complex set of factors that either facilitate or curb the phenomenon. The most important of these factors are : the mean age at which the first sexual relations occur, a lower age facilitating early pregnancy; the awareness of and ability to use contraceptive means, which reduces the likelthood of early pregnancy; the availability of abortion, and finally a whole range of social factors, such as poverty, marginalisation and racial segregation. According to the report of the British Social Exclusion Unit, the three main factors underlying the phenomenon are : low expectations of success at school or of get- 67 — ting a job; ignorance about contraception, the risks of unprotected sex and the responsibilities of motherhood; and the contradictory message that society sends out to young people, who are prompted on the one hand to look upon sexual activity as desirable, while they encounter silence or even condemnation with regard to contracep- tion. From a historical perspective, teenage births have declined markedly over the last few decades in almost all of the countries of continental Europe. While on the one hand the number of teenage mothers has gen- erally fallen, on the other hand the perception of this phenomenon as a problem has increased. In reality, teenage mothers may be girls who marry very young with the consent of their family, and who then choose to have a baby while supported by their husband and family of origin. Alternatively, they may be deprived teenagers who drop out of school, become pregnant as a result of a casual relationship, do not have the support of a husband or family (UNICEF, 2001). Thirty years ago, mothers of the former kind may have been prevalent in many countries, while today it is those of the latter type who prevail; this change may therefore have led to teenage motherhood being regarded as a serious social problem. Even within a single country the rates of early motherhood may vary considerably. In the USA, very high rates are recorded in the southern states (National Vital Statistics Report, 2002); in Britain, the highest rates are found in northern regions (Wilson et al., 1992), and in Italy, the southern regions have higher than average levels. 4, — OBJECTIVES AND METHODS OF THE STUDY Our aim was to achieve a better understanding of the environmental characteristics that foster the phenomenon of early motherhood. In order to collect enough cases to enable the data to be elaborated and control variables to be introduced, we took the 95 Italian provinces as our units of analysis. First of all, we investigated the economic factor; subsequently, we tried to ascertain whether intervention aimed at improving childcare services can reduce the phenomenon. While the rate of unemployment has been taken as an indicator of poverty, the rate of infant mortality has been used as a (negative) indi- cator of the level of health care for children. We also took into account the possible preventive effect of school attendance and the level of education of the youth population. As an indicator, we took —-— 68 — the percentage of 19-year-olds who obtained a secondary school diploma each year. Moreover, we introduced into our model of analysis a cultural vari- able, civic sense, a form of social capital which reflects citizens’ interest in community affairs (Putnam, 2000; Putnam et al., 1993). À shortage of social capital has been seen to be associated with violent crime (Gatti et al., 2007; Kennedy et al., 1998; Messner et al., 2004; Sampson et al., 1997), juvenile delinquency (Gatti et al., 2003) and early motherhood (Denner et al., 2001; Gold et al., 2002). Our model also took into account the rate of family breakdown, and the dichotomic variable North-South. This constitutes an indispensable control variable, in that many phenomena in ÎItaly are polarised along this axis, and therefore several correlations might prove to be spurious. The variables Italy is divided into 95 provinces. The dependent variable is constituted by the number of live births to mothers between the ages of 15 and 19 years, per 1000 girls of the same age resident in each of the provinces considered. The independent variables are constituted by : unemployment rates (mean in the years 1992-1995). level of urbanisation (proportion of inhabitants in each province liv- ing In municipalities with a population of 80,000 or more) in 1994; the number of separations per 100,000 inhabitants in each province (mean in the years 1992-1995): the number of youths who got a secondary school diploma per 100 19-year-olds (mean in the years 1992-1995); infant mortality : deaths during the first year of life, per 1000 live births (mean in the years 1992-1995); AIl data were gathered from the appropriate ISTAT (National Insti- tute of Statistics, Rome) publications. civicness : we assessed the degree of civicness at the provincial level using three of the four indicators used by Putnam (Putnam et al.. 1993) at the regional level. Specifically, these three were : a) voter turnout in the 1993 referendums:; b)the percentage of citizens over the age of 13 years who read or leafed through a newspaper every day in 1994:; c) the presence of clubs and associations for recreation, sports, cul- ture. etc.. in 1995. — 69 — The source of data regarding the indicator b) was a publication by AUDIPRESS, an agency specialising in monitoring newspaper circulation ; for the indicator c), the source was the newspaper «Îl Sole 24 Ore» (December 18* 1996), which elaborated data from ISTAT (National Institute of Statistics). The three indicators are positively correlated (mean correlation .52). The average of their standardised scores was used to measure civicness; the measure has good reliability (alpha = .76). 7. a dichotomic variable «South»; with the value 1 for the 34 provinces located in the southern regions, and the value 0 for the 61 Provinces in the northern and central regions. 5. — STATISTICAL ANALYSIS AND RESULTS Teenage birth rates vary considerably among the provinces, from a minimum of 2.44 live births per 1000 girls aged 15 to 19 years in the Province of Terni to a maximum of 24.39 (10 times higher) in the Prov- ince of Catania. In general, the northern and central provinces have val- ues that are lower than the national average, while the southern prov- inces have higher values (Fig.1). — 70 — Fig. 1 N. of teenage births per 1,000 women 14 to 19 ys old in Italian Province.s (1992-1995_) 8 10 12 14 16 18 2U 22 24 ——F SR GS e NOVal à —— LOFINO ——" Vvercelli | sta — De rescia mo ( \s CreMmon mantova ms MilanO avla sondrio — enova imperia L — VO à spezla bolzano elluno nto e —s LrevISO rovigo —s Venezia es VIC@NZà na rizla e DO none (S |) es f e p ä23 modena cenza A ravenna reggio emilia arezzo —— Irenze =s Massa-Carrara f ena istoia rrr e perügia —s ter rc na ts àSCO mac é)lâ&fl0 -urbino rosinone 1etl ec iterbo —s C OR aquila ŸÆ c%mpobasso ms [SErnIa avellino nevento —s napoli salerno ——s Dari lecce f l|>arindisi taranto :— matera enza catanzaro cosenza reäw caltanissetta enna _n'a messina palermo ragusa trapani siracusa Cagliari \ 0fl$tano nuoro — 71 — In a first exploratory analysis, we examined the correlation coeffi- cients (see Tab. 1) among all variables. TABLE 1 : CORRELATIONS AMONG THE VARIABLES (N = 95; 1992-1995) Mean S.D (8) South (2) Unempl (3) Urbaniz (4) Civicness (6) Infant mort Teenage births (1) .706** .016|- . Ë_‘î ë* (5) High school dip 630** Ë,Ê (7) Separation 654** 6.19j 4.17 — 6.10 Unemployment (2) —|- .032| — 689** 060 676** 582** 829** 10.71 Urbanization (3) — 421** 195 060 426 164 18.78 1 19.87 — Civicness (4) 184 616** 699** TT1** 00 82 High school diploma (5) 048 012 107 58.17j 7.09 Infant mortality (6) 455 .699** 6.52 1.69 Separation (7) .659**186.41 |39.39 South (8) __ 36 48 ** p < .001 *p < .01 (2-tailed) We then conducted regression analyses using unemployment, urban- isation, separation, secondary diploma, infant mortality, civicness and the dichotomic variable South as predictors. In the first step, we regressed these on the dependent variable. In the second step, we added to the models the interactions of the independent variables with the var- iable South and with the territorial variable Urbanisation, and kept the interactions that were significant. No serious problems of multi-colline- arity were detected. TABLE 2 : EFFECTS OF ECONOMIC, CULTURAL AND INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS ON TEENAGE BIRTH RATES IN ITALIAN PROVINCES (N = 95; 1992-1995) (N = 95; YEARS 1992-1995 R’ adj. = .67 F=32.55 p<.000 Standardized £ regression coefficients Unemployment 405 000 Urbanization 252 002 High school diploma — .263 000 Infant mortality 255 004 _— 72 — TABLE 2 : EFFECTS OF ECONOMIC, CULTURAL AND INSTITUTIONAL FACTORS ON TEENAGE BIRTH RATES IN ITALIAN PROVINCES (N = 95; 1992-1995) (N = 95; YEARS 1992-1995 R’ adj. = .67 F=32.55 p<.000 Standardized Sig regression coefficients Civicness — .200 060 Civicness x Urbanization — 215 002 The results of the regression analysis (see Tab.2) reveal the impor- tance of various economic, social and cultural factors, while other fac- tors are excluded. The factor South did not prove to be a significant predictor; its relationship with teenage birth rates 1s therefore mediated by other factors, such as the economic factor. By contrast, unemployment displayed an association that was highly significant, thus confirming in Italy a finding already reported in many countries (Couiton and Pandey, 1992; Gold et al., 2002; Kirby et al., 2001; Ku et al., 1993; Murry, 1996; Smith, 1993; Stouthamer-Loeber and Wei, 1998). It therefore seems evident that in the Italian provinces with the highest unemployment rates, conditions are created in which girls are less aware, socially less integrated and more likely to behave irresponsibly. Infant mortality also constitutes a risk factor. As mentioned previ- ously, infant mortality is a (negative) indicator not only of perinatal and infant healthcare, but probably also of social intervention for children and adolescents. Greater welfare investments therefore seem to be able to reduce the teenage birth rate. Education is able to curb the rate of early motherhood. The fact that girls (and also boys) remain at school until the age of 19 years and obtain a secondary school diploma reduces the likelihood of early pregnancy. Various factors may be involved in this : as students, teenagers devote a good deal of their time to pro- social activities, they are supervised by adults, and they develop a greater awareness of the risks of early pregnancy and motherhood. Indeed, in areas where fewer young people receive a college education, teenagers initiate sexual intercourse at an earlier age (Brewster et al., 1993) and tend to make less use of contraceptives (Hogan et al., 1985). The effect of civicness as a factor of protection is seen in all prov- inces, and especially in those that are most urbanised, though it 1s these latter which display the highest rates of early motherhood. Indeed, the interaction between urbanisation and civicness is highly significant (p = .003), while civicness alone 1s only marginally so (p = .066). Civic par- _73 — ticipation and interest in the community therefore appear to be more important in the large cities, while in small towns interpersonal relation- ships and social control are stronger, regardless of civicness. It therefore seems that such factors as community commitment, interpersonal trust and the tendency to participate in solving community are more impor- tant in situations of anonymity and lack of social cohesion, which are more frequently encountered in some large city neighbourhoods than in small communities. 6. — CONCLUSIONS In view of the serious consequences that teenage motherhood gives rise to, this phenomenon should be dealt with decisively. This 1s possible through various types of intervention at various levels. First of all, social and health services can be organised in order to help young moth- ers to cope better with pregnancy and motherhood; such intervention may prevent or postpone further pregnancies. The phenomenon of early motherhood can also be curbed through specific programmes. In a recent review of 73 studies assessing programmes aimed at reducing unprotected sex, pregnancy and motherhood among adolescents, Kirby (2001) was able to pick out some kinds of intervention that have proved to be effective. These involve sex education programmes covering both abstinence and condoms or contraception, protocols for health clinic appointments and supportive activities on the part of healthcare person- nel, and in-service learning programmes. These last, which seem to be the most effective, consist of voluntary service in the community (tutor- ing, working in nursing homes, helping out in day care centres, etc.) or of structured time for preparation before, during and after service (group discussions, etc). During the periods in which the young people took part in these programmes, the number of pregnancies fell (Kirby, 2001). However, certain schemes adopted by various governments in order to reduce the number of early pregnancies are heavily conditioned by cultural and political constraints, and are therefore not equally acceptable in different contexts. For instance, the so-called «morning after pill», which 1s legal in France, would not be acceptable in Ireland or Texas. Similarly, cutting benefits for single mothers or conducting a campaign in favour of sexual abstinence, both of which have enjoyed considerable popularity in the United States, would not be welcomed in Sweden (UNICEF, 2001). In the light of the results of our research, it may be claimed that the phenomenon of early motherhood can be curbed also by intervention at a more general level. Our data confirm at the environmental level the — 74 — general impression that emerges from the studies on individuals; that 1s to say, that early motherhood is rooted in processes of social exclusion. It is noteworthy that the negative effect of unemployment can be counterbalanced by intervention aimed at improving the health and social welfare of children, and by programmes that succeed in raising the percentage of young people who continue their education beyond the age of obligatory schooling until they have obtained a diploma. Moreover, the negative effects of poverty and of other risk factors can be mitigated by the civic sense of citizens. Taken together, the results obtained indicate that the phenomenon of early motherhood, which stems from individual choices and behaviours, 1s influenced by macro-social factors. The phenomenon can therefore be prevented or reduced not only through the implementation of specific programmes, but also through intervention at the level of general social policy in the fields of health care, social services and education. REFERENCES ANDA, R.F.. CHAPMAN, D.P., FELITTI, V.J., EDWARDS, V., WILLIAMSON, D.F., CroFT, J.B., GiLEs, W.H. (2002), «Adverse childhood experiences and risk of paternity in teen pregnancy», Obstetrics and Gynecology, 100(1) : 37-45. BABSON, S.G.. CLARKE, N.G. (1983), «Relationship between infant death and maternal age. Comparison of sudden infant death incidence with other causes of infant mortality», The Journal of Pediatrics, 103(3): 391-393. BERTHOUD, R. (2001), «Teenage births to ethnic minority women», Population Trends summer, 104, pp. 12-17. BERTHOUD, R., RoBson, K. (2001), «The outcomes of teenage motherhood in Europe». Innocenti working paper, No. 86. Florence : Innocenti Research Centre. BOTTING, B., RosaTo, M., Woop, R. (1998), «Teenage mothers and the health of their children», ONS Population Trends, 93 : 19-28. BRENNAN, P. (2003), «Tobacco consumption during pregnancy and its impact on psychosocial child development», In TREMBLAY, R.E., BARR, R.G., PETERS, R.DeV. (eds), Encyclopedia on Early Childhood Development [online]. Mon- treal, QC : Centre of Excellence for FEarly Childhood Development; 2003 :1- S. Available at : http://www.excellence-earlychildhood.ca/documents/Brennan- ANGxp.pdf. Accessed 7-6-2003. BREWSTER, K.L., BiLLy, J.O.G., GRrapy, W.R. (1993), «Social context and ado- lescent behavior: the impact of community on the transition to sexual activity», Social Forces, 71(3): 713-740. BROMAN, S. (1981), «Seven-year outcome of 4,000 children born to teenagers in the United States», In ScoTT, K. Fie.p, T., ROBERTSON, E. (eds.), Teenage parents and their offspring, New York, NY : Grune & Stratton. pp. 195-226. BROOKS-GUNN, J., FURSTENBERG, F.F. (1986), «The children of adolescent mothers : Physical, academic and psychological outcomes», Developmental Review 6(3): 224-251. 