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 Annales internationales de criminologie, 43 ANNALES INTERNATIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIE INTERNATIONAL ANNALS OF CRIMINOLOGY ANALES INTERNACIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIA S> / ASTER /;.. r Xrimi- ; : Nskitut A \ “Clogre \onee> ANNEE 2005 (volume 43-1/2) ANNALES INTERNATIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIE Organe officiel de la Société Internationale de Criminologie Ministère de la Justice 12, rue Charles Fourier 75013 — Paris phone : 33.(0)1.45.88.00.23 fax : 33.(0)1.45.88.96.40 e-mail : crim.sic@wanadoo.fr website : http://perso.wanadoo.fr/societe.internationale.de.criminologie Table de matières Table of contents Indice XIVth World Congress of the International Society for Cri- minology (Philadelphia, 7th-11th August 2005) XIV Congreso mundial de la Sociedad Internacional de Cri- minologia (Filadelfia, 7-11 de agosto de 2005) XIV* Congrès mondial de la Société Internationale de Cri- minologie (Philadelphie 7-11 août 2005) « e « …. …. e e + »s e + »s e » +e e + » À new outlook for the International Society for Criminology Nuevas perspectivas para la Sociedad Internacional de Cri- minologia Nouvelles Perspectives pour la Société Internationale de Cri- 17 minologie Juvenile delinquency and immigration in Western Europe criminal responsibility versus social reponsibility José Luis de la Cuesta and César San Juan . e « » + » » + + e » » » + + + 35 The Diversity of the Crime-Terror Interaction John Picarelli and Louise Shelley . e e e + + « e » + + « < < + « … » e …. « «s » e 51 Insécurité et processus de victimisation Roberta Bisi e « . . « +s + e » e + + s. e + + e » + + e « + + + + + + + + + + + »s +s = = e » » + - 83 Hoy creamos una nueva ciencia cosmopolita e integradora la victimologia de mäximos, después de Auschwitz Antonio Beristain 95 5 — XIV"" WORLD CONGRESS OF THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY FOR CRIMINOLOGY (Philadelphia, 7th-11th August 2005) The XIVth World Congress of the International Society for Criminology was held at the University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, USA, from 7th to 1lth August 2005, at the invitation of Professor Lawrence Sherman. The main theme of the Congress, « Preventing crime and proceeding justice voices for change », followed on from the theme of the XIIIth Congress (10th-15th August 2003) in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil ("). The role of our world congresses 1s to review the current state of criminology research and assess modern trends in crime and criminal policy around the world. Âs in previous years, the Congress attracted about one thousand par- ticipants from many countries (academics, researchers and criminal justice practitioners), both demonstrating the interest in the issues addressed and confirming our society's international audience. The programme, divided between plenary sessions, workshops and various communications, covered the prôblems currently arising from trends in crime, current thinking in criminology, the role of justice, particularly in multicultural societies, and the influence of human rights on the implementation of criminal sentences. The issues raised by modern crime and the need to prevent and con- trol it were discussed at several meetings during the Congress. The many experts, academics, researchers and practitioners who attended made invaluable contributions to the debates and discussions during these meetings. The Congress, which offered a useful forum to criminologists from all the main regions of the world, was hosted by the University of Pennsylvania, with the active support of the Jerry Lee Foundation, while (") For a report on the proceedings and the main reports presented, see the 2003 Interna- tional Annals of Criminology, vol. 41, 269 pages (English/French/Spanish). _7— the programme was drawn up with the assistance of Prof. Suzanne Karstedt. The society's traditional prizes were awarded during the Congress. The Emile Durkheim prize went to Prof. John Braithwaite (Australian National University), while the Etienne De Greeff prize was presented to Prof. Hans Toch (Albany, USA). The Denis Carroll prize for an author’s first book in the field of criminology was given to Prof. Benoit Dupont (University of Montreal, Canada). The XIVth Congress was also noteworthy for the announcement by Prof. L. Sherman of the creation of an international prize in the criminology field under the auspices and with the support of the Swedish justice ministry : the Stockholm Prize in Criminology, which was presen- ted in the presence of the Swedish Justice Minister, Thomas Bôdstrom, during the Congress closing ceremony. Under the rules, the prize will be awarded for exceptional initiatives in criminology research or for the application of the results of research to reduce crime and advance human rights. The prize rules and procedures are available on the web- site www.criminologyprize.com and on request by e-mail to prizeof- fice@ bra.se. The theme of the XIVth Congress was highly topical, as everyone 1s well aware that controlling crime has become a top priority for many states and governments among the social and political issues that they face. In the geopolitical and economic context of globalisation, new trends such as organised crime, drugs trafficking and international terrorism have become major challenges for police forces and national criminal justice systems and seriously threaten the existence and future of our fundamental values of democracy and respect for human rights. It is therefore particularly important to assess and seek to increase the effectiveness of the responses offered by our legislation, criminal law procedures and judicial and police