75 — CHEVALIER, À., VIITANEN, T.K. (2002), The Long-Run Labour Market Conse- Available Aat: quences of Teenage, http ://cep.lse.ac.uk/pubs/download/ dp0516.pdf. Accessed 7-20-2003. CLEMMENS, D.AÀ. (2002), « Adolescent mother’ depression after their birth of their babies : weathering the storm», Adolescence 37(147) : 551-565. CORCORAN, J., FRANKLIN, C., BENNETT, P. (2000), «Ecological factors associated with adolescent pregnancy and parenting», Social Work Research, 24(1) : 29- 38. COULTON, C.J., PANDEY, S. (1992), «Geographic concentration of poverty and risk to children in urban neighborhoods», American Behavioral Scientist, 35 : 238-257. DEAL, L., HoLT, V. (1998), «Young maternal age and depressive symptoms : Results from the 1988 National Maternal and Infant Health Survey», Amer- ican Journal of Public Health, 88 : 266-270. DENNER, J., KirBy, D., CoyLE, K., BRINDIS, C. (2001), «The protective role of social capital and cultural norms in Latino communities : À study of adoles- cent births», Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 23(1) : 3-21. Eruis, B.J., BATES, J.E., DoDGE, K.À., FERGUSSON, D.M., Horwoop, J.L., PETTIT, G.S., WoopwARD, L. (2003), «Does Father Absence Place Daughters at Spe- cial Risk for Early Sexual Activity and Teenage Pregnancy?», Child Develop- ment, T4(3): 801-821 FERGUSSON, D.M. (1999), «Prenatal smoking and antisocial behavior», Archives of General Psychiatry, 56(3): 223-224. FLANAGAN, P., CoLL, C.G., ANDREOZZI, L., Ricas, S. (1995), «Predicting mal- treatment of children of teen mothers», Archives of Pediatrics & Adolescent Medicine, 149(4) : 451-455. FRASER, A.M., BROCKERT, J.E., WarD, R.H. (1995), «Association of young maternal age with adverse reproductive outcomes», New England Journal of Medicine, 332(17) : 1113-1118. FURSTENBERG, F.F., LEVINE, J.À., BROOKS-GUNN, J. (1990), «The children of teen mothers : Patterns of early child bearing in two generations», Family Planning Perspectives, 22(2) : 54-61. GATTI, U., TREMBLAY, R.E., LAROCQUE, D. (2003), «Civic Community and juve- nile delinquency : À study of the Regions of Italy», The British Journal of Criminology, 43 : 22-40. GATTI, U., TREMBLAY, R.E., SCHADEE, H. (2007), «Civic community and violent behavior in Italy», Aggressive Behavior, 33(1) : 56-62. GERSHENSON, H., MusIcK, J., RucH-Ross, H., MAGEE, V., RUBINO, K., ROSENBERG, D. (1989), «The prevalence of coercive sexual experience among teenage mothers», Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 4 : 204-219. Gorp, R., KAWACHI, I., KENNEDY, B.P., LYNCH, J.W., CONNELL, F.À. (2001), «Ecological analysis of teen birth rates : Association with community income and income inequality», Maternal and Child Health Journal, 5(3): 161-167. GoLDp, R., KENNEDY, B., CONNELL, F., KAwWAacHI, I. (2002), «Teen births income inequality, and social capital: Developing an understanding of the causal pathway», Health and Place, 8(2) : 71-83. GROGGER, J. (1997), «Incarceration-related costs of early child bearing», In MAy- NARD, R. (ed.), Kids having kids. Washington, DC : The Urban Institute Press pp. 232-255. — 76 … GUEORGUIEVA, R.V., CARTER, R.L., ARIET, M., ROTH, J., MAHAN, C.S., RESNICK, M.B. (2001). «Effect of Teenage Pregnancy on Educational Disabilities in Kindergarten», American Journal of Epidemiology, 154(3): 212-220. HAVEMAN, R.. WoLre, B. PETERSON, E. (1997), «Children of early child bearers as young adults». In MAYNARD, R. (ed.), Kids having kids, Washington, DC : The Urban Institute Press pp. 257-284. HELLERSTEDT,. W.L.. PIRIE, P.L.. ALEXANDER, G.R. (1995), «Adolescent parity and infant mortality, Minnesota, 1980 through 1988», American Journal of Public Health, 85(8): 1139-1145. HoOBCRAFT, J. (1998), «Intergenerational and life-course transmission of social exclusion : Influences of childhood poverty, family disruption and contact with the police», CASE paper 15. London School of Economics. HOGAN. D.P.. ASTONE, N.M., KITAGAWA, E.M. (1985), «Social and environmen- tal factors influencing contraceptive use among black adolescents», Family Planning Perspectives, 17(4) : 165-169 KENNEDY, B.P.. KAWACHI, I., PROTHROW-STITH, D., LOCHNER, K. GUPTA, V. (1998), «Social capital, income inequality, and firearm violent crime», Social Science and Medicine, | : T-17. KIERNAN, K. (1995), «Transition to parenthood : young mothers, young fathers - associated factors and later life experiences», LSE Discussion paper, WSP/ 113. Kirsy, D. (2001), «Effective approaches to reducing adolescent unprotected sex, pregnancy. and childbearing», The Journal of Sex Research, 39(1): 51-57. Kiray, D., CoyLE, K. Gourp, J. (2001), «Manifestations of poverty and birth- rates among young teenagers in California zip code areas», Family Planning Perspectives, 33(2) : 63-69. Ku, L.. SONENSTEIN, F.L., PLECK, J.H. (1993), « Neighborhood, family, and work : influences on the premarital behaviors of adolescent males», Social Forces, 72(2) : 479-503. LEVINE, J.A., POLLACK, H., COMFORT, M.E. (2001), «Academic and Behavioral Outcomes among the children of young mothers», Journal of Marriage and Family, 63(2) : 355-369 MACDORMAN, M.F., MININO, A.M., STROBINO, D.M., GUYER, B. (2002), «Annual summary of vital statistics - 2001», Pediatrics, 110(6): 1037-52. MasKEY, S. (1991), «Teenage Pregnancy : Doubts, uncertainties and psychiatric disturbance», Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine, 84(12) : 723-725, MESSNER. S.F., BAUMER, E.P., ROSENFELD, R. (2004), «Dimensions of Social Cap- ital and Rates of Criminal Homicide», American Sociological Review, 69(6) : 882-903. MILLER, F.C. (2000), «Impact of adolescent pregnancy as we approach the new millennium», Journal of Pediatrics and Adolescent Gynecology, 12(1) : 5-8. MorrFITT, T.E., «The E-Risk Study Team (2002). Teen-aged mothers in contem- porary Britain», Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 43(6) : 727-742. MOORE, K.A.. MORRISON, D.R., GREENE, À.D. (1997), «Effects on the children born to adolescent mothers», In MAYNARD, R. (ed.). Kids having Kkids, Wash- ington, DC : The Urban Institute Press, pp.145-180. Murry, V.M. (1996), «Inner-city girls of color: Unmarried, sexually active nonmothers», In LEADBEATER. B.J.R., Way, N. (eds), Urban girls : Resisting stereotypes, creating identities, New York : NYU Press pp. 272-290. 77 — NAGIN D.S., TREMBLAY R.E. (2001b), «Parental and early childhood predictors of persistent physical aggression in boys from kindergarten to high school», Archives of General Psychiatry, 58(4) : 389-394. NATIONAL VITAL STATISTICS REPORT (2002), Centers for Disease Control and Pre- vention, Atlanta. ONS (1995), Infant feeding survey, cit. by Social Exclusion Unit’s, Teenage preg- nancy, The Stationery Office, London. OSBORNE, L.N., RHopes, J.E. (2001), «The role of life stress and social support in the adjustment of sexually victimized pregnant and parenting minority adolescents», American Journal of Community Psychology, 29(6) : 833-849. PUTNAM, R.D. (2000), «Bowling alone», The collapse and revival of American community, New York : Simon and Schuster. PUTNAM, R.D., LEONARDI, R., NANETTI, R.Y. (1993), «Making Democracy Work», Civic Traditions in Modern Italy, Princeton : Princeton University Press. QUINLIVAN, J.A., PETERSEN, R.W., GURRIN, L.C. (1999), «Adolescent pregnancy : Psychopathology missed», Australian and New Zealand Journal of Psychiatry, 33(6) : 864-868. RAUCH-ELNEKAVE, H. (1994), «Teenage motherhood : its relationship to undetec- ted learning problems», Adolescence, 29(113): 91-103. SAMPSON, R.J., RAUDENBUSH, S.W., EARLS, F. (1997), «Neighborhood and Vio- lent Crime : À Multilevel Study of Collective Efficacy», Science, 277 : 918- 924. SMITH, T. (1993), «Influence of socio-economic factors on attaining targets for reducing teenage pregnancies», British Medical Journal, 14 : 1232-1235. SOCIAL EXCLUSION UNIT (1999), Teenage Pregnancy. Report to Prime Minister. STOUTHAMER-LOEBER, M., We1, B.S. (1998), «The precursors of young fatherhood and its effect on delinquency of teenage males», Journal of Adolescent Health, 22(1) : 56-65. TIMMs, D. (1996), «Teenage mothers and the adult mental health of their sons : evidence from a Stockholm cohort», Journal of Adolescence, 19 : 545-556. TurLEY, R.N.L. (2003), «Are children of young mothers disadvantaged because of their mother’s age or family background?», Child Development, 74(2) : 465- 474. UNICEF (2001), ÀA league table of teenage births in rich nations, Innocenti Report Card No. 3, July, UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre, Florence. WELLINGS, K. (1999), Promoting the health of teenage and lone mothers — setting a research agenda, Report of the UK Health Education Authority Expert Working Group. WHITMAN, T.L., BORKOWSKI, J.G., SCHELLENBACH, C.J., NATH, P.S. (1997), «Predicting and understanding developmental delay of children of adolescent mothers : À multidimensional approach», American Journal of Mental Defi- ciency, 92(1): 40-56. WiLsoN, S.H., BRowN, T.P., RicCHARDS, R.G. (1992), «Teenage conception and contraception in the English regions», Journal of Public Health Medicine, 14 : 17-25. WOLFE, B., PEROZEK, M. (1997), «Teen children s health care and health use», In MAYNARD, R. (ed.), Kids having kids, Washington, DC : The Urban Institute Press pp. 181-204. ZOCCOLILLO, M.. RoGEers, K. (1991), «Characteristics and outcome of conduct disorder in hospitalized adolescent girls», Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 30 : 973-981. ABSTRACT Teenage births are seen as a problem in modern societies, because of the serious negative consequences for the mother, for her child, and for society in general. The children of teenage mothers have been seen to display difficulty in socialisation, hyperactivity, poor impulse control and aggression, fail- ure to complete school, higher incarceration rates. Many studies carried out in different countries show that the rates of adolescent mothers are linked to a pattern of cultural, political, histor- ical and economic aspects that interact in a complex way, and are not easy to interpret. We intended to ascertain the connections between teenage birth rate and territorial characteristics inside a country, Italy. using the 95 Italian provinces as units of analysis. We found that the rates of adolescent motherhood were predicted by unemployment, low school achievement, urbanization, high infant mor- tality, and low civicness. RESUMÉ Les accouchements à l’adolescence sont vus comme un problème dans les sociétés modernes, en raison des conséquences négatives pour la mère, l'enfant, et la société en général. On constate que les enfants de mères adolescentes présentent des dif- ficultés de socialisation, de l’hyperactivité, un faible contrôle de l'impul- sion et de l'agression, une difficulté à parfaire leur scolarité, et des taux d'incarcération plus élevés. De nombreuses études menées dans différents pays montrent que les taux de mères adolescentes sont liés à un contexte d’aspects culturels, politiques, historiques et économiques qui interagissent de manière com- plexe, et ne sont pas faciles à interpréter. Nous avons tenté de discerner les liens entre le taux d’accouchements à l’adolescènce et les caractéris- tiques territoriales en Italie, en utilisant les 95 provinces 1taliennes comme unités d'analyse. Nous trouvons que les taux de maternité à l’adolescence sont prédits par le chômage, l'interruption des études, l’urbanisation, la mortalité infantile élevée, et le sens civique. __ 79 _ RESUMEN Los partos en la adolescencia se consideran como un problema en las sociedades modernas, debido a las consecuencias negativas para la madre, el niño y la sociedad en general. Se constata que los niños de madres adolescentes presentan dificul- tades de socializaciôn, de hiperactividad, un débil control del impulso y de la agresion, una dificultad en acabar su escolaridad y tasas de encar- celamiento mâs elevadas. Numerosos estudios llevados a cabo en diferentes paises muestran que las tasas de madres adolescentes estän relacionadas con aspectos culturales, politicos, histôricos y econômicos, los cuales obran recipro- camente de manera compleja y no son fâciles de interpretar. Hemos intentado distinguir los vinculos entre las tasas de partos en la adolescencia y las caracteristicas territoriales en Italia, utilizando las 95 provincias italianas como unidades de anâlisis. Hemos encontrado que las tasas de maternidad en la adolescencia se predicen por el paro, la interrupciôn de los estudios, la urbanizaciôn, la elevada mortalidad infantil y el sentido civico. — 80 — VICTIMIZATION AND PREDATORY VIOLENCE AMONG STREET YOUTH IN TORONTO, CANADA Patricia G. Erickson ‘ Jennifer E. Butters ®) Tara L. Bruno © } @) INTRODUCTION Although no precise figures are available, it 1s estimated that there may be as many as 150,000 homeless or under-housed youth in Canada (Radford, King & Warren, 1998). Youth who leave home, whether temporarily or permanently, often head for urban centres, preferring the downtown or inner core. Recent Canadian figures identify from 10% — 30% of the urban homeless as youth (National Homelessness Initiative, 2003). Once street-involved, youth may become progressively more detached from their families, the educational system and main- stream society. Such youth are likely to adopt a more entrenched street- involved lifestyle that is best characterized as a predatory and unstable ( Ph.D., Centre for Addiction & Mental Health, and Department of Sociology, Univer- sity of Toronto. Canada. (( Ph.D.. Centre for Addiction & Mental Health. “ M.A.. Department of Sociology, University of Toronto. Canada. ( Correspondence : Patricia G. Erickson, Ph.D.. Senior Scientist, Social, Prevention and Policy Research Department, Centre for Addiction and Mental Health, T-418, 33 Russell Street, Toronto, Ontario, Canada, M5S 2S1. (E-mail: pat_erickson@camh.net). C Acknowledgments : The authors wish to acknowledge the Youth Pathways Project [YPP] team consisting of Patricia Erickson, Principal Investigator: Co-Investigators/Collab- orators, Edward Adlaf, Jennifer Butters, Deborah Goodman, Andrew Hathaway. Bruce Les- lie. Paul Links, Lori Ross, Carol Strike, and Christine Wekerle; Community Partners, Toronto Children's Aid Society. Catholic Children‘s Aid Society of Toronto. and SHOUT Clinic; Research Staff, Katharine King (Project Coordinator), Tara (Fidler) Bruno. Tyler Frederick, Maritt Kirst, and Eman Leung. This project was funded by a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council Home- lessness and Diversity Strategic Grant; a grant from the Innovative Approaches to Dissem- ination competition; a Canadian Institutes for Health Research Pilot Project competition of the Institute of Gender and Health. Dr. Wekerle acknowledges the support to the YPP from her CIHR New Emerging Team Grant for Tara Fidler. An earlier version of the paper was presented at a Health Canada Seminar, Ottawa. Feb- ruary, 2008. by the first author. — 8l environment, where youth are both victims and victimizers (Haley & Roy, 1999). For youth leaving home in Ontario, the destination is usu- ally the city of Toronto, with one of the largest populations of home- less and marginalized youth in Canada, and also one of the most diverse. While youth crime is a pressing concern (Butters et al., 2003), street youth are much more likely than housed youth to be victims, perpetra- tors and witnesses of violent crimes. High-risk youth, those who are fos- tered, placed in the care of the state, runaways, transient, and street- involved, represent a vulnerable population that are both under-served and hard-to-serve, yet carry a high personal burden of suffering and costs to mental health, social service and the criminal justice systems (Cameron & Karabanow, 2003). Street youth tend to be from dysfunc- tional families, have histories of maltreatment, and by early or mid-ado- lescence, be out of school, unemployed, and alienated from non-deviant peer groups and supportive contexts (Baron, Kennedy & Forde, 2001 ; Karabanow, 2003; Whitbeck, Hoyt, Yoder, Causce & Paradise, 2001). Many drift in and out of homelessness. Such youth are at substantive risk for mental health and addiction problems. Their lives are further complicated by high rates of surveillance and arrest by police, leading to records which in turn may further compromise their potential for employment and transition off the street to conventional adult roles. While some studies have explored the correlates of violence among homeless youth (as opposed to adults over 20), few have included an array of mental health and substance use factors and their different impacts by gender. As noted, homeless youth have high involvement in street crime and related violence, both as victims and perpetrators (Baron & Hartnagel, 1998; Gaetz, 2004; Hagan & McCarthy, 1997). It is increasingly recognized that adolescent girls and boys take different pathways through high-risk behaviours such as delinquency (Wade & Brannigan 1998; Wade, 2001), and also experience the stresses of home- lessness differently in the gendered environment of the street (Gaetz, 2004). This has implications for their roles in street related violence. Women’s greater vulnerability to poor mental health and particularly depression has been well documented in street youth populations (Whit- beck, Hoyt & Yoder, 1999; Wade & Cairney, 2000; Wade, Cairney & Pevalin, 2002). Young women who are homeless are particularly vulner- able to sexual assault and abuse by their partners (Strike et al., 2001 ; Sales & Murphy, 2000; Simons & Whitbeck, 1999). Homeless women in general experience frequent injuries, exposure to HIV, and frequent recourse to both emergency and community health services (Butters & Erickson, 2003; Chen et al., 2004; Jackson & Hood, 2001; Nyamathi, — 82 — Leake & Gelberg, 2000). Sexual minority males and females are also exposed to more violence in street situations (Kruks, 1991). Street youth in Canada are twice as likely to report being the victim of a crime in the past year as a comparable age group in the general population : 82 % vs. 38 % (Gaetz, 2004). Among homeless youth, males are more likely to experience non-sexual physical victimization than are females (Whitbeck et al., 2001). Compared to females, male homeless youth are also more likely to commit property and violent crimes, inject drugs and be involved in drug dealing (Baron & Hartnagel, 2002; Baron, Kennedy & Forde, 2001; Whitbeck et al., 2001; Paradise & Cauce, 2003; Gaetz, 2004). Illicit drug use, generally much higher among street youth than high school students, shows similar levels for both sexes but methadone and other prescription drugs tend to be used more by girls (Dematteo et al., 1999; Smart et al., 1992). Poly-substance use is also much more frequent among street youth and is associated with more serious long range problems (Ginzler et al., 2003; Kirst, Erickson and Strike, 2009). Homeless women are also more likely to die of a drug overdose then men (Cheung & Hwang, 2004; Roy et al., 2004). Persistent vulnerabilities in mental health and substance use for both sexes not only help to account for involvement in street crime and violence but also reduce youths’ ability to alter their homeless status (Wekerle & Wall, 2002). À critical variable that can shed light on the poor mental health of high-risk youth is exposure to violence (Johnson, 2003). Researchers have evaluated the impact of witnessing violent events on the mental health outcome of children and adolescents and found serious negative consequences (Howard, 1996; Wekerle & Wall, 2002). Given that the streets offer few safe havens for homeless youth, the social environment becomes one of ongoing stress where carrying weapons for protection may be seen as normal (Gaetz, 2004). Although public violence on the streets has serious implications, «research in the field of community vio- lence is in its infancy» (Cooley, Turner & Beidle, 1995 :207). Homeless youth are frequently exposed to violence in the community context with unknown but potentially devastating impacts (Krug et al., 2002). À general model (Figure 1) shows the intersection of risk factors, tar- gets for intervention, and the different levels where high-risk youth may be approached for research, prevention, and intervention. __ 83 — FIGURE 1 : MODEL OF IDENTIFICATION AND INTERVENTION FOR YOUTH AT RISK OF VIOLENCE es seacnes es se cec s0001101100 0 Home / School Experience —--srcs c000e a 000001000000 0 paemsemeeecse m0 000070007000 0R Culture / Substance Use / Risk Factors Immigration Status Mental lilness _---2-0000 ___________ v High-Risk Youth -— —" — e —s —S —E C=E —S CN GS UEN QEN CN CN US CN CR S US CN Ss sCCsrCC0S Most Vulnerable Youth aged 16-21 Targets for intervention Key Questions: How to reduce and prevent violence —— at early / crucial / important stages of .- P SS the life course/for boys and girls ? ++++++++ +» —." — —S e RP C0 srssrsSsrsCSsrsSrtsrsEE Research Sites | ts =s =s CSsCSsCsSsCSsCSsCSsCCS sC” S 000 OS OS OS OS CN OS CN 0S CSsCSsCC0 Method & ; Schqols Sheiters Surveys Family level of analysis | l Community ] [ Population l [ Clinical | seaut ihéiteres are vx we sepa v METHOD Data Collection This study presents data from the first wave of the Youth Pathways Project (YPP), conducted by a multidisciplinary team of researchers from the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health and the University of Toronto. The purpose of the study was to examine and compare path- ways to independent living or continued housing instability among high- risx young women and men over time. The YPP study also sought to explore the relationship between physical and mental health, drug use, victimization, criminal activity, pregnancy and service utilization on housing status among vulnerable youth. The study incorporated a lon- gitudinal design in which youth, aged 16-20, accessing services for street- involved youth in Toronto were recruited to participate in four 1inter- views over the course of 12 months. After screening, youth were inter- viewed in private, in a one-to-one interview, and paid $20 for their par- ticipation. Data collection took place from January 2005 to June 2006. During this time, a total of 150 respondents were recruited : 75 female __ 84 __ street-involved youth and 75 male street-involved youth. The study pro- posal was reviewed and received ethical approval from the Research Ethics Boards of the University of Toronto and the Centre for Addic- tion and Mental Health. This paper focuses on the correlates of violence perpetration and victimization experiences of street-involved youth in both bivariate and multivariate analyses. Sample Characteristics The characteristics of this sample of 150 street youth are shown 1n table 1. As noted, we deliberately strove to have equal numbers of men and women, to counter the gender imbalance found in many prior stud- 1es dominated by males. TABLE 1 : SAMPLE CHARACTERISTICS Variables Males (N=75) Females (N=75) 70 9 [6 Age 16-17 years 11 17 39 83 18-20 years Sexual Orientation Heterosexual 73 64 Bisexual 15 29 Gay/Lesbian 11 Other Country of birth Canada 85 83 Other 15 17 Citizenship Canadian 92 89 Other 11 Language spoken at home English 69 79 French — 85 — TABLE 1 : SAMPLE CHARACTERISTICS Variables Males (N=75) Females (N=75) % % Other 27 19 The majority of respondents were in the 18 to 20 year old range, with only 11% of males and 17% of females aged 16-17 years. Like most prior studies, ours found a higher proportion of sexual minorities (gay, lesbian, bisexual) than the overall youth population. More women than men reported being non-heterosexual, 36% compared to 27%. Similar to other Toronto studies of street youth (Dematteo et al., 1999; Smart et al., 1992), nearly all had Canadian citizenship and were Canadian born. Given the tremendous ethnic diversity in Toronto, it is not surprising that about one quarter of respondents had grown up with a language other than English or French. Outcome Measures : Victimization and Perpetration Victimization was measured by a series of questions concerning the youths’ experiences of being assaulted with a gun, knife, or other object in past 12 months. À dichotomous outcome was created by summing the scores for the three types of weapon assault and collapsing the groups into two categories: experienced no assaults in the past 12 months and experienced one or more assaults in the past 12 months. Experiencing no assaults was the reference category. Perpetration was measured by youths' responses to whether or not they had beat up or hurt someone on purpose in the past 12 months and if so, how many times. The perpetration outcome measure was coded into three groups : no, did not beat up or hurt anyone (0), yes, once or twice (1) and yes, three or more times (2). Those who did not beat up or hurt anyone on purpose were the reference group. Correlates There were several correlates we examined in our analysis of violent victimization and perpetration. To assess the different experiences of the young men and women in the sample we included gender in our analy- sis. The males were coded as O and the females were coded as 1. For our regression analyses, we reverse coded gender, so females became the reference category. We also examined the impact that housing had on the odds of being victimized or perpetrating violence. Housing was measured by a series of questions about where the youth had stayed for at least one night in the past four months. À dichotomy was created for housing. If youth reported staying in an apartment or rented room, a supervised apartment, with parents, partner/friend, friend’s family, or foster family in the past four months they were considered to have secure housing and were given a value of 1. However, if the youth reported staying on the street, in an abandoned building, a park, at a bus/train station, a stairwell, under a bridge, or at a hostel/shelter in the past four months, then these youth were considered to have insecure housing and were given a value of 2. Insecure housing was the reference category. Youth were asked 1f they felt dependent on a number of different substances including alcohol, marijuana, hallucinogens, amphetamines, powder cocaine, crack, and heroin. From these multiple yes/no responses, a variable was created measuring the total number of sub- stances youth reported feeling dependent upon. Given the negatively skewed distribution for the number of drugs youth felt dependent upon, a dichotomy of substance use problems was created. If youth reported feeling dependent on 0-2 substances they were given a score of 1; if they reported feeling dependent on 3 or more substances they were given a value of 2. Alcohol and cannabis were examined separately from the other substances in previous analyses and we found that there was a strong association with other drug use problems involving more danger- ous substances. To avoid multicollinearity in our final models, we decided to use the combined substance dependency measure. In addition to substance use, youth were asked about their mental health. For the current analysis, we included a measure of mental health that asked the youth 1if they had ever received a mental health diagnosis. If the youth responded yes, then they were given a value of 1; all no responses were given a value of 2 and this was the reference category for our multivariate analyses. Selling drugs was measured by asking the youth how often they sold drugs in the last 12 months. Given the wide variability in responses we created a three category measure to capture the different levels of drug selling reported. Youth reporting that they never sold drugs were given a value of 0: those who sold drugs 1-50 times in the last 12 months were given a value of 1; and those who reported selling drugs 50 or more times in the past 12 months were given a value of 2. These variables were reverse coded for the regression analysis with «never sold drugs» as the reference category. __ 87 — Youth were asked about how often they carried a knife for the pur- pose of defending themselves or using in a fight in the last 12 months and how often they carried a gun for reasons other than hunting or tar- get shooting in the last 12 months. Given our interest in specific weapon carrying and not the frequency of weapon carrying, we created two dichotomies to measure XÆnife carrying and gun carrying in the past 12 months. If youth reported carrying a knife at least once in the past 12 months they were given a value of 1, if they reported never carrying a knife, then they were given a value of zero. The same coding proce- dure was followed for the gun carrying measure. Again, when we pro- ceeded to the regression analysis stage, we reverse coded the categories of weapons carried so that «never carried a weapon in the past 12 months» was our reference category. ANALYSIS We begin our analysis with an overview of perpetration, victimiza- tion and criminal involvements of the street involved youth in our sam- ple. We expand our understanding of violence and victimization by examining the combined effects of gender, housing, mental health, sub- stance use problems, weapon carrying, and involvement in the drug trade using logistic and multinomial regression modeling. All analyses for this paper used SPSS version 15.0. RESULTS Descriptive analyses examined the proportion of respondents report- ing various types of violent victimization and perpetration in the past 12 months, past 12 month criminal activity and arrest frequency. These findings are presented in table 2. TABLE 2 : DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF PAST 12 MONTH VICTIMIZATION, WEAPON RELATED VICTIMIZATION, ASSAULT PERPETRATION, CRIMINAL ACTIVITY AND ARREST HISTORY Variables Males Females (N=75) (N=75) 0 O 7 Victimization-past 12 months __ 88 — TABLE 2 : DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF PAST 12 MONTH VICTIMIZATION, WEAPON RELATED VICTIMIZATION, ASSAULT PERPETRATION, CRIMINAL ACTIVITY AND ARREST HISTORY Males ÎF emales Variables (N=75) (N=75) 0 0 7 In the past year has your partner hurt you physically (hit 33.0 27.0 or slap) In the past year has someone threatened or tried to sexu- 7.0 30.0 ally assault you 1.0 18.0 In the past year have you been sexually assaulted Weapon related victimization — threats In the past 12 months have you been threatened by a knife 41.3 25.0 36.0 11.0 In the past 12 months have you been threatened by a gun In the past 12 months have you been threatened by an 28.0 21.4 object Weapon related victimization — hurt In the past 12 months have you been hurt by a knife 13.5 4.1 In the past 12 months have you been hurt by a gun 4.1 2.7 In the past 12 months have you been hurt by an object 17.6 5.5 Assault perpetration (beat up/hurt) in the past 12 months Never 63.5 66.7 Once or twice 20.3 20.0 Three times or more 16.2 13.3 Criminal activity — past 12 months Physically hurt boyfriend/girlfriend/partner 23.0 Taken something worth $50 or less T 557Î)0 42.0 Taken something worth $50 or more 64.0 24.0 Carried a knife 56.0 33.0 _Sold drugs 49.0 35.0 Spent a night in detention or custody 73.0 50.0 — 89 TABLE 2 : DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF PAST 12 MONTH VICTIMIZATION, WEAPON RELATED VICTIMIZATION, ASSAULT PERPETRATION, CRIMINAL ACTIVITY AND ARREST HISTORY Males Females Variables (N=75) | (N=75) “ % Arrest history — how many times have you been arrested None 18.3 39.4 1 — 5 times 43.7 49.3 6 — 15 times 19.7 7.0 16+ times 18.3 4.2 Table 2 illustrates past 12 month victimization for male and female street youth. These findings reveal approximately one third of the male and female (33 % and 27 % respectively) respondents report being phys- ically hurt (hit or slapped) in the past 12 months. Over four times as many women report a threatened or attempted sexual assault than men (30% vs 7%) and finally, 18% of the females in the sample indicate being sexually assaulted in the past 12 months compared to ! % of their male counterparts. The findings related to past year weapon related victimization pertain to two aspects of weapon victimization — being threatened and actually being hurt. Three types of weapons are examined : knives, guns and objects. Being threatened with a knife was reported most frequently by both males and females although a much greater proportion of males report this form of violence in comparison to females (41 % vs. 25 %). Gun related threats were also more commonly reported among males; 36 % indicated being threatened with a gun in the past 12 months com- pared to 11 % of female street youth. Finally being threatened with an object was reported by 28% of the male respondents and 21% of females. Overall, a much smaller proportion of street youth report actually being hurt with a weapon over the past 12 months than being threat- ened. However, 14 % of males indicated being hurt with a knife and 4% of females reported the same. In general, the proportion of respondents who reported being hurt with a gun was low for both groups; 4% of males and 3 % of females. Being hurt with an object was most frequently — 90 — reported and three times as many men indicated this type of weapon related violence than women (18 % vs. 6%). The proportion of street youth who reported perpetrating an assault (hurting or beating someone up) on another person in the past 12 months 1s also presented in table 2. Two-thirds of both male (64 %) and female (67 %) street youth indicated «never» assaulting someone in this time frame. Assaulting someone «once or twice» in the past 12 months was reported by 20 % of both groups of street youth. Finally, 16% of male respondents reported assaulting someone three or more times in the past 12 months and 13 % of females reported the same. À range of criminal activities were included in these analyses. In the last 12 months, over four times as many female street youth reported physically hurting their boyfriend/girlfriend/partner than did their male counterparts (23% vs. 5%). Theft was commonly reported by both groups. Among males, 57 % reported taking something worth $50 or less and 64% taking something worth $50 or more. Minor theft appeared to be more common for women, as 42% indicated stealing something worth less than $50, while 24% reported theft of something worth