cooperation between states, the latter being all too often limited. The facilities now available to criminals as a result of modern transnational communications systems, the removal of borders and the many different ways of laundering the proceeds of organised crime must also be taken into account. Given all these problems and the contribution that criminology can make to solving them, the bringing together of all the experts at the Congress was a par- ticular opportunity to review current research and facilitate closer inter- national cooperation. _— 8-_ XIV CONGRESO MUNDIAL DE LA SOCIEDAD INTERNACIONAL DE CRIMINOLOGIA (Filadelfia, 7-11 de agosto de 2005) El XIV Congreso mundial de la Sociedad Internacional de Crimino- logia se celebro del 7 al 11 de agosto de 2005, en los locales de la Uni- versidad de Pensilvania (Filadelfia — EE.UU.), a invitaciôn del Profesor Lawrence Sherman. El tema principal del Congreso « Preventing Crime and proceeding justice voices for change » se inscribia en la perspectiva del XIII Congreso (10-15 de agosto de 2003) celebrado en Rio de Janeiro (Bra- sil) ("). Recordaremos, en efecto, que la vocaciôn de los Congresos mun- diales es evaluar el estado de las investigaciones de criminologia y las tendencias contemporäneas de la criminalidad y de las politicas penales en las diferentes regiones del mundo. El Congreso reuniô — al igual que los anteriores —- a un millar de par- ticipantes de numerosas nacionalidades, (universitarios, investigadores y profesionales de la justicia penal), que por una parte no sôlo testimoniô el interés suscitado por los problemas planteados, sino también confirmô la audiencia internacional de nuestra sociedad. El programa de trabajo, dividido en sesiones plenarias, talleres y comunicaciones diversas, tratô varios problemas actuales que plantean las tendencias de la criminalidad asi como diferentes corrientes de la cri- minologia, el papel de la justicia, especialmente en las sociedades multi- culturales y la influencia de los derechos humanos sobre la puesta en prâctica de sanciones penales. Un gran nümero de reuniones celebradas con ocasiôn del Congreso, permitiô proyectar estas cuestiones diferentes que plantea la criminali- dad contemporänea y la necesidad de su prevenciôn y su control. La contribuciôn de numerosos expertos, universitarios, investigadores y profesionales permitiô dar todo su alcance a los debates y a las confron- taciones que animaron estas reuniones. (") Para el acta y los principales informes presentados, consulte Anales Internacionales de criminologia 2003, Vol. 41, 269 paäginas (inglés/español/francés). _ 9_- La organizaciôn del Congreso, que permitiô congregar ütilmente cri- minôlogos, procedentes de las principales regiones del mundo, se benefi- ciô de la acogida de la Universidad de Pensilvania, del apoyo activo de la Jerry Lee Foundation, y de la puesta en prâctica del programa, de la participaciôn de la Prof. Suzanne Karstedt. * Con ocasiôn del Congreso se otorgaron los Premios concedidos tradi- cionalmente por la Sociedad. El Prof. John Braithwaite, (Australian National University) fue galardonado con el Premio Emile Durkheim, mientras que el Premio Etienne De Greeff fue atribuido al Prof. Hans Toch (Albany, EF.UU). En lo que se refiere al Premio Denis Carroll, destinado a recompensar una primera obra en el ambito criminolôgico, se atribuyô al Prof. Benoït Dupont (Universidad de Montreal, Canadâ). Finalmente, debemos subrayar que este XIV Congreso ha sido la ocasiôn, para el Prof. L. Sherman, de hacer püblica una nueva iniciativa en este ambito : la creacion de un Premio internacional en el ambito de la criminologia, situada bajo los auspicios y con el apoyo del Ministerio sueco de Justicia « The Stockholm Prize in criminology » (El Premio Estocolmo de criminologia). La presentaciôn de este Premio tuvo lugar, en presencia del hono- rable Thomas Bôdstrom, Ministro de Justicia de Suecia, con ocasiôn de la sesion solemne de cierre del Congreso. Segün el reglamento del Premio, este serä, en adelante, atribuido a iniciativas excepcionales en la investigaciôn criminolôgica o, a la aplica- ciôn de los resultados de la investigaciôn, por responsables para la reducciôn de crimenes y el avance de los derechos humanos. Para mâs informaciôn acerca de la organizaciôn y las modalidades de este premio puede visitar el sitio de Internet www.criminologyprize.com u obtenerla por correo electrônico en el Prize office en prizeoffice@ bra.se. Subrayaremos en efecto que el tema de este XIV Congreso era de gran actualidad : es actualmente notorio que el control de la criminali- dad se ha convertido en uno de los problemas sociales y politicos que figuran entre las prioridades de numerosos estados y gobiernos. En el contexto geopolitico y econômico de la globalizaciôn, el desar- rollo de nuevas tendencias como : la criminalidad organizada, el träfico de estupefacientes y el terrorismo internacional, se han convertido en desafios para las policias y la justicia penal de los Estados. Se trata asi- mismo, de graves amenazas para la existencia y el futuro de nuestras — 10 — democracias y el respeto de los derechos humanos, que son valores igualmente esenciales. En este contexto, es particularmente necesario evaluar la eficacia de las respuestas que pueden aportar nuestras legislaciones, nuestros proce- dimientos penales, y la eficacia — a menudo demasiado limitada —, de la cooperaciôn judicial y policial entre Estados e intentar mejorarlas. Sin embargo, es necesario tener en cuenta las facilidades ofertadas a los cri- minales por los modernos medios de comunicaciôn transnacional, la apertura de las fronteras, asi como los diferentes procedimientos de blanqueo de dinero (money laundering) del crimen organizado. La reunion de numerosos expertos se ha centrado