more than $50. Over half (56 %) of the male street youth indicated carrying a knife in the past 12 months and a third (33 %) of the women reported the same. Selling drugs was also commonly reported among these respondents. Just under half (49 %) of males and 35% of females indi- cated participating in this activity in the past 12 months. Finally, it was not uncommon for this group to have spent a night in detention or cus- tody over the past year. Half (50%) of the females and approximately three-quarters (73 %) of the males reported this experience. Related to time spent in custody or detention, table 2 reveals the fre- quency of arrest for this group. À larger proportion of female street youth (39 %) reported having never been arrested than their male coun- terparts (18 %). Similarly, women were slightly more likely to indicate being arrested 1 to 5 times than males (49% vs. 43%). Conversely, a much larger proportion of male street youth reported more significant arrest histories. Specifically, 20% of men reported being arrested 6 to 15 times and 18% indicated 16 or more arrests compared to 7% and 4 % of their female counterparts. In addition to the descriptive findings, two logistic regression analy- ses of weapon related victimization and violence perpetration were con- ducted. These analyses examined the impact of a variety of risk factors, including gender, mental health diagnosis, housing stability, weapon car- rying, substance use problems and drug selling, on the likelihood of these two outcomes. — 91 — The logistic regression model for weapon related victimization is pre- sented in Table 3. These analyses indicated five significant risk factors for this outcome. TABLE 3 : ODDS RATIOS AND CONFIDENCE INTERVALS FOR LOGISTIC REGRESSION MODEL PREDICTING WEAPON RELATED VICTIMIZATION FOR STREET YOUTH OR 95% CI Variables Male 2.402* 1.011, 5.706 Secure housing 0.612 0.238, 1.577 Mental health diagnosis 2.598* 1.135, 5.947 3 or more reported substance use problems 1.362 0.549, 3.377 Carried a knife in the past 12m 3.371** 1.451, 7.833 7.066* 1.306, 38.221 Carried a gun in the past 12m Sold drugs 1 — 50 times in the past 12m 2.479+ 0.559, 4.712 Sold drugs 50+ times in the past 12m 1.622 0.893, 6.880 +p<0.10, *p<0.05, **p<0.01 The risk for weapon related victimization was greater for males than females. Specifically males were more than twice as likely as females to report this type of victimization (OR :2.4; CI 1.01-5.71). Moreover, the odds of weapon related victimization were 2.6 times greater for those street youth with a mental illness diagnosis than those without (OR :2.6; CI 1.14-5.95). Respondents who reported carrying a knife in the past year were three times more likely to be victimized than those who did not carry a knife. In addition, those street youth who carried a gun in the past 12 months were 7 times as likely to be at risk of weapon related victimization than those who do not carry this weapon (OR :7.07; CI 1.31-38.22). Finally, selling drugs 1 to 50 times in the past year was also observed to significantly increase the odds of being victimized. Youths with this pattern of drug selling were two and half times more likely to be victimized (OR : 2.50; CI 0.56-4.71) than those not involved in drug selling activities. Table 4 shows the logistic regression model for violence perpetration. These analyses examined the impact of the various risk factors on the likelihood of perpetrating one or two types of violence and the likeli- hood of committing three or more types of violent acts. __ 92 _ TABLE 4 : ODDS RATIOS AND CONFIDENCE INTERVALS FOR MULTINOMIAL LOGISTIC REGRESSION MODEL PREDICTING VIOLENCE PERPETRATION Variables ! or 2 types of violence 3+ types of violence OR 95% CI OR 95% CI Male 0.858 0.323 , 2.27 1.422 0.360, 5.611 Secure housing 0.441 0.141 , 1.384 0.389 0.070, 2.148 Mental health diagnosis 1.463 0.578 , 3.701 1.784 0.510, 6.244 3 or more substance use problems 1.220 0.453 , 3.281 2.2440.390, 12.922 Carried a knife in the past 12m 0.874 0.323 , 2.369 4.966*11.262, 19.543 Carried a gun in the past 12m 1.420 0.300 , 6.723 2.2640.406, 12.623 1.155, 14.174 2.312/2.468, 58.413 Sold drugs 1-50 times in the past 12m_ 5.326** Sold drugs 50+ times in the past 12m 4 046* 1.756, 16.160) 12.007** 0.365, 14.631 +p<0.10. *p<0.05. **p<0.01, ***p<.001 Only the drug selling variables emerged as significant factors on the odds of perpetrating one or two types of violence. Respondents who reported selling drugs | to 50 times in the past 12 months were 5 times more likely to indicate having perpetrated a violent act against another (OR : 5.33; CI 1.16-14.17) and those who sold 50+ times were approx- imately 4 times as likely to report the same in comparison to those street youth not engaged in drug selling over the past year (OR : 4.05; CI 1.76- 16.16). The odds of committing three or more types of violent acts against another were significantly influenced by two factors: carrying a knife and selling drugs 50 more times in the past 12 months. Individuals who reported carrying a knife were 5 times more likely to report this level of violence perpetration (OR : 4.97; CI 1.26-19.54) than those who did not carry a knife and those street youth who indicated selling drugs more than 50 times in the past year were 12 times more likely to engage in this degree of violence perpetration than those not selling drugs (OR : 12.01; CI 0.37-14.63). DISCUSSION The findings presented in this paper reinforce the reality of violence for street youth. The young men and women in this study report not only being victimized but also perpetrating acts of violence against oth- ers as well. __ 93 — Supporting other literature (Simons & Whitbeck, 1999; Gaetz, 2004), the descriptive findings reveal a greater proportion of female street youth reported being the victim of sexual assaults, both threatened and actual, than their male counterparts. Clearly the reality of experiencing this type of violence remains a significant risk for these young women. Male street youth on the other hand are more likely to experience weapon related violence, both threatened and actual, than their female counterparts. This may be related to the finding that male street youth also reported carrying weapons more than females and perhaps are in situations of confrontational violence more so than female street youth. Knife related violence 1s the most common form of victimization expe- rienced by both males and females, and a large proportion of both, par- ticularly males, report carrying this type of weapon as well. This may be a reflection of access, as in the Canadian context, knives are more readily available and less expensive than guns (see Erickson et al., 2006). Not surprisingly, this sample of street youth has engaged in a variety of petty and more serious criminal activities and a majority have histo- ries of arrest. The extent to which their criminal behaviours reflect «surviving street life» remains a question for subsequent research. To the extent that stealing and drug selling represent primary forms of income generation for these youth, intervention initiatives could con- sider developing other legitimate income opportunities. The large pro- portion of youth reporting weapon carrying likely reflects the need for self protection against the dangers of living on the street or in precari- ous, even dangerous housing. While we expected that those who were more dependent on a variety of substances would be more prone to victimization, this was not the case. The logistic regression analyses failed to find a significant relation- ship between drug problems and victimization. Supporting other research highlighting the risky nature of drug mar- ket involvement (Brunelle, Brochu & Cousineau, 2000; Goldstein, 1985) the findings presented here found a marginally significant relationship between «small time dealers» (selling 1-50 times in the past year) and increased risk for victimization. However, those more involved in drug selling activities were at no greater victimization risk. This may indicate that smaller dealers have increased odds of being victimized because they are less experienced with protecting themselves, or less protected by others higher up in the drug trade, while the more experienced sellers know the situations to avoid and may present themselves as «tougher.» Since being a male and carrying weapons increase the odds of vic- timization, this suggests they may do so for protection. Perhaps it is a self-fulfilling prophecy : If they are carrying a weapon, they are antici- _— 94 — pating being victimized, and may be less likely to back down from a sit- uation where they feel threatened, but may still end up being injured. These analyses present some additional insight into violence perpe- tration. For more frequent violence, carrying a knife and more frequent drug selling increased the likelihood of violence against others, but only drug selling (any) was significant for less frequent violence. Again this supports the systemic link between drug selling and violence as a means to maintain control of illegal exchange situations (Goldstein, 1985). Unlike drug using delinquents, where systemic links to violence are less evident (Brunelle, Brochu & Cousineau, 2000), it 1s likely that street youth involved in frequent drug selling are more similar to adult coun- terparts and resort to more serious violence more often. Carrying a knife for protection may be risky 1f they are caught by the police, hence they may be more likely to work with someone else who will provide protec- tion. However, unlike the economic compulsive aspect of Goldstein’s (1985) model, the more substance dependent youth were not more likely to inflict violence to get money for drugs. Gender was not significant, suggesting an even propensity of boys and girls to inflict violence. Perhaps there 1s an «on-the-street» sociali- zation which leads girls to follow the boys’ example of violence in order to cope; or alternatively, perhaps more violence prone girls leave their homes and are drawn to the street. As well, they are similar to delin- quent girls who have been found to be more equal to boys in their acts of violence compared to the general youthful population (Butters et al., 2009). CONCLUSION It is evident that like other research on street-involved youth, those in Toronto are no stranger to violence, whether on the giving or receiv- ing end. This study has attempted to identify a sub-group among street youth who are at even higher risk of being victims or perpetrators of violence. However, due to the constellation of risk factors, it could be said that most of these youth are high risk simply because they must function in a dangerous environment where it is necessary to carry weapons and participate in illegal and hazardous activities like drug sell- Ing Being male was a stronger predictor of victimization than predation, perhaps because the focus of the outcome was on weapons related vio- lence rather than sexual assault. Much remains to be gained from research continuing to examine male and female street youth collectively to highlight shared predictors and experiences. However, it is imperative —— 95 _ for this work to also identify potentially unique risk factors and out- comes that males and females experience differently in this environment. The implications for prevention are clear : as long as youth remain street-involved, violence will be part of their lives. It 1s essential to devise strategies to improve their chance of moving off the streets, and finding a transition to a more conventional and crime-free adult way of life. REFERENCES BARON, S. W. (2004), «General strain, street youth and crime : a test of Agnew's revised theory», Criminology, 42 :57-483. BARON, R.M., & KENNY, D.A. (1986), «The moderator-mediator distinction in social psychological research : Conceptual, strategic, and statistical considerations», Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 51 :1173-1182. BARON, S.W., & HARTNAGEL, T.F. (1998), «Street youth and criminal violence», Journal of Research in Crime and Delinquency, 35 :166-192. BARON, S.W., & HARTNAGEL, T.F. (2002), «Street youth and labor market strain», Journal of Criminal Justice, 30 :519-533. BARON, S.W., KENNEDY, L.W. & Forpe, D.R. (2001), «Male street youths’ conflict : the role of background, subcultural and situational factors», Justice Quarterly, 18 :759-789. BRUNELLE, N., BROCHU, S., & COUSINEAU, M.M. (2000), «Drug-crime relations among drug-consuming juvenile delinquents : À tripartite model and more, Contemporary Drug Problems, 27(winter) :835-866. BUTTERS, J., & ERICKsON, P. (2003), «Meeting the health needs of female crack users : À Canadian example», Women and Health: ÀA Multidisciplinary Jour- nal, 37 :1-18. BUTTERS, J., ERICKSON, P.G., BENJAMIN, V., DIMITO, À., & ADLAF, E. (2003), «Weapons and the school environment : À preliminary analysis of delinquent’ youth’s attitudes to carrying and using weapons», In F. DUNKEL (Ed.), Youth Violence : New Patterns and Local Responses, pp. 479-494. University of Greifswald : Forum Verlag Godesberg. BUTTERS, J., HARRISON, L., ADLAF, E., ERICKSON, P.G. (2009), «Weapon related violence among students in Philadelphia and Toronto : The gang connection», Journal of Gang Research, 16(4) :15-34. CAMERON, G. & KARABANOW, J. (2003), «The nature and effectiveness of pro- gram models for adolescents at risk of entering the formal child protection system», Child Welfare, LXXXII (4) : 443-476. CHEN, X., TYLER, K.A., WHiITBECK, L.B., & HoyT, D.R. (2004), «Early sexual abuse, street adversity, and drug use among female homeless and runaway adolescents in the midwest», Journal of Drug Issues, 34 :1-21. CHEUNG, À. & HwANG, S. (2004), «Risk of death among homeless women : a cohort study and review of the literature», Canadian Medical Association Journal, 170(8) :1243-1247. Coorey, M., TURNER, S., & BEIDLE, D. (1995), «Assessing community violence : The children’s report of exposure to violence», Journal of the American Acad- emy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 34 : 201-208. — 96 — DEMATTEO, B., MAJOR, C., BLOCK, B., COATES, R., FEARON, M. et al. (1999), «Toronto street youth and HIV/AIDS : prevalence, demographics and risks», Journal of Adolescent Health, 25 :358-366. ERICKSON, P.G., BUTTERS, J.E., Korr, D.J., HARRISON, L.D. & COUSINEAU, M.M. (2006), «Weapons and violence among male delinquents : An international comparative study», International Annals of Criminology, 44 (1/2):125-151. GAETZ. S. (2004). «Safe streets for whom? Homeless youth, social exclusion, and criminal victimization», Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Jus- tice, 46 :423-455. GINZLER, J.A., COCHRAN, B.N., DOMENECH-RODRIGUEZ, M., Cauce, A.M.. & WHiTBECK, L.B. (2003), «Sequential progression of substance use among homeless youth : an empirical investigation of the gateway theory», Substance Use & Misuse, 38 :1725-758. GOLDSTEIN, P. (1985), «The drugs-violence nexus: À tripartite conceptual framework», Journal of Drug Issues, 14 :493-501. HAGAN J.. & MCCARTHY B. (1997), Mean Streets : Youth, Crime and Homeless- ness, New York : Cambridge University Press. HarLey, N. & Roy, E. (1999), «Canadian street youth: Who are they? What are their needs?», Paediatric Child Health, 4(6) :381-383. HowarD, D. (1996), «Searching for resilience among African American youth exposed to community violence : Theoretical issues», Journal of Adolescent Health, 18 : 254-262. JACKSON, L. & Hoop, C. (2001), «Men's leisure, women’s work : female prosti- tutes and the double standard of North-American HIV public health policies», In J. ANDERSON & L. LAWRENCE (Eds.), Gender Issues in Work and Leisure, Pp. 29-37. U.K.: LSA Publications. JOHNsON, T. (2003), (Ed.) «Special Issue on Homelessness and Substance Use», Substance Use & Misuse, 38(Issues 3-6) :307-824. KARABANOW, J. (2003), «Creating a culture of hope : lessons from street kid agen- cies in Canada and Guatemala», International Journal of Social Work, 46(3) : 369-386. KIRST, M., ERICKSON, P & STRIKE, C. (2009), «Poly-substance use among male and female street youth in Toronto, Canada», International Journal of Social Inquiry. 2(2) :123-139. KruG, E.. MerCY, J., DAHLBERG, L., & ZWI1, À. (2002), «The world report on vio- lence and health». The Lancet, 360 : 1083-1088. KRUKS, G. (1991). «Gay and lesbian homeless street youth : Special issues and concerns», Journal of Adolescent Health, 12 : 515-578. NATIONAL HOMELESSNESS INITIATIVE [NH]]. (2003), Evaluation Report, Govern- ment of Canada : National Strategy on Homelessness. NYAMATHI, À.M., LEAKE, B. & GErBERG, L. (2000), «Sheltered versus nonshel- tered homeless women : Differences in health, behaviour, victimization and utilization of care», Journal of General Internal Medicine, 15(8): 565-572. PARADISE, M. & CAUCE, À. (2003), «Substance use and delinquency during adolescence : a prospective look at an at-risk sample», Substance Use & Mis- use, 38(3-6): 701-723. RAapForD, JL, KING, AJC, & WARREN, WK (1998), Street Youth and AIDS, Ottawa : Health and Welfare Canada. __ 97 _ Roy, E., HAryE, N. LECLERCK, Pl, SOCHANSKI, B., BOUDREAU, J., & BorviN, J. (2004), «Mortality in a cohort of street youth in Montreal», Journal of the American Medical Association, 292 :569-626. SALES, P. & MurPHyY, S. (2000), «Surviving violence : pregnancy and drug use», Journal of Drug Issues, 30(4) : 695-724. SIMONS, R.L. & WHiTBECK. L.B. (1991), «Sexual abuse as a precursor to prosti- tution and victimization among adolescent and adult homeless women», Jour- nal of Family Issues, 12 : 361-379. SMART, R.G., ADLAF, E., WALSH, G. & ZDANOWICZ, Y. (1992), Drifting and Doing : Changes in drug use among Toronto street youth, 1990-1992, Research Report. Toronto : Addiction Research Foundation. STRIKE, C., MYERS, L., CALZAVARA, L. & HAUBRICH, D. (2001), «Sexual coercion and inner-city young adults : an exploration of concepts and dynamics», Vio- lence and Victims 16 : 1-15. WaDE, T.J. (2001), «Delinquency and health among adolescents : Multiple out- comes of a similar social and structural process», International Journal of Law and Psychiatry, 24(4-5) : 447-467. WADE, T.J., & BRANNIGAN, À. (1998), «The genesis of adolescent risk-taking : Pathways through family, school and peers», Canadian Journal of Sociology, 23(1) : 1-19. WADE, T., & CAIRNEY, J. (2000), «The effect of sociodemographics, social stres- Sors, health status and psychosocial resources on the age-depression relationship», Canadian Journal of Public Health, 91 (4): 307-312. WADE, T.J., CAIRNEY, J. & PEVALIN, D.J. (2002), «The emergence of gender dif- ferences in depression during adolescence : National panel results from three countries», Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psy- chiatry, 41(2) : 190-198. WEKERLE, C. & WALL, À. (2002), «Clinical and research issues in relationship vio- lence and substance abuse», pp. 324-348, in C. WEKERLE and À. WALL (Eds.), The Violence and Addiction Equation, New York : Taylor-Routledge. WuiTBECK, L.B., Hoyr, D.R., YoODER, K.À., CaucCE, AÀ.M., & PARADISE, M. (2001), «Deviant behavior and victimization among homeless and runaway adolescents», Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 16 : 1175-1204. WurTsecK, L.B., HoyT, D.R., & Yoper, K.A. (1999), «AÀ risk-amplification model of victimization and depressive symptoms among runaway and home- less adolescents», American Journal of Community Psychology, 27 : 273-287. ABSTRACT International studies show consistently that street-involved or home- less youth have elevated levels of involvement in violence, both as victim and perpetrator. This study recruited equal numbers of male (n=75) and female (n=75) youth, aged 16-20 years, who were accessing service for street-involved youth in Toronto, Canada. This paper examines the cor- relates of their experiences of violent victimization and perpetration, applying both bivariate and multivariate analyses. We find that because so many of the risk factors for youth violence in general are already __ 98 __ concentrated in street youth. it is difficult to identify additional attributes that clearly differentiate the youth who are most likely to be implicated in violence. Some links however were found. Specifically, being male, having a mental health diagnosis, selling drugs and carrying a knife or a gun were associated with victimization, and carrying a knife and selling drugs 50+ times in the past year were significant factors in the more frequent perpetration of violence against others. RÉSUMÉ Les études internationales montrent de manière consistante que les jeunes de la rue ou sans domicile ont des niveaux élévés d'implication dans la violence, tant comme victimes que comme auteurs. Pour cette étude, 1l a été fait appel à un nombre égal de jeunes garçons (n=75) et filles (n=75), âgés de 16 à 20 ans pris en charge dans un service pour jeunes de la rue, à Toronto (Canada). Le présent article examine les cor- rélations entre leurs expériences de victimes et d’auteurs de violences, en faisant appel aux analyses tant bivariées que multivariées. Comme tant de facteurs de risqué de violence de jeunes en général sont déjà concen- trés chez les jeunes de la rue, il apparaît diifficile d’identifier des attri- buts additionnels susceptibles de différencier clairement les jeunes davantage susceptibles d’être impliqués dans la violence. Certaines cor- rélations apparaissent néanmoins. Spécifiquement, un garçon, diagnos- tiqué sur le plan mental, impliqué dans le trafic de drogues, et porteur de couteau ou d'arme, est associé à la victimisation, et le port d'un cou- teau et la vente de drogues plus de 50 fois au cours de l'année qui pre- cède, sont des facteurs de perpétration plus fréquente de violences contre les autres. RESUMEN Los estudios internacionales muestran de manera consistente que los jôvenes de la calle 0 sin domicilio tienen niveles elevados de implicaciôn en la violencia, tanto como victimas como autores. Para este estudio, se han reunido un nümero igual de jôvenes masculinos (n=75) que feme- ninos (n=75), de edades comprendidas entre 16 y 20 años, que han sido asistidos en un servicio para jôvenes de la calle en Toronto (Canada). Fl presente articulo examina las correlaciones entre sus experiencias de victimas y de autores de violencias, acudiendo a anâlisis tanto bivaria- bles como multivariables. Como existen muchos factores de riesgo de violencia de jôovenes en general que estän ya concentrados en los jôvenes de la calle, parece dificil identificar atributos adicionales susceptibles de _— 99 — diferenciar claramente los jôvenes que son aun mâs susceptibles de estar implicados en la violencia. Sin embargo, aparecen algunas correlaciones. Concretamente, un chico diagnosticado en el plano de salud mental, implicado en el träfico de drogas y portador de un cuchillo o arma, se ha asociado a la victimizaciôn, y el porte de un cuchillo y la venta de drogas mâs de 50 veces en el transcurso del año que precede son factores de perpetraciôn mâs frecuente de violencias contra los demas. 100 THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND CRIMINOLOGY : «POETRY» OR «TECHNIQUE »? Dr. Klära Kerezsi ‘!) Joseph Paul Jernigan killed a 75 year old man for a radio and a microwave oven in 1981. He was 39 when he was executed in 1993, Texas. Before his death, he agreed to donate his body for scientific research. After he received lethal injection, his frozen body was handed over to the doctors of the Visible Human Project, and taken to Denver where it was carved into 1,862 transverse (horizontal) slices. Each millimeter-thin section was photographed, digitized, and electronically reassembled. Jernigan’s body in a virtual form has been serving as a teaching material for medical students and an attraction in the museum for all other people ever since. (http://Www.exploratorium.edu/bodies/vhuman.html) In his death, Paul Jernigan is a good example of what jurisdiction can do for science. The example of the Visible Human Project shows that several types of relationship may exist between science and jurisdic- tion. As a criminologist, I shall examine the theoretical and practical relationship between these two from the aspect of criminal justice and criminology. We may view criminal justice system in the widest possible sense as one of the manifestations of the punishing power of the state : the insti- tutional system of crime control by criminal investigation and jurisdic- tion. “ These activities include the functioning of investigating bodies, courts and penal enforcement bodies, and if we perceive criminal justice system in this broad sense, it has 4 main tasks : 1. defending the community and society ; 2. operating the system of jurisdiction or prosecution ; 3. executing punishments; and (- Deputy Director, National Instutite of Criminology; Associate Professor, Eotvos Uni- versity, Department of Criminology. C) PALANKAI, Tiborné (1996), «A magyar bünteto igazsägszolgaltatäsi rendszer jogi kerete, mukôdési struktüräja». In Kriminolôgiai ismeretek - bunôzés bunôzeskontroll [«The legal framework and functioning structure of Hungarian jurisdiction system», In Criminology crime crime control| (Eds : GONCZÔL — KORINEK - LÉVAY), Corvina Kiadô. Budapest. p. 312 — 101 — 4. helping the re-integration of perpetrators. THE ROLE OF SCIENCE IN JURISDICTION REFORMS In the past decades countries in Western Europe have started juris- diction reforms in order to improve criminal justice system, decrease costs and ensure access to justice to a broader group of citizens. In this process it may be of relevance what the opinion of the public on justice system and the functioning of jurisdictional institutions. From the EU Eurobarometer research we receive information each year about what people in Europe think about criminal justice, how much trust they have in the legal system of their country, how secure they feel etc. We experience lack of trust and safety deficit to a greater extent in Central-Fastern Europe than it would be reasonable based on objective data (or at least data more objective than opinion polls) related to safety. Lappi-Seppälä, based on data of Western-European countries attested that indeed there is a connection between prison rates and trust in the legal system. Ÿ The results might give some support for the assumptions that a system which seeks to uphold norm-compliance rather through trust and legitimacy, than fear and deterrence, may man- age with less severe sanctions. If we compare Lappi-Seppälä’s data with similar data coming from Fastern-EFuropean countries, it becomes ever clearer that imprisonment is not the most successful means to enhance trust in the legal system and legitimacy, as countries where people do not trust the legal system of their own country, prison rates are generally high. G) LAPPI-SEPPALÀ, T «Penal Policy and Prison Rates : Long-Term Experiences from Finland», Manuscript, October 2004 (draft) http://www.optula.om.fi/uploads/ anfhavc10(1).pdf. — 102 — Prison rates and trust in the legal system (2003-2004) 350 - -— 100 Prisoners — Trust - 90 300 — - 80 250 — - 70 200 - - 60 - 50 150 - - 40 : 100 — — - 30 gæä**è.- N - 20 50 — - 10 À - - 4 + - 4 p — - 4 - 0 UK italy Ë ÎË Ë France Austria Spain Poland Estonia Ë Slovenia Ë Ë % Germany Bulgaria Portugal Hungary Slovakia Romania Lithuania Czech Rep Luxembourg Netherlands Sources: Eurobarometer 61/2004 http://www.prisonstudies.org, Tapio Lappi-Seppälä, 2004 THE BIRTH OF CRIMINOLOGY Criminology had an immediate and fundamental impact on criminal justice system in the moment it was born. If we take the experiences of Henry Fielding about the jurisdiction of London or if we quote Bec- caria’s famous book published in 1764, we can say that these scientific findings formed the basis of the creation of the professional police and prosecution service, the collection of data on crime, limitations on the sale of alcohol, of the use of social policy means in crime prevention. It was Beccaria and then Bentham who described the philosophy of deter- rence that criminal law is built on up to the present day. For interpreting the relationship between science and criminal justice a unique phenomenon first described by Lawrence Sherman in also an important to discuss. According to him, criminology was born twice in the 18 century : first as an empirical science and then as a theoretical science. ‘* Criminology as an empirical science re-formulated the insti- tutional system of criminal jurisdiction. However, its theoretical line — however important scientific results it has lead to in the works of ( SHERMAN, L.W. (2005), «The Use and Usefuiness of Criminology, 1751-2005 : Enlight- ened Justice and Its Failures», The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 600, No. 1, pp. 115-135. — 103 — 20th century thinkers — had little impact on the functioning of criminal justice system of the time. As Sherman says, social sciences and crimi- nology rather adopted the role of the critic and not the inventor, and this choice had long-term consequences regarding the reception of sci- entific conclusions. Criminology as a theoretical science, exactly because of its level of abstraction, was not able to confirm its statements directly, and its scientific axioms could be questioned referring to emo- tional reasons as well. Criminology as a discipline was mingled with 1de- ology and philosophy. The further development of criminology as a the- oretical science may explain the fact that the functioning of criminal jurisdiction 1s still an unexplored area and we still know too little about what impact the functioning of criminal jurisdiction has on the safety of the community. Social sciences justify their usefulness 1f, as an applied science, they are able to demonstrate the usefulness (or adequacy to avoid damage) of the new solutions they work out. Rise in crime levels at the end of the last century has again confirmed the importance of criminological research. As Sherman says, applied criminology 1s not only able to give more comprehensive knowledge about the adequacy of crime manage- ment, but a!so serves basic research and formulation of more adequate policies better. ©) Adolphe Prins, Gerard van Hamel, Franz von Liszt and the «sociological» approach to criminal justice in criminal law reforms has proven that scientific results can be transformed into legislation, and as such, can have an impact on the functioning of criminal justice. The his- tory of criminology and social sciences also shows that when creating new crime control institutions in the turn of the 18#-19t" century, results collected on the criminal behaviour were also taken into consideration, thus making the institutional system of crime control more chiselled and modern. ‘ Ethnographical research in big cities — e.g. the investigations of the Chicago School — started to explore the multidimensional rela- tionship between human behaviour and the subsystems of society in more and more details. This complexity was also reflected in the causal explanations of criminology that became increasingly comprehensive. CRIMINOLOGY AND RELATED DISCIPLINES The history of the development of criminology was affected by the findings of other closely related disciplines that had a positive or — just () SHERMAN, L.W. (2005), «The Use and Usefulness…», id m? p. 120. (6) GARLAND, D. (1996), «The limits of the sovereign state : Strategies of crime control in contemporary society», The British Journal of Criminology, 36(4) pp. 445-469. — 104 — because of the lack of new and useful knowledge — negative impact on the development of criminological thinking. So the question is that in the course of historical development, how, when and why just then did criminology and other disciplines interact with each other, and how they shaped criminal policy ” and the system of crime control — either with criminology as an intermediary or sometimes with criminology left out from the process. Trying to find the reason for criminal human behaviour has changed the theories about the justification and purpose of punishment. Denis Szabo classified theoretical approaches in criminology as «consensual» and «conflict» models, emphasizing that based on the two paradigms we should rather talk about intellectual trends. The approaches of the two paradigms to individuals and to the relationship between individuals and environment are fundamentally different. One of them assumes that human nature can be changed, and it claims that environmental condi- tions have a great impact on it.‘“ This approach claims that human beings can be changed and aims to make an impact by punishment, the purpose of which is primarily prevention. Emphasis on the interests of the community also increases the state’s possibilities to intervene to a larger extent in order to reach the desired goal, and combines the penal system with welfare elements. We can tell which elements of a crime are in fact or potentially harmful, and in the light of this we can «do harm» by punishment in order to prevent an even greater harm that would occur if the further crime were committed. Szabo calls this approach to human nature as «homo socius». The approach contrary to this we could call «homo moralis» — this approach is sceptical of humans’ ability to change, and claims that behaviour and actions are determined by the biological and psycholog- ical characteristics of the human body. Justification of punishment 1s not approached from the aspect of possible outcomes and it does not consider the possible future impact of punishment. It evaluates the act committed in the past, which will determine the degree of the necessarily punitive reaction. The degree of punishment in criminal law depends on the degree of moral outery - Szabo says. The degree of moral outery however, he adds very pragmatically, depends on how much the popu- lation trusts the efficiency of public security . If the sensitivity of society to crime changes, crime control also takes a new direction and will prefer knowledge from vther fields of discipline () Regarding the definition of crime policy see : LIGETI, K. (2006). «Kriminälpolitika és pônologia», In : Kriminologia Srakkriminologia (szerk : GôNCZÔL KEFREZSI - KORINEK Lévay). Complex Kiadôi Kft, Budapest. 