en estos diferentes problemas y en la contribuciôn que puede aportar la criminologia para su soluciôn, una oportunidad particular, de evaluar la investigaciôon y de favorecer una mejor cooperaciôn internacional. — 11 — XIV* CONGRES MONDIAL DE LA SOCIÉTÉ INTERNATIONALE DE CRIMINOLOGIE (Philadelphie 7/11 août 2005) Le XIV* Congrès mondial de la Société Internationale de Criminolo- gle a eu lieu, du 7 au 11 août 2005, dans les locaux de l’Université de a l’invitation du Professeur Pennsylvanie à Philadelphie (US.A), Lawrence Sherman. Le thème principal du Congrès « Preventing Crime and proceeding justice voices for change » s'inscrivait dans la perspective qui avait été celle du XIII° Congrès (10/15 août 2003) à Rio de Janeiro (Brésil) (‘). On rappellera, en effet, que la vocation des Congrès mondiaux est de faire le point de l’état des recherches en criminologie, ainsi que d’'évaluer les tendances contemporaines de la criminalité et des politiques pénales dans les différentes régions du monde. Le Congrès a réuni — comme les précédents — un millier de partici- pants de nombreuses nationalités, (universitaires, chercheurs et prati- ciens de la justice pénale), témoignant, à la fois, de l’intérêt suscité par les problèmes posés, mais également, confirmant l’audience internatio- nale de notre Société. Le programme de travail, divisé en séances plénières, workshops et communications diverses, a traité des divers problèmes actuels que posent les tendances de la criminalité ainsi que, des différents courants de la criminologie, du rôle de la justice, notamment dans les sociétés multiculturelles et de l'influence des droits de l’'homme sur la mise en œuvre des sanctions pénales. Un grand nombre de réunions à l’occasion du Congrès, a permis d'envisager ces différentes questions que pose la criminalité contempo- raine et la nécessité de sa prévention et son contrôle. La contribution de nombreux experts, universitaires, chercheurs et praticiens a permis de donner toute leur portée aux débats et aux confrontations qui ont animé ces réunions. (") Voir pour le compte rendu et les principaux rapports présentés, Annales Internatio- nales de criminologie 2003, Vol. 41, 269 pages (anglais/espagnol/français). — 13 — L’organisation du Congrès, qui a permis de rapprocher utilement des criminologues, venant de principales régions du monde, a bénéficié de l’accueil de l’Université de Pennsylvanie, du soutien actif de la Jerry Lee Foundation, et la mise en œuvre du programme, du concours du Prof. Suzanne Karstedt. À l’occasion du Congrès les Prix, traditionnellement décernés par la Société, ont été attribués. S'agissant du Prix Emile Durkheim, 1l a récompensé le. Prof. John Braithwaite, (Australian National University), cependant que le Prix Etienne De Greeff a été attribué au Prof. Hans Toch (Albany, USA). Quant au Prix Denis Carroll, destiné à récompen- ser une première œuvre dans le domaine criminologique, 1l a été attribué au Prof. Benoït Dupont (Université de Montréal, Canada). On doit enfin, souligner, que Ce 14° Congrès a été l’occasion, pour le Prof. L. Sherman, de rendre publique une nouvelle initiative dans ce domaine, la création d’un Prix international dans le domaine de la crim1- nologie, placé sous l’égide et avec le soutien du Ministère suédois de la justice « The Stockholm Prize in criminology ». La présentation de ce Prix a eu lieu, en présence de l’honorable Tho- mas Bôdstrom, Ministre de la justice de Suède, à l’occasion de la séance solennelle de clôture du Congrès. Selon le règlement du Prix, celui-ci sera, désormais, attribué pour des initiatives exceptionnelles dans la recherche criminologique ou, pour l’application des résultats de la recherche, par des responsables pour la réduction des crimes et l’avancement des droits de l’homme. L'organisation et les modalités de ce prix peuvent être utilement consultées via le site Internet www.criminologyprize.com ou par e-mail au Prize office à prizeoffice@ bra.se On soulignera, en effet, que le thème de ce XIV* Congrès était d’une grande actualité Il est, en effet, aujourd’hui notoire que le contrôle de la criminalité est devenu un des problèmes, sociaux et politiques, qui figurent dans les priorités de nombreux États et gouvernements. Dans le contexte géopolitique et économique de la globalisation, le développement de nouvelles tendances, telles que la criminalité organi- sée, le trafic de stupéfiants, ainsi que le terrorisme international, sont devenus, en, effet, autant de défis pour les polices et la justice pénale des États. Il s’agit, également, de graves menaces pour l’existence et l’avenir de nos démocraties et le respect des droits humains, qui sont autant de valeurs essentielles. — 14 — Dans ce contexte, il est particulièrement nécessaire d’évaluer l’effica- cité des réponses que peuvent apporter nos législations, nos procédures pénales, et l’efficacité, souvent trop limitée, de la coopération judiciaire et policière entre États et chercher à les améliorer. Il faut, enfin, prendre en compte les facilités, désormais, offertes aux criminels par les moyens modernes de communication transnationaux, l’ouverture des frontières, ainsi, que les procédés variés de blanchiment (money laundering) de l’ar- gent du crime organisé. La réunion de nombreux experts a été au regard de ces différents pro- blèmes, et de la contribution que peut apporter la criminologie à leur solution, une opportunité particulière, de faire le point de l’état de la recherche et de favoriser une meilleure coopération internationale. _— 15 — A NEW OUTLOOK FOR THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIETY FOR CRIMINOLOGY Created more than fifty years ago, the International Society for Criminology now needs to adapt its work to social developments, the international environment and the