599-626.0. (®) SzaBo, D. (1981): Criminology and crime poliey, Gondolat, Budapest. 45.0. see 26.0. 9 SZaBo, D. (1981): Criminology. -— 105 — than it previously did. Of course this relationship can be other than lin- ear, as the change of approach to human beings in crime control may result returning to the results of an earlier stage of criminological inves- tigations. It is without doubt however that new successes in a field of discipline can bring the resurrection of an earlier level of investigation in another discipline. See for example how new genetic and brain researches’ findings resurrected biological explanations in criminology. When analysing the relationship between criminology and other dis- ciplines, Welch’s eco-system theory that analyses interactions between man and environment on seven levels can make a good use. ‘!° Level 1 The biology of humans Neurology : physiology, medicine, the effects of medicines on the brain and body, etc. Level 2 Intra-personal level Theories on personality; developmental (thinking, emotions) psychology; cognitive theories; psychol- ogy of disorders; psychiatry etc. Level 3 theories dis- Interpersonal level (inter- Psychological/sociological actions between people) cussing interpersonal relationships Level 4 Family and other smalil Social psychology; sociology of family groups etc Level 5 Local community (neigh- Sociology of education, health service; bourhood) social policy; pedagogics etc. Level 6 Social and culture Specific culture anthropology theories; urban sociology; social policy of minorities, etc. Level 7 Nation, state, society Economics; welfare system theories; (power) political science; politology; government administration, etc. Interpreting the above from the aspect of criminology, we can see that the problems of crime and delinquency as well as institutional reac- tions given to these can be interpreted on every level of the human eco- system (biological, intra-personal, interpersonal, small community, neighbourhood, culture and society levels), and this 1s the characteristic that makes the changes of direction in crime control possible. (10) WELCH, G. (1987), «An Integrated Approach to Social Work Practice», In MCKEN- DRICK, B.W. (ed.), Introduction to Social Work in South Africa, Owen Burgess, Pinetown, pp. 152-176. Quoted by: Woops, R. (1994), «A szociâlis munkäsok tevékenységeinek egy lehetséges rendszerezése [A possible sytemization of the activities of social workers]», In : A szociâlis munka elmélete és gyakorlata, 1.k. (edited by : HEGYESI, G.-TALYIGAs, K. - TANCZOS, E. — GOSZTONYI, G.), Semmelweis Kiadoô, 33.0. — 106 — REVALUATION OF THE ROLE OF CRIMINOLOGY Examining the causes of delinquency appeared first in the activities of the positivist school. Positivist approach — that instead of crime put perpetrators in the centre of investigation — was the first to «separate» perpetrators from the formal categories of criminal law. The crime pol- icy of the first half of the 20" century can be called a «functional» pol- icy as it harmonized scientific findings and crime control. New investigation methods in the first third of the 20" century and researches conducted on large samples greatly increased the persuasive- ness of social sciences. Scientific approach and explanation of crime — using the results of any other discipline — became generally accepted. These approaches were quite different in their preconceptions but all of them had their place in the flexible framework of the crime policy of the era. Promising scientific results were transmitted to the political sphere by criminology. The ideology of the welfare state did not assume a fun- damental conflict of interests in the relationship of the state and indi- viduals, but it aimed to affect the causes of crime and serve re-sociali- sation. Thus professions working in areas that indicate social problems (first of all, social workers) could define themselves as a «puffer» between the individual/family/small groups and the state, in a flexible and active role. !) This is why the social worker profession was pros- pering in the 1950-60s, however its «willingness» to solve social prob- lems, especially problems related to crime, brought the disadvantage that the borders between professional and political responsibility were «blurred». Due to belief in professional competence it was not ques- tioned until the 1960’s if the solutions proposed by criminology are indeed suitable to deal with crime. However, as a consequence of the economical recession in the middle of the 1970’s, the responsibility of the state was revaluated, and the state gradually recognized its limited ability to control crime and deviances. The 1dea of re-socialization and social prevention that for a long time was guiding criminal policy, and was able to hold together theoretical development and innovation (like for example labelling theory) was coming to the end of its reserves. ? Criminology found its way out in «everyday criminology», at least in the United States. «Everyday criminology» considers crime as a normal, routine behaviour that 1s part of modern society and people committing crimes otherwise behave like ( KEREZSI, K. (1995), «The defenceless child (Violence and neglect in the family)», Kôz- gazdasagi és Jogi Kônyvkiado. Budapest, 28.0. (2) ALBRECHT, H.-J. (2000), A büntetojog europaizâläsa és a belsd biztonsäg Eurôpâäban. [« Europe-izing» Criminal law and domestic securitiy in Europe], Belügyi Szemle, 3.sz. 17- 4|.0. — 107 — average people in every other respect. This type of criminology 1s char- acterised by pragmatism and a lack of overarching theories. Crime pol- icy became «more expressive, emotional and direct, and became the means of the creation of public security and feeling of security for the society». (*) They started to think less and less that perpetrators were the victims of an unjustly functioning society. Crime control was per- vaded by politics. Strong ties between science and policy weakened as the need decreased for scientifically grounded findings regarding perpe- trators. New punishment philosophies formulated first of all in the United States represented a simpler and more transparent rationality. À study published by Robert Martinson in 1974 in Public Interest played a great role in this shift of paradigm. "* The paper that became famous by the title «Nothing works» in criminology, again indicated that 1f political- economical conditions were favourable, the results of science could have a direct impact on the functioning of criminal justice system. À three decade long increase of the prison population and persons under the control of criminal justice system started in the USA. At the same time, the budget for prison rehabilitation programmes was gradually decreased. Criminology, as a social science, will never be able to reach the level of exactness (and thus persuasiveness) that characterizes Euclidean geometry or Leibnitzian mathematics. Still, we know that even in natu- ral sciences, the exactness of predictions decreases rapidly when more complex systems are investigated. So it is not only in the case of social sciences that making statements on complex phenomena 1s difficult. I have to agree with Sherman that criminology 1s an applied science, and its usefulness for crime policy and criminal jurisdiction originates from this characteristic. However, I do not think that the problem of the relationship between criminology and the functioning of criminal juris- diction 1s in fact the conflict between theoretical science and applied research. I believe that the main problem is that criminology is now expressly facing with the fact that 1) crime policy is able to free itself from the system of reacting to causal interconnections of crime, and 2) crime control can be considered as a purely political or business 1issue too (13) ALBRECHT, H.-J. (2000), «A büntetojog europaizäläsa…», ibid., 17-41.0. (4 MARTINSON, R. (1974), What Works? Questions and Answers about Prison Reform, Public Interest, 35 :22-54. — 108 — CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND SECURITY-SERVICE Security as a service 1s realized the most easily by extending the con- trolling powers of criminal jurisdiction. Laurie Robinson, Assistant Attorney General of the United States argued that «I find it ironic that probation has not gotten more attention. Politically this is the arena where public safety occurs or doesn’t occur. How can we have a conversation about public safety in this country and not talk about the 3.9 million people on probation and parole. That’s about three times the number of people behind bars.» !* The increase of the number of individuals under control of the crim- inal jurisdiction necessarily raises the question how to make control less expensive to exercise. Therefore new approaches and techniques appeared in the field of criminal jurisdiction. In the 1990’s the defining factors became the following : 1) managerial efficiency (what works best in a certain place) 2) cost-efficiency (what costs less) 3) evaluation of the specific danger (what danger the person in question represents to soci- ety). At the end of the 20'" century economics and management theory were the fields and cost-benefit analysis was the means that could pro- vide new and useful elements for criminal policy. We could say that with cost-benefit analyses common sense and rationality got a new emphasis in criminology and with adaptation of evaluation methods of manage- ment theory the techniques of relationship between individuals was emphasized. At the same time, it became clear that fields that exclusively improved the «technique» of crime management could gain a place in crime control. At the turn of the 20"-215 century geographical informa- tion system (GIS) appeared in the field of criminal jurisdiction too. However, the relationship of criminology and criminal jurisdiction changed with the appearance of high technology. Hi-tech applications appeared not only via criminology as an intermediary (such as GIS 1n the territorial analysis of crime) but also directly in crime control. The change in world politics had a decisive impact on the process. With the collapse of the bipolar world order, instead of arms race a market had to be found that requires and can use hi-tech innovations. At present, crime control provides an excellent terrain for this : 1. Fight against terrorism requires the development and application of new tools that in themselves require further innovative products (e.g. iris diagnostics, Echelon system etc.) (5) Dickey, W.J. - SMITH, M.E. (1999), «Five Futures for Community Corrections», In : Rethinking Probation : Report of the Focus Group, Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs. — 109 — The concept of zero tolerance and increasing the effectiveness of sanctions makes technological innovations necessary in other fields of criminal jurisdiction as well. So among the tools of the electronic personal monitoring system new generations of personal control devices appear, suitable for satellite positioning of mobile phones. Hi-tech innovations can be utilized in security business and protec- tion of property (e.g. satellite devices preventing car stolen). Magnus Hôrnqvist is pointing out the doubtless dangers of the proc- ess described above when he claims that criminal law can cross its field of competence «downwards» and «upwards» as well.(6 It is crossing the line upwards when in fighting terrorism national defence and police activity are blurred. Zero tolerance however often aims to extend the borders of criminal law in a downward direction blurring the activities of social services and the police. Besides technological innovations, procedural changes are also serv- ing the decrease of costs of criminal jurisdiction, and a number of forms of diversion have appeared in criminal procedures. As criminal jurisdic- tion functions as a system ”), results and practices desired by crime pol- icies cannot only be reached directly by legal limitation of the sentencing practice of courts, but also by putting pressure on other elements of the system. International experiences show that legislators are increasingly using the means of limiting the discretionary powers of law enforcement. They are gradually «taking back» the power to define the content of punishment from professionals, and the influence of social science exper- tise 1s gradually decreasing in the system of crime management. This 1s what the most significant change in the past decades refers to : the «re-allocation» of sanctioning powers. The process in which legisla- tors empower non-court bodies with «quasi-sentencing» power 1s getting more intense. The re-allocation of the sentencing power of the courts in various forms of diversion increases the role and powers of prosecutors in criminal procedures. However, this is just one of the signs of the change in the balance of the actors of criminal justice system. Other measures also decrease courts’ possibilities to penalize, such as the sen- tencing guidelines (often called the «straitjacket of courts»), compulsory minimum penalties, and the «third strikes» laws. 18 (16) HôRNQVIST, M. (2003), «Repression and empowerment in post-liberal societies», In Crime and Crime Control ina n Integrating Europe, NSfK’s 45th research seminar. Nordiska Samarbetsradet fôr Kriminologi, Helsinki. pp. 105-110. (1) FARKAS, À. (2006), «Limits of the efficiency of the criminal jurisdiction system», In Criminology - specialized criminology (szerk : GÜNCZÔL - KEREZSI — KORINEK - LÉVAY), Com- plex Kiadoi Kft. Budapest, 692.0. (18) For more details regarding this question see : KEREZSI, K. (2006), Control or support : the dilemma of alternative sanctions, Complex Kiadoi Kft. — 110 — The question is inevitably raised : do the «territories taken back» with the above solutions mean an undue increase of governmental power in the field of imposing sanctions? This question 1s even more sig- nificant in the case of diversion where the re-allocation of sentencing power was carried out to the benefit of jurisdictional authorities func- tioning under governmental control (e.g. prosecution service). We may ask if these diversion measures that give more power to prosecutors in a very pragmatic way, do not breach the concept of «jurisdiction by courts only» and do not question the realization of the concept of sep- aration of powers in practice? There is no difference in the content of applied penalties and in the form of implementation according to the ordering authority. They can be imposed in the input or output stage of the process by the prosecutors service, as well as it can be used by the court as a classic criminal law sanction — see for example the sanc- tion of probation. RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CRIMINOLOGY AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE So what is the relationship between criminology and criminal jurisdiction? Criminal sciences can help by creating theories and con- ducting research to a) define goals of crime control and b) choose the means to reach these goals. Therefore theoretical and applied researches are the activities that make criminology useful for jurisdiction. Based on possible consonance or lack of consonance between them we can talk about three models : 1. Cooperation (service) model - we can talk about this model if the political sphere requires and uses the findings of criminal sciences when working out crime policy. Ît supports empirical research, acknowledges achievements of the profession, and respects the free- dom of research. Representatives of a profession make recommenda- tions according to their best knowledge regarding crime policy to be employed as well as its specific elements, from which politicians can choose from, taking professional aspects into consideration, and they bear the political responsibility for the efficiency of imple- mented crime control measures. Submissive model — in this model political stakeholders submissively apply professional proposals without recognizing their political responsibility. They leave the definition of crime control policy goals to the experts, blurring professional and political responsibility. Political responsibility is resolved in professional responsibility and it is impossible to see where one ends and the other begins. An — 111 — example for such a model in the history of criminology was «treatment policy» — the policy of the welfare state, which consid- ered crime control as an exclusively professional expert issue. Disillusioned (dismissive) model — à model in which political power is acting independently, both regarding the definition of the guide- lines of crime policy and the set of measures to be used. This type of crime policy considers crime control and the definition of meas- ures as a solely political issue, and does not let criminology expertise influence crime policy. Instead of letting independent criminology experts acquire knowledge regarding the current trends of crime and efficiency of crime control there is a strong centralization of this work as a part of governmental activities. Choosing any of these models has long-term consequences to the criminology profession as well. We are now far away from the dilemma that according to Christie, criminology or a criminologist has to decide on : should a criminologist be a poet or rather a technician? Christie had no doubt when making his decision — according to him, criminology «offers a comprehensive picture about society and the deviances in it, so there is more to it than just defining specific techniques to apply». “?) In the conceptual framework however, in which the causes of crime are originated from the individual and the shortcomings of different control mechanisms instead of the social causes of crime, a criminologist can easily find himself in the role of a «crime management assistant worker». From his expertise political stakeholders will only require ele- ments of technical nature. This knowledge is just enough to explore the geographical characteristics of crimes and prevalence of perpetrators… Criminology has become an applied social science by taking up the role of examining criminal justice system. In the past decades we could see that regarding governmental expectations in crime management in most countries instead of «why» and «what» the question «how» became the most important. By giving an answer to these types of ques- tions, from an applied science criminology is turning to an «adapting/ conforming» science. À neutral criminology free of values and politics is certainly an illusion for two reasons. First, because criminological researches have to be grounded on some scientific theory; and second, because the verification of theories is also done by research. Agreeing with Roger Hood, I myself also think that it is not the task of crimi- nology to define the goals of crime policy. ? When defining the means (19) CHRISTIE, N. (1971), «Scandinavian Criminology Facing the 1970's», Scandinavian Studies in Criminology, vol. 3. Ed: N. CHRISTIE, Oslo, Universitetsforlaget, p. 145. (0) Hoop, R. (2001), «Penal Policy and Criminological Challenges in the New Millenium», The Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology, Vol. 34, No. 1!, April, p. 8. — 112 — of crime control, professional and political responsibility is divided between criminology as a science and politics as the actor applying means of crime control. In the relationship of science and jurisdiction it is the cooperation/service model that best serves the optimal division of professional expertise and responsibility, and the implementation of sci- entific findings in the practice of jurisdiction. SUMMARY The author outlines the theoretical and practical relationships between science and jurisdiction. Based on possible consonance or lack of consonance between criminology and criminal jurisdiction the author traces different models. Criminology had a fundamental impact on the criminal justice sys- tem and the law reforms proved that scientific results could be trans- formed into legislation. The paper examines the course of historical development : how, when and why exactly in the given moment of his- tory did criminology and other disciplines interact with each other, and how they shaped criminal policy and the system of crime control. When societal sensitivity towards crime and criminality changed, crime control took a new direction and admitted knowledge from other fields of dis- ciplines than before. Promising scientific results were transmitted to the political sphere by criminology in the first half of the 20th century. Lately the strong ties between science and policy weakened as the need decreased for scientifically grounded findings regarding perpetrators. In the beginning of the 21st century criminology 1s expressly facing with the fact that crime policy is able to free itself from the system of reacting to causal interconnections of crime, and crime control can be considered as a purely political or technical issue as well. The relationship of crim- inology and criminal jurisdiction changed with the appearance of high technology, and the «technique» of crime management gained a central place in crime control. The governmental expectations in crime manage- ment have dramatically changed, because instead of the questions in most countries instead of «Why» and «What» the question of «How» has become the most important one in most countries. International experiences also show that legislators are increasingly using the means of limiting the discretionary powers of law enforcement. They are grad- ually «taking back» the power to define the content of punishment from professionals, and the influence of social science expertise is gradually decreasing in the system of crime management. The author warns that criminologists can easily find themselves in the role of a «crime man- — 113 — agement assistant worker», and from his expertise the political stake- holders will only require elements of technical nature. RÉSUMÉ L’auteur esquisse les relations théoriques et pratiques entre science et Justice. Elle propose différents modèles sur base de consonance ou de dissonance entre criminologie et administration de la justice. La criminologie a eu un impact fondamental sur le système de justice criminelle, et les réformes législatives ont montré que les résultats scien- tifiques pouvaient être transposés en droit. L’article porte sur le déve- loppement historique de ce processus : comment, quand et pourquoi, à un moment précis de l’histoire, la criminologie et d’autres disciplines ont-elles interagi, et comment ont-elles dessiné la politique criminelle et le système de contrôle du crime? Quand la sensibilité de la société au crime et à la criminalité a changé, le contrôle du crime a pris d'autres directions et admis des connaissances d’autres disciplines qu'auparavant. Des résultats scientifiques prometteurs ont été transmis par la crimino- logie à la sphere politique au cours de la première partie du XX° siècle. Les liens puissants qui unissaient science et politique se sont ensuite affaiblis à mesure que le besoin se faisait moins sentir de données scien- tifiquement fondées concernant les auteurs. Au début du XXI* siècle, la criminologie a été confrontée à la possibilité pour la politique criminelle de s’affranchir du système de réaction aux interconnexions causales du crime, et au risque que le contrôle du crime soit considéré comme une question purement politique ou technique. La relation entre criminolo- gie et Justice a changé avec l’apparition de la haute technologie, et la prise de pouvoir de la «technique» de management du crime dans le contrôle du crime. Les attentes gouvernementales en matière de contrôle du crime ont été bouleversées parce que, dans beaucoup de pays, la question du «quoi» et du «pourquoi» a fait place à la question du «comment» dans les préoccupations fondamentales. Les expériences internationales montrent aussi que les législateurs tendent à limiter les pouvoirs discrétionnaires de la Justice. Is «reprennent» progressivement aux professionnels le pouvoir de définir le contenu de la peine, et l’influence de l’expertise en sciences sociales décroît graduellement dans le système de gestion du crime. L’auteur met les criminologues en garde contre le risque qu’ils soient confinés au rôle d’assistants de gestion du crime, et que les décideurs se bornent à faire appel à leur expertise seu- lement pour des éléments de nature technique. — 114 — RESUMEN La autora esboza las relaciones teôricas y prâcticas entre ciencia y Justicia. Propone diferentes modelos sobre la base de la consonancia o la disonancia ente la criminologia y la Administraciôn de Justicia. La criminologia ha tenido un impacto fundamental en el sistema de justicia penal y las reformas legislativas han mostrado que los resultados cien- tificos podian transponerse al Derecho. El articulo versa sobre el desa- rrollo histôrico de este proceso : cômo, cuâändo y por qué, en un momento preciso de la historia, la criminologia y otras disciplinas han interactuado y cômo han dibujado la politica criminal y el sistema de control del delito? Cuando ha cambiado la sensibilidad de la sociedad hacia el delito y la criminalidad, el control del delito ha tomado otras direcciones y ha admitido conocimientos de otras disciplinas. La crimi- nologia ha transmitido resultados cientificos prometedores a la esfera politica a lo largo de la primera parte del siglo XX. Los fuertes vinculos que unian ciencia y politica se han debilitado a medida de que la nece- sidad de datos cientificamente fundados en relaciôn con los autores se hacia sentir menos. À principios del siglo XXI, la criminologia se ha confrontado a la posibilidad para la politica criminal de liberarse del sis- tema de reacciôn a las interconexiones causales del delito y al riesgo de que el control del delito sea considerado como una cuestiôn puramente politica o técnica. La relaciôn entre la criminologia y la Justicia ha cam- biado con la apariciôn de la alta tecnologia y la toma de poder de la «técnica» de gestion del delito en el control del crimen. Las expectativas gubernamentales en materia de control del delito se han alterado debido a que en muchos paises la cuestiôon del «que» y el «porque» ha dejado paso a la cuestion del «como» en las preocupaciones fundamentales. Las experiencias internacionales muestran también que los legisladores tienden a limitar los poderes discrecionales de la Justicia. Ellos «retoman» progresivamente de los profesionales el poder de definir el contenido de la pena y la influencia del peritaje en las ciencias sociales disminuye gradualmente en el sistema de gestiôn del delito. La autora advierte a los criminôlogos contra el riesgo de que estén limitados al rol de asistentes de gestiôn del delito y que los que toman las decisiones se limiten a recurrir a su peritaje solamente para elementos de naturaleza técnica. — 115 — LA S.I.C. FACE AUX DÉVELOPPEMENTS DE LA CRIMINOLOGIE COMME DISCIPLINE ACADÉMIQUE Le projet d’un observatoire des programmes académiques en criminologie ‘ Tony Peters ‘* 1. — CONSTATATIONS — La criminologie comme discipline académique connait des dévelop- pements récents qui changent son statut et ses relations avec les sciences qui ont été depuis son origine des forces à la fois inspirateurs et coloni- sateurs. — La tendance récente (depuis plusieurs décades) de se réserver une place particulière dans le contexte des sciences sociales a été traduite par la mise en place des INSTITUTS ou des ECOLES de CRIMINOLO- GIE où la recherche CRIMINOLOGIQUE et l’enseignement CRIMI- NOLOGIQUE se déroulent d’une manière organisationnelle et structu- relle indépendante. — En Europe continentale les INSTITUTS et/ou Ecoles de CRIMI- NOLOGIE restent encadrés dans les Facultés de Droit, tandis qu’en Grande Bretagne, aux E.U. et au Canada ces INSTITUTS et ECOLES s'organisent comme entités indépendantes ou bien associées aux Facultés des Sciences Sociales. — Les évolutions récentes montrent une certaine diversification de la CRIMINOLOGIE. A côté d’une tendance de garder les programmes d'enseignement centrés autour de la criminologie comme discipline aca- () Ce texte est, avec celui de Georges Picca, l’une des deux contributions de la Société inernationale de criminologie au colloque de la Fondation internationale pénale et péniten- tiaire de Liège de 2009 évoqué dans l'éditorial. Este texto constituye, junto con el de Georges Picca, una de las dos contribuciones de la Sociedad Internacional del Criminologia en el congreso de la Fundaciôn Internacional Penal y Penitenciaria de Lieja en 2009, al que nos hemos referido en la editorial. This text, together with that of Georges Picca, is one of two contributions to the inter- national conference of the International Penal and Penitentiary Foundation held in Liège in 2009, by the International Society for Criminology mentioned in the editorial. ( Président de la Société Internationale de Criminologie. — 117 — démique, il y a au même temps une tendance d’orienter la criminologie vers des thématiques appliqués comme «la justice pénale», «la sécurité» et «l'intervention policière». Cette réalité fait que les programmes aca- démiques de criminologie se positionnent entre une discipline purement académique et une science appliqué tendant vers une éducation profes- sionnelle de police, justice, sécurité, prévention etc. — Les rencontres des organisations scientifiques ayant comme théma- tique centrale divers aspects de la criminologie s’occupent quasi exclusi- vement des recherches scientifiques. Ces rencontres sont des moments privilégiés pour les chercheurs scientifiques en criminologie pour échan- ger leurs points de vue et les résultats de leurs recherches. C’est là ou on discute la méthodologie de la recherche et une grande diversité de sujets dont s'occupe la criminologie actuelle. (criminalité de violence, cri- minalité urbaine, criminalité organisée, criminalité transnationale et internationale, la «cyber» criminalité etc.) — L'organisation de l’enseignement c’est à dire la vision concernant la manière de traduire la discipline de la criminologie en programme concrète et cohérente à l’université reçoit à peine une attention structu- relle et continuée. Certes, il y a de temps en temps des articles scienti- fiques informatifs, problématisant la matière de l’enseignement en crimi- les relations avec les constituantes nologie, disciplines (droit, psychologie, sociologie, philosophie, économie, histoire, médicine), la place de la méthodologie de la recherche et la méthodologie de l’inter- vention criminologique et les questions d’éthique sociale et profession- nelle. Mais 1l y a une absence très claire d’un suivi systématique de ces questions. Ce qui manque d’abord est une information consistante et cohèrente de base concernant les programmes académiques en crimino- logie selon les différents niveaux (baccalauréat, maîtrise et doctorat). 2. — UN RÔLE À JOUER PAR LA S.I.C. — Vu le fait que les organisations scientifiques nationales et régionales s’intéressent plutôt à la recherche criminologique et les contacts et échanges entre chercheurs, il me semble que la S.I.C. pourrait jouer un rôle spécifique et unique en s’occupant de l’organisation d’un service d’information sur les programmes académiques en criminologie actuel- lement en vigueur. Le développement de ces programmes a connu pen- dant les dernières décades plusieurs moments de changements profonds et des prises d’initiative décisives. La fondation d’une Ecole de Criminologie à l’université de Montréal en 1960 selon le modèle d’un institut indépendant organisant des cours de baccalauréat, de maîtrise et de doctorat en criminologie a influencé — 118 — pas mal des programmes en criminologie déjà existants en Europe (par exemple en Belgique, au Portugal et en Suisse) et a servi d’exemple au Canada (Ottawa et Vancouver). Sous l’influence Nord Américaine on a vu l’introduction des institu- tions pareilles de criminologie en Grande Bretagne. L’institut de criminologie de Cambridge a pendant des décades formé de criminologues de très haut niveau dans le cadre de sa maîtrise spé- cialisée en criminologie. La même chose peut être dit de la London School of Economics (programme de «crime and social deviance»). L’introduction par la U.E. des règles de Bologne a stimulé la réor- ganisation et/ou l’introduction des programmes académiques de crimi- nologie. Au Pays Bas les nouveaux programmes de criminologie aux univer- sités d'’Amsterdam, de Leyden et Rotterdam ont précédé la mise en oeuvre d’une politique académique Européenne mais ils ont certaine- ment modélé leurs programmes selon les normes de Bologna. A l’heure actuelle, différentes universités Espagnoles prennent, sous l’influence de la politique académique Européenne, des initiatives dans le domaine de la criminologie. L’ancienne situation des maîtrises spécia- lisés en criminologie et l'introduction selon une loi nationale de 2002 des licences en criminologie sera bientôt substituée par l’organisation des programmes académiques en criminologie selon le modèle de Bologna avec des baccalauréats, des maîtrises et le doctorat. — L'initiative de la S.I.C. viendra au bon moment. De plus en plus 1l se montre le besoin de connaître et de suivre de près l’existence et l’introduction des programmes académiques de criminologie. Ce besoin concerne la structure du programme au différents niveaux (BA/MA/Doct), l’implication des différentes disciplines constituantes et leur relation avec la criminologie, la place et l’importance de la forma- tion