consequences of globalisation and take account of the new trends in crime and the necessary development of criminal justice methods and policies. It must also help give new impetus to scientific research in all the fields involving criminology. To achieve this, it 1S important to redefine the society's outlook after reiterating its aims and achievements so far. That is the purpose of this paper. From the legal viewpoint, the ISC is a French association supported by the French Justice Ministry. Since 1950, it has been working worldwide to promote greater knowledge of crime in general and developing trends around the world with the aims of social prevention, scientific research and the modernisation of criminal justice systems and crime prevention policies. To achieve this, the society has defined three objectives under its articles of association — foster international relations in the fields within its competence by organising a regular world congress and annual international courses in different parts of the world ; promote scientific research via partnerships with academic institutions and by fostering the creation and development of international networks of researchers ; cooperate with leading intergovernmental organisations analysing trends in crime and working to improve criminal justice (United Nations, European Union and Unesco). The ISC’s head office and secretariat are based in Paris, at the Justice Ministry, which provides support for the society. It is run by an interna- tional Management Board elected by the members of the society and assisted by the Scientifice Committee formed by researchers and academics to promote research. The society's work 1s officially recognised internationally as a non- governmental organisation (NGO) with United Nations, Council of Europe and Unesco consultant status. The society is also represented in seventy nations and cooperates with leading international associations (the International Criminal Law Association, the International Society of Social Defence and the International Penal and Penitentiary Founda- 17 — tion) in the pursuit of common aims. Closer cooperation with these organisations is desirable and the ISC 1s working to achieve this. So far the society has held fourteen world congresses, each attracting about a thousand registered participants, in Europe, Asia, Latin America and North America. Fach year, several international criminol- ogy courses (67 so far) lasting four to six days are held in different parts of the world. These training and information meetings on crime trends and the development of criminal policy are intended for both criminal justice practitioners and researchers. The theme is generally based on regional, local or topical concerns. Since 1950, the society has been issuing a trilingual review (English, French and Spanish), the International Annals of Criminology, designed for practitioners in criminal justice, social policy and prevention, univer- sities, specialist schools and research centres in many countries. The society also has a website http://perso.wanadoo.fr/societe.inter nationale.de.criminologie/, which publishes information for academics and practitioners and acts as a communications network between researchers around the world. The value and current scope of the society’s activities should be com- pared with the expectations of the various existing categories of profes- sional jurists and criminologists, a large potential audience of par- ticipants in the activities of the international congresses, international courses and, more generally, academics, criminal justice practitioners and social science researchers. These expectations particularly arise from new interest in the development of manifestations of crime around the world and the new problems that they are helping to create. It is important to note that criminology courses and research have now developed in academic institutions in most parts of the world and form an integral part of the curriculum in law, sociology and psychology departments and schools. Although the situation varies according to the traditions of each nation, criminology courses and programmes have clearly developed significantly in North America and several European countries. The same is true in Asia and Australia. The development of research is also significant. Various professions involved in criminal justice are also interested. They have been joined recently by other categories contributing to the work of justice (victim support and assistance, mediators, prevention programme administrators, etc). In the private sector, a large number of security companies have been created and are very active. Law and order has become a policy issue on the agendas of politicians and officials at different levels (regions, provinces and cities). Criminology and its associated disciplines have also attracted great interest in the mental health field. — 18 — The above observations are a measure of the value, outlook and development of the International Society for Criminology and should therefore lead to a particular focus on adapting the society's operating strategies to today's problems. It is important to remember that the development of new, powerful communications systems (the Internet) has facilitated dialogue between individuals, study groups and research centres and also speeded up the circulation of knowledge, information and ideas. This has to be reflected by the operation of an organisation like the ISC, whose aim 1s both to monitor international trends in crime and provide the most up-to-date expertise possible to criminal justice departments and social science researchers. It 1s also important to emphasise the development of new crime trends, more significant than statistical rises and falls in crime levels, which are obviously open to interpretation. Nor should we ignore the consequences of economic globalisation, the development of com- munications systems (the Internet) and international travel, which have facilitated new forms of crime, particularly across borders. These phenomena, in their entirety and diversity, mean that new ways of con- trolling crime must be found in terms of police and judicial cooperation between states and that crime prevention policies and criminal proce- dures must be adapted to deal with such serious issues as organised crime and international terrorism. The ISC’s operating strategies must be adapted to take account of the new developments in the cufrent global situation. First, it seemed desirable to reduce the five-year gap between world congresses, which are designed to review significant trends in crime in different parts of the world and the responses of criminal legislation and policy. With faster systems and communications, it was obvious that the five-year gap should be reduced, though not to less than three years given the major contingencies involved in holding a congress (choosing the host country, finding sponsors and funding, drawing up a scientific programme, etc.). À proposal to do this was adopted by the ISC Management Board on 15th May 2004, so the next World Congress will be held in 2008 (‘). Although a three-year gap may still seem too long, there are other ways of communicating and holding discussions between congresses, 1.e. mainly the annual international courses, which have had a positive role for a long time, both regionally and inter-regionally, as shown by the number held (currently 67) and their influence in different parts of the world. They are an important information and training tool for criminal justice practitioners and also contribute to asserting the society's active presence around the world. (") The previous World Congress was held in Philadelphia, USA, in August 2005. — 19 — New impetus must now be given in the field of scientific research. Remember that research was originally the main role of criminology in the field of social science. Criminology was created because of the need to improve knowledge of crime and to propose policies to prevent this social phenomenon by improving knowledge of crime trends and varia- tions and criminal personalities. The International Society for Criminol- ogy has always realised the need to promote research : back in 1965, it proposed the creation of an international institute and although it did not come about due to a lack of funds, the idea found expression in the International Centre of Comparative Criminology (CICC) created at the University of Montreal, Canada. Subsequently, the ISC’s research strategy was mainly based on a partnership with universities and, follow- ing the example of the CICC, research centres were created at the universities of Genoa, Italy, and San Sebastian, Spain, the former mainly dealing with clinical criminology and the latter with the effects on crime of the social marginalisation of immigrant minorities, especially in Europe. More generally, criminology research around the world varies a great deal in terms of structure and aims. Although it is normally conducted in a university setting (or within a foundation), this is not always the Case in some parts of the world, research centres come under the authority of government departments or official organisations as a result of national traditions, different structures or funding problems. So it is hard to give an overall picture of criminology research around the world, except to say that is extremely diverse and fragmented, often being marginalised in the field of legal and social science. Aside from the diversity of national institutions and funding sources, the priority of the funding organisations is often applied rather than basic research and this obstructs the more general development of knowledge, particularly through activities to support researchers. The ISC’s research activities must be directed more actively and the role of the Scientific Committee must be revised to achieve this. It 1s worth mentioning a major initiative in this respect : the creation of an international prize, particularly intended to reward exceptional research results, with the active support of the Swedish Justice Ministry and based on the example of the Nobel Prizes awarded in other disciplines. It will be awarded by an international jury including several eminent representatives of the International Society for Criminology. The actions and developments described above are based on the need for the ISC to adapt its activities to the new trends appearing in the world, particularly in the field of crime and its prevention. There is no doubt that governments are being forced by public demand for a safer society to pay particular attention to the problems of organising police — 20 — forces. international judicial cooperation and the effectiveness of social prevention and crime prevention policies. The role of NGOs like the International Society for Criminology must be emphasised in this con- text and requires an awareness of new responsibilities. Our society intends to take on these responsibilities, particularly by developing its initiatives and via an active presence throughout the world. 