méthodologique, l’apport et la place des cours d’éthique social et la déontologie professionnelle et enfin la diversité des sujets de spéciali- sation dans le domaine de la criminologie. Il faut y ajouter l’information sur l’accès aux programmes des diffé- rents niveaux. Dans le domaine de la criminologie 1l y a cette longue tra- dition de donner accès à la formation à des groupes professionnels spé- cialisés (police, éducateurs, travailleurs sociaux) et aux étudiants de certaines facultés à l’université (droit, médicine, psychologie, sociologie) afin de pouvoir se spécialiser. Le problème de l’accès se pose récemment d’une nouvelle manière. Au lieu de faciliter l’accès, certains groupes ont actuellement plus de dif- ficultés à accéder au programme académique en criminologie, vu le fait — 119 — que le programme se présente de plus en plus comme un programme de base, complet et indépendant, donnant accès en premier lieu au étu- diants qui choisissent la criminologie comme première éducation. — La collecte systématique de tous ces données, leur compilation selon un ordre bien réfléchi et sa mise au service des institutions et per- sonnes intéressées, devient la mission dont la S.I.C. va s’occuper’ à par- tir de Septembre 2009. Ce service de base d’information sur les pro- grammes académiques en criminologie sera utile pour les universités qui sont en train d'organiser ou de réorganiser leur programmes. Cette information sera au même temps un instrument de travail en fonction des échanges entre universités au niveau des professeurs et des étudiants. Cette information facilitera les contacts et les projets de collaboration entre les universités. En plus la S.I.C. en fait un point récurent de ses activités de la Commission Scientifique. Le développement académique de la discipline reçoit un forum privilégié où il y aura une attention per- manente et un lieu de discussion et d’échange de vue. 3. — LE PROJET : UN OBSERVATOIRE DES PROGRAMMES ACADÉMIQUES EN CRIMINOLOGIE — Pendant sa réunion du 23 Mai 2009 le Comité Directeur de la S.I.C. a accepté le projet d’un observatoire des programmes acadé- miques de criminologie. — L’Observatoire sera organisé sous les auspices de la S.I.C. et sera suivi par sa Commission Scientifique (C.S.). L'Observatoire sera un point récurent de l’agenda de la C.S. L’observatoire fera l’objet des groupes de travail et des ateliers lors des congrès mondiaux de la S.I.C. — Les activités de l’observatoire seront organisées en collaboration avec les universités contactés (personnes de contact) et en association avec toute organisation nationale ou internationale avec un intérêt en la matière. Le projet sera un travail sous les auspices de la S.I.C. en asso- ciation avec ses organisations soeurs (comme The European Society of Criminology, The American Criminological Association) et les organi- sations internationales avec lesquelles la S.I.C. collabore depuis de lon- gues années c’est à dire la A.I.D.P., La Société Internationale de Défense Sociale, la F.I.P.P. et la Société Mondiale de Victimologie. L’observatoire figurera comme un point recurrant à l’agenda des ren- contres des cinq grandes organisations internationales. — La réalisation d’un observatoire des programmes académiques en criminologie est considérée comme un projet de longue durée et se fera — 120 — pas par pas. L'établissement de l’observatoire et sa réalisation progres- sive seront évalués après deux ans de travail. — Le travail exécutif et la gestion journalière du projet ont été accepté par l’Institut de Criminologie — L.I.N.C. de la Katholieke Universiteit Leuven. L.I.N.C. fonctionnera comme institut hôte et responsable. L.I.N.C. mettra ce travail en oeuvre à partir de Septembre 2009. Un chercheur à temps partiel s’occupera du travail exécutif. — Un groupe d’'experts(5S à 6 personnes) supervise de près les activités de l’observatoire et contrôle la qualité du travail. Le groupe d’experts est présidé et coordonné par le professeur Dr. Katrien Lauwaert (Université de Liège et associée au L.I.N.C.) Un Comité d’Avis (Advisory Board) sera composé sous la présidence de la S.I.C. Y seront représentées les Sociétés et Associations nationales et internationales qui s’associent au travail de l’observatoire. Sa mission est de donner le support scientifique, de promouvoir le travail de l’observatoire et de veiller à la qualité du service. RÉSUMÉ Le comité directeur de la Société internationale de criminologie a adopté en 2009 le projet d’un observatoire mondial des programmes académiques en criminologie. Ce texte en décrit les raisons et les moda- lités. RESUMEN : El comité de direcciôn de la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia ha adoptado en 2009 el proyecto de un observatorio mundial de los pro- gramas académicos en criminologia. Este texto describe las razones y las modalidades. SUMMARY The management committee of the International Society for Crimi- nology adopted the project for a world watchdog for academic pro- grammes in criminology. This text describes the reasons for it and the practical details. — 121 — LES ORGANISATIONS NON GOUVERNEMENTALES (O.N.G.) À VOCATION SCIENTIFIQUE ONT-ELLES UNE INFLUENCE SUR LES POLITIQUES CRIMINELLES? Georges Picca ? La création et le développement de l’Organisation des Nations Unies, en 1945 ont été suivis de la création d’un nombre croissant, dans le monde occidental, surtout, d’associations poursuivant divers objectifs, notamment d'ordre humanitaire. Elles ont été qualifiées d’Organisations non gouvernementales, dites O.N.G. (N.G.O en anglais). C’est la Charte des Nations Unies qui, dans son article 71, a fait pour la première fois référence à ces organisations, dans les termes suivants : (article 7) «Le Conseil économique et social peut prendre toutes dispositions utiles pour consulter les Organisations non gouver- nementales, qui s'occupent de questions relevant de leur compétence. Ces dispositions peuvent s'appliquer à des Organisations internationales et, s'il y a lieu, à des Organisations nationales après consultation des membres internes de l’Organisation». Ainsi qu’on a pu le souligner, l’'Organisation des Nations Unies s’est imposée «comme le système solaire dans la galaxie des O.N.G.» C’est dans ce contexte que sont ainsi nées et, se sont développées, de nombreuses ONG dans le sillage de la création des Nations Unies, L'ONG présente, en général, trois caractéristiques essentielles : un statut d’'association, un objectif commun et, souvent des activités inter- nationales. Elle n’est pas, pour autant, nécessairement, une organisation de droit international mais, souvent, une association ou un organisme de droit national. Développement durable, droits de l'homme, action humanitaire, protection de l’environnement, sont autant de domaines, dans lesquels les ONG se sont aujourd’hui, développées, de manière considérable. Dans ce contexte, les ONG dites «scientifiques», sont celles qui, agis- sent plus particulièrement dans le domaine de la justice pénale, des ( Communication présentée à l’Université de Liège (Belgique) à l’occasion du Colloque de la FIPP (24-27 juin 2009 - L'influence des O.N.G. scientifiques sur les politiques crim- inelles nationales et internationales). C Secrétaire général de la Société Internationale de Criminologie. — 123 — droits humains voire de la criminologie. Nous les connaissons bien car il en est ainsi, notamment de l’Association Internationale de droit péna,l et de la Société Internationale de Criminologie, que jJ'ai l’'honneur de représenter ici, aujourd'hui. Elles sont néanmoins, peu nombreuses et, l’on peut s’interroger sur le point de savoir si elles ont (ou non) une influence sur les politiques criminelles nationales ou internationales. Tel est, en tous cas l’objet de cette réflexion que je vous propose. S'agissant de la notion de politique criminelle telle qu’elle est apparue en occident, dans le discours pénal, depuis le début du XX° siècle, 1l faut entendre, toute stratégie étatique destinée à combattre le crime dans un sens (plus ou moins autoritaire ou libéral), utilisant pour cela le droit pénal, la procédure pénale, et la prévention sociale. Les orientations de la politique criminelle sont, 1l faut le rappeler avant tout, de nature politique, et justifiées par le maintien d’'un certain ordre public face à des agissements antisociaux. Elles sont, pour cela, on doit le souligner, inspirées par de considé- rations d'ordre philosophique ou moral, plus ou moins importantes dans le cadre national. En outre, ce cadre national se trouve, aujourd’hui, sin- gulièrement élargi; Il en est ainsi de l’espace géographique et politique de l’'Union européenne ou, suivant des accords régionaux, tel que le Mercosur, qui regroupe les États du sud de l’Amérique. Il existe ainsi désormais, une tendance à mettre en œuvre des politiques criminelles communes au niveau de certaines régions du monde, une réalité qui s'impose notamment, en raison du développement des communications interétatiques. Dans un tel contexte, 1l est nécessaire de ne pas se borner à un débat, de nature théorique, limitant le rôle de nos Associations à des considé- rations de portée dite «scientifique», mais négligeant les réalités sociales et politiques qui peuvent suffire à justifier les orientations de la politique criminelle. Nos ONG sont aujourd’hui, particulièrement attentives aux réalités de la criminalité et à leur évolution dans le temps et l’espace. La vocation, dite scientifique signifie, seulement qu’il ne s’agit pas d’Orga- nisations dotées de pouvoirs politiques ou, ayant des responsabilités gouvernementales. Ceci ne les empêche pas d’organiser des Congrès ou Colloques inspirés par l’actualité ou, à exprimer des opinions sur les réa- lités des diverses tendances de la criminalité. Ceci est d’autant plus vrai que si la responsabilité et la mise en œuvre des politiques criminelles nationales incombe, au premier chef, aux États nations, cette observa- tion n'exclut pas, pour autant, l’importance de la coopération interna- tionale, qui peut conduire à infléchir certains aspects nationaux de ces politiques criminelles. Dans cette perspective, le rôle des ONG dans le cadre, notamment, de l’Organisation des Nations Unies, du Conseil de — 124 — l’Europe ou, de l’Union européenne, doit également, retenir une parti- culière attention. Ainsi en ce qui concerne les Nations Unies, l’organisation périodique des Congrès mondiaux sur la prévention du crime et de la lutte contre la criminalité, ainsi que l’activité de la Division des Nations Unies de Vienne, témoignent, non seulement du rôle essentiel de l’Organisation dans ces domaines, mais aussi de sa coopération avec les ONG; Celles- ci peuvent participer, en effet, à ces activités en qualité d’observateur, au titre de ce l’on appelle «Statut consultatif», qui leur est conféré. S'agissant de l’Europe, on doit souligner, également la participation active, depuis de nombreuses années, de certaines de nos Associations aux travaux du Comité européen pour problèmes criminels (CDPC) à Strasbourg. Ceci même si l'influence des ONG peut apparaitre, parfois, difficilement compatible avec les propositions de nature politique pré- sentées par les représentants des États. Il importe, par suite, de souligner que l’action des ONG appelle des appréciations très différentes suivant l’interprétation qu’elles font de leur rôle consultatif. Il peut arriver, en effet, que certaines ONG, s'invitent dans des réunions internationales pour faire valoir leur point de vue, au risque de créer un certain trouble ou, des manifestations violentes, plu- tôt qu'une réelle coopération. Ceci doit contribuer à poser la question, non seulement, de l’influence des ONG, mais également celle des limites de leur rôle. Certains auteurs ont pu estimer que, les ONG «font entendre la voix des «populations dont le droit est bafoué» (N. Rodley). Mais cette vocation guerrière, ne peut concerner les seules ONG scientifiques, dont la représentativité est parfaitement respectable. Ce qui est vrai, en revanche c'est, qu'une relation nouvelle s’est, aujourd’hui créée, dans les rapports des ONG avec les principales Organisations internationales. Elle témoigne, à la fois, de leur développement et, de la reconnaissance de leur rôle, au moins dans son principe. On doit, en effet, souligner que les ONG scientifiques offrent, géné- ralement, des perspectives à la fois respectables et constructives. Ces perspectives existent, notamment, dans la participation active aux actions conduites, dans le cadre des Nations Unies ou de l’Union euro- péenne. Il en est de même dans la mise en œuvre d’initiatives dans le domaine international, telles que les Congrès mondiaux, organisés par la majorité des associations, dans les domaines qui sont les leurs (évolution des législations pénales, action en faveur des victimes, droits de l’homme, etc. Ces manifestations qui rassemblent un nombre important de partici- pants qualifiés, contribuent à sensibiliser les populations à l’existence de — 125 — certaines pratiques contestables et, sont aptes à proposer des évolutions sociales des législations ou des politiques de prévention. Plus générale- ment elles contribuent à favoriser l’élaboration de politiques criminelles transnationale tendant à réduire la criminalité, dans certains de ses aspects, ce qui est un rôle positif. De telles actions, tout en se situant à un niveau scientifique, ne sont pas, en effet, dépourvues de références politiques ou sociologiques auprès des États nations, et propres à influer sur les politiques crimi- nelles existantes. En effet, l’idée que le système international ne se limi- terait plus aux seuls acteurs étatiques s’est, en effet, répandue, même si cette diffusion est encore trop limitée à certains milieux professionnels intéressés (justice, police) ou dans diverses régions du monde. Dans ces perspectives, ce qui pourrait contribuer à donner une influence nouvelle aux ONG, c’est le développement du «Statut consultatif», tel qu’il existe actuellement, mais, qui pourrait se traduire par la qualité, plus active de Consultant des Nations Unies. De telle sorte que, non seulement, nos ONG doivent continuer à développer des actions dans les domaines qui sont les leurs, mais elles doivent, en outre, s’efforcer de gagner en audience auprès des pouvoirs publics, pour acquérir une réelle influence, au sein des Organisations internationales, et auprès des États nations. Au-delà de ces constatations, peut-on aller plus loin et estimer que nos activités de nature scientifique, peuvent avoir une plus grande influence sur les politiques criminelles nationales mises en œuvre par les États? Cela nous parait plus aléatoire, dans la mesure, où le rôle des ONG ne se situe pas, au niveau d’élaboration de ces politiques, qui sont le pri- x vilège d’institutions a caractère étatique voire, parlementaire dans les démocraties. Par suite, ce que l’on peut regretter c’est, actuellement l’insuffisance de procédures de communication, entre les associations scientifiques, et les instances politiques (nationales ou internationales), qui exercent des responsabilités dans l’élaboration du droit et, ainsi que, des services de justice ou de police qui appliquent les textes qui inspirent les politiques criminelles. Dès lors, en conclusion 1l serait opportun que les activités de ces ONG, dites scientifiques, soient davantage prises en considération, en vue de l’élaboration des politiques criminelles nationales, voire interna- tionales. En effet, la vocation de nos associations, est particulièrement orientée vers une meilleure connaissance des activités criminelles et des réponses à leur apporter. Cela contribue à tracer les limites de leur action dans le domaine de la réflexion et de proposition. Elle ne devrait — 126 — pas, pour autant, conduire à limiter une influence positive, sur les res- ponsables politiques, dans l’élaboration des lois et leur mise en œuvre par la justice. RÉSUMÉ L'auteur analyse le rôle que peuvent jouer des organisations non gouvernementales à vocation scientifique comme la Société internatio- nale de criminologie, dans l’orientation des politiques criminelles, auprès des instances politiques nationales et internationales, particulièrement l’'Organisation des Nations Unies, le Conseil de l’Europe, ou l’Union européenne. RESUMEN El autor analiza el papel que pueden jugar las organizaciones no gubernamentales con vocaciôn cientifica, como la Sociedad Internacio- nal de Criminologia, en la orientaciôn de politicas criminales, al lado de las instancias politicas nacionales e internacionales, particularmente la Organizaciôon de Naciones Unidas, el Consejo de Europa o la Uniôn Europea. SUMMARY The author analyses the role that can be played by non-governmental organisations with a scientific vocation such as the International Society for Criminology, in the orientation of criminal policy, in tandem with national and international authorities, particularly the United Nations Organization, the Council of Europe, or the European Union. — 127 —