21 NUEVAS PERSPECTIVAS PARA LA SOCIEDAD INTERNACIONAL DE CRIMINOLOGIA Fundada hace mäs de cincuenta años, la Sociedad debe adaptar, necesariamente, sus acciones a la evoluciôon social, al entorno mundial, a las consecuencias de la globalizaciôn, y tomar en cuenta las nuevas tendencias de la criminalidad asi como la necesaria evoluciôn de los métodos penales y de las politicas criminales. Ademäs, debe contribuir a dar un impulso nuevo a la investigaciôn cientifica en los diferentes ambitos relativos a la criminologia. Para ello, es importante definir nue- vas perspectivas de acciôn, tras haber recordado los fines y los logros de la Sociedad registrados hasta este dia. Este es el objeto de esta reflexion. La Sociedad es, en el plano juridico, una asociaciôn de derecho francés, apoyada por el Ministerio de Justicia de Francia. Actua, desde 1950 en el ambito mundial para promover un mejor conocimiento de la criminalidad en general y de sus tendencias evolutivas, en las diferentes regiones del mundo, con un fin de prevenciôn social, de investigacion cientifica, asi como una modernizaciôn de los sistemas de justicia penal y de las politicas anticriminales. La Sociedad, conforme a sus estatutos, ha definido para ello tres objetivos —— favorecer las relaciones internacionales, en los ambitos de su compe- tencia, organizando periôdicamente un Congreso mundial y, cada año, cursos internacionales, en diferentes regiones del mundo. Promover la investigaciôn cientifica mediante una asociaciôn con Uni- versidades, favoreciendo a la vez la creaciôn y el desarrollo de redes internacionales de investigadores. Cooperar con las principales Organizaciones intergubernamentales que trabajan en el ambito del estudio de la evoluciôn de la criminali- dad y de la mejora de la justicia penal (Naciones Unidas, Uniôn Euro- pea, UNESCO). La sede y el Secretariado general de la Sociedad se encuentran en Paris en el Ministerio de Justicia, que le aporta su apoyo. Estä dirigida por un Consejo de Direcciôn internacional elegido por los miembros de la Sociedad, asistido por una Comisiôn cientifica compuesta de investi- gadores y universitarios con el fin de promover la investigacion. La utilidad de las acciones de la Sociedad es oficialmente reconocida, en el ambito internacional a titulo de organizaciôn no gubernamental (O.N.G.) dotada de estatus consultivo ante la organizaciôon de las Naciones Unidas, el Consejo de Europa y la U.N.E.S.C.O. Estä ademäs, 23 - oficialmente representada en setenta naciones. Coopera con las princi- pales asociaciones internacionales (Asociaciôn Internacional de derecho penal, Sociedad Internacional de defensa social, Fundacion Internacio- nal penal y penitenciaria) en el logro de objetivos comunes, con este fin es deseable establecer una cooperaciôn mâs estrecha de las acciones de estas asociaciones. La Sociedad, por su parte, actüa en este sentido. La Sociedad ha organizado, hasta la fecha, catorce Congresos mun- diales con un millar de participantes inscritos en cada uno, en Europa, Asia, Sudamérica y Norteamérica. Cada año se han celebrado varios cursos internacionales de criminologia (67 hasta la fecha), de cuatro a seis dias de duraciôn, en diferentes partes del mundo. Estas reuniones de formaciôn y de informaciôn sobre las tendencias de la criminalidad y la evoluciôn de las politicas penales, se dirigen a la vez a los profesionales de la justicia penal y a los investigadores. El tema elegido se inspira generalmente en preocupaciones regionales, locales o en consideraciones de actualidad. La Sociedad difunde anualmente desde 1950 una revista trilingüe (inglés, español, francés), los Anales Internacionales de Criminologia, des- tinada a los profesionales de la justicia penal, de la politica social y de la prevenciôn asi como las universidades, escuelas especializadas y cen- tros de investigacion de numerosos paises. Dispone de un sitio de Internet : Attp://perso.wanadoo. frIsociete.inter nationale.de.criminologie que difunde informaciones destinadas a los uni- versitarios y profesionales. Constituye una red de comunicaciôn entre investigadores de las diferentes regiones del mundo. El interés y el alcance actual de las actividades de la Sociedad deben confrontarse a las expectativas de las diversas categorias profesionales de juristas y criminôlogos existentes a los que se dirige, asi como a un importante puüblico potencial de participantes en las actividades de los congresos y cursos internacionales y, mäs generalmente, universitarios, profesionales de la justicia penal e investigadores de ciencias sociales. Estas expectativas se relacionan sobre todo con un nuevo interés susci- tado por la evoluciôn de las manifestaciones de la criminalidad en el mundo y con los problemas nuevos que contribuyen a crear. En el mundo académico debemos señalar que las enseñanzas y las investigaciones en torno a los temas criminolôgicos se desarrollaron actualmente en la mayoria de las regiones del mundo. En el marco de las Facultades y Escuelas de derecho, de sociologia y de sicologia, los cursos € investigaciones se convirtieron con frecuencia en una parte de los programas enseñados. — 24 — Si esta situaciôn es diferente segûn las tradiciones de cada naciôn, està claro que en Norteamérica y en varios paises europeos, existe un desarrollo significativo de los programas y proyectos en criminologia. Lo mismo ocurre en Asia y Australia. Con relaciôn al desarrollo de la investigaciôn, constituye una referencia importante. De igual modo, también se interesaron diversas profesiones, actores de la justicia penal. Recientemente se les han unido otras categorias que contribuyen a la obra de la justicia (ayuda y asistencia a las victimas, mediadores, respon- sables de programas de prevenciôn, etc.). Finalmente. en el sector privado, debemos señalar que las empresas de seguridad se han vuelto muy numerosas y activas. La seguridad püblica también se convirtiô en una temâtica politica en la agenda de los politicos y de los administradores püblicos a diferentes niveles (regiones, provincias, grandes ciudades). De igual modo, en el ambito de la salud mental, la criminologia y las disciplinas anexas se convirtieron en temas de gran interés. Estas observaciones permiten medir el interés y el alcance de las acciones y del desarrollo de la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia. Deben conducir. como consecuencia, a prestar una particular atenciôn a la adaptaciôn de las estrategias de acciôn de la Sociedad, a los proble- mas actuales. Importa, a este respecto. señalar que el desarrollo de nuevos y pode- rosos medios de comunicaciôn (Internet) ha favorecido los intercambios entre individuos, grupos de reflexiôn, centros de investigaciôn y, ademäs, ha impuesto un ritmo mâs räpido a la difusiôon de los conocimientos, a la informaciôn y a los intercambios. Esto no puede dejar de traducirse en el funcionamiento de una asociaciôn como la Sociedad. Tiene por finalidad estar atenta a las evoluciones de la criminalidad en el mundo y aportar una experiencia, tan actualizada como sea posible, a los servi- cilos de justicia penal, y a los investigadores de ciencias sociales. En esta perspectiva, conviene señalar la evoluciôon de las nuevas ten- dencias de la criminalidad : son mâs significativas que las variaciones, al alza o a la baja, constatadas por la estadistica. Decimos, desde hace mucho tiempo, que pueden interpretarse de formas diferentes. Importa también señalar las consecuencias de la globalizacion economica y del desarrollo de los medios de comunicaciôn (Internet) asi como de la cir- culaciôn, fuera de las fronteras, de los individuos, que han favorecido nuevas formas de criminalidad, especialmente transnacionales. El conjunto y la diversidad de estos fenômenos obligan a buscar nue- vas vias en el control de la criminalidad a nivel de la cooperaciôn poli- cial y judicial entre Estados. Al mismo tiempo, deben conducir a una adaptaciôn de las politicas anticriminales y de los procedimientos 25 penales frente a manifestaciones tan graves de la criminalidad como son la criminalidad organizada y el terrorismo internacional. Para tener en cuenta estos nuevos desarrollos de la coyuntura mun- dial actual, parecen necesarias un cierto nûmero de adaptaciones de las estrategias de acciôn de la Sociedad a los problemas actuales. Pareciô en un principio deseable reducir la brecha que separa hasta ahora (es decir cinco años) la reuniôn de los Congresos mundiales. Estas reuniones tienen como objetivo evaluar las tendencias significativas constatadas en las diferentes regiones del mundo, la criminalidad y las respuestas aportadas por las legislaciones y politicas criminales. Sin embargo, actualmente es patente que la aceleraciôn del tiempo y la rapi- dez de la informaciôn deben conducir a reducir este plazo. Por otra parte, las contingencias importantes vinculadas a la organizaciôn de estos congresos (elecciôn del pais de acogida, necesidad de patrocina- dores, financiamiento, elaboraciôon de un programa cientifico, etc.…) imposibilitan la reducciôon del plazo que separa estos Congresos mun- diales por debajo de tres años. Con este fin, el Consejo de direcciôon de la Sociedad adoptô una pro- puesta de este tipo (el 15 de mayo de 2004), de la cual resulta que el prôximo Congreso mundial se celebraräà en 2008 ('). Si aûn puede parecer excesivo un plazo de tres años, esta apreciacion debe ser corregida debido a que entre los Congresos mundiales existen otras posibilidades de comunicaciôn e intercambio, hasta este momento principalmente, representadas en los Cursos internacionales celebrados anualmente. El papel de estos Cursos se revelô, desde hace mucho tiempo, como algo positivo en el ambito regional o interregional asi como lo testimo- nia su nümero (67 hasta la fecha de hoy) y su proyeccion en las dife- rentes regiones del mundo. Constituyen para los profesionales de la jus- ticia penal un instrumento de informaciôn y de formaciôn en el ambito de la justicia penal. Contribuyen ademâs a afirmar la presencia activa de la Sociedad en las diversas partes del mundo. Después se debe dar un nuevo impulso al ambito de la investigacion cientifica. Es necesario recordar que la investigacion ha sido la vocaciôn pri- mera de la criminologia en el ambito de las ciencias sociales. La crimino- logia naciô de la necesidad de mejorar el conocimiento de la criminali- dad y de proponer politicas de prevenciôn de este fenômeno social mediante un conocimiento mâs profundo de las tendencias y variantes (") El ûltimo Congreso mundial tuvo lugar en el mes de agosto de 2005 en Filadelfia (EE.UU)) —- 26 — de la criminalidad y de la personalidad de los autores de crimenes y deli- tos. La Sociedad Internacional de criminologia ha sido, desde el origen, consciente de la necesidad de fomentar la investigaciôn. Es significativo a este respecto que, desde 1965, la Sociedad habia propuesto la creaciôn de un Instituto Internacional con este fin que, si no pudo realizarse debido a la falta de medios suficientes, encontrô una nueva expresiôn en el Centro Internacional de criminologia comparada (C.I.C.C.), creado en la Universidad de Montreal (Canadâ). À continuaciôn, la estrategia de investigacion de la Sociedad ha sido principalmente orientada hacia una asociaciôn con las Universidades. Segün este ejemplo, se crearon, tras el CICC, el Centro de investigacion de la Universidad de Génova (Italia) y de San Sebastian (España) el pri- mero. principalmente con una vocaciôn para la criminologia clinica y el segundo sobre la influencia sobre el desarrollo de la criminalidad de la marginalizaciôn social vinculada a las consecuencias sobre la delincuen- cia de las minorias migratorias, especialmente en Europa. Debemos señalar de forma mâs general, que la investigacion crimino- lôgica, proyectada a nivel mundial, parece muy variable y desigual en sus estructuras y en sus objetivos. Si esta està destinada con mâs fre- cuencia a desarrollarse en un marco universitario (o de Fundaciones) no es siempre asi en funciôn de las regiones. À veces los institutos se encuentran bajo la autoridad de Ministerios u organismos administrati- vos. Esto depende de las tradiciones nacionales, de las diferentes estruc- turas o de los problemas de financiamiento. De tal forma que es dificil ofrecer una idea global de la investigaciôon criminolôgica en el mundo, sino es para constatar que esta parece singularmente diversa y fragmen- tada, incluso en ocasiones marginalizada en el ambito de las ciencias Juridicas o sociales. Independientemente de la diversidad de las institu- ciones nacionales y de las fuentes de financiamiento, la prioridad se otorga con frecuencia a las investigaciones aplicadas por quienes finan- cian la investigacion en detrimento de una investigacion fundamental, lo que constituye un freno a un desarrollo mâs general del conocimiento mediante las actividades de apoyo de los investigadores. Por ello conviene orientar actualmente de manera mâs activa las acciones de investigaciôn y debe renovarse, con este fin, el papel de la Comision cientifica. Debemos mencionar, en este sentido, una iniciativa importante, a saber la creaciôn de un Premio internacional destinado, especialmente, a valorar los resultados excepcionales en la investigacion. Este Premio. que se beneficia del apoyo activo del Ministerio de Justicia sueco, se ins- pira en la existencia de los prestigiosos Premios Nôbel otorgados en otras disciplinas. Un jurado internacional formado por varios represen- _—27 — tantes eminentes de la Sociedad Internacional de criminologia, decidirà cada año la atribuciôn de este premio. Estas diversas acciones y evoluciones se inspiran en la necesidad de la Sociedad de adaptar sus acciones a las tendencias nuevas que se mani- filestan en el mundo y, mâs particularmente en el ambito de la criminali- dad y de su prevenciôn. Es necesario constatar que la demanda de seguridad por parte de los diferentes actores sociales y de las poblaciones, conduce a los gobiernos y a los responsables politicos a prestar una atenciôn particular a los pro- blemas de organizaciôn de las policias, a la cooperaciôn judicial interna- cional, asi como a la eficacia de las politicas de prevenciôn social y anti- criminales. En este contexto, debemos señalar el papel de las organizaciones no gubernamentales, como la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia. Este papel apela a la toma de conciencia de nuevas responsabilidades : nues- tra sociedad pretende asumirlas mediante un desarrollo de sus iniciativas y de una presencia activa en las diferentes regiones del mundo. __ 28 — NOUVELLES PERSPECTIVES POUR LA SOCIÈTÉ INTERNATIONALE DE CRIMINOLOGIE Nee 1l y a plus de cinquante ans, la Société doit nécessairement adap- ter ses actions à l'’évolution sociale. à l'environnement mondial. aux conséquences de la globalisation, et prendre en compte les nouvelles ten- dances de la criminalité ainsi que la nécessaire évolution des méthodes pénales et des politiques criminelles. Elle doit, en outre. contribuer a donner une impulsion nouvelle à la recherche scientifique dans les diffé- rents domaines intéressant la criminologie. Il importe, pour cela, de défi- nir de nouvelles perspectives d'action, après avoir rappelé les buts et les réalisations à ce jour, de la Société. Tel est l'objet de cette réflexion. La Société est, sur le plan juridique, une association de droit français. soutenue par le Ministère de la Justice de France. Elle agit, depuis 1950 sur le plan mondial pour promouvoir une meilleure connaissance de la criminalité en général et de ses tendances évolutives, dans les différentes régions du monde. Ceci à la fois dans un but de prévention sociale, de recherche scientifique, ainsi que pour une modernisation des systèmes de justice pénale et des politiques anticriminelles. La Société, conformément à ses statuts, a défini pour cela trois objec- tifs favoriser les relations internationales. dans les domaines relevant de sa compétence, en organisant périodiquement un Congrès mondial et. chaque année, des Cours internationaux, dans différentes régions du monde. Promouvoir la recherche scientifique au moyen, à la fois au moyen d'un partenariat avec des Universités et en favorisant la création et le développement de réseaux internationaux de chercheurs. Coopèrer avec les principales Organisations intergouvernementales travaillant dans le domaine de l'étude de l'évolution de la criminalité et de l'amélioration de la justice pénale (Nations Unies, Union Euro- péenne. Unesco). Le siège et le secrétariat général de la Société sont à Paris auprès du Ministère de la Justice, qui lui apporte son soutien. Elle est dirigée par un Conseil de direction international élu par les membres de la Société. Le Conseil est assisté par une Commission Scientifique composée de chercheurs et universitaires en vue de la promotion de la recherche. L'utiiité des actions de la Société est officiellement reconnue, au plan international au titre d'organisation non gouvernementale (O.N.G.) dotée du statut consultatif auprès de l'organisation des Nations Unies, 29 du Conseil de l’Europe et de l'U.N.E.S.C.O. Elle est, en outre, officielle- ment représentée dans soixante dix Nations. Elle coopère, enfin, avec les principales associations internationales (Association Internationale de droit pénal, Société Internationale de défense sociale, Fondation Inter- nationale pénale et pénitentiaire) dans la poursuite d'objectifs communs, c'est dans ce but qu’une coopération plus étroite des actions de ces asso- ciations est souhaitable. La Société, pour sa part, agit dans ce sens. La Société a réalisé, à ce jour quatorze Congrès mondiaux réunissant chacun un millier de participants inscrits, en Europe, Asie, Amérique Latine et Amérique du Nord. Chaque année, plusieurs Cours internatio- naux de criminologie (67 à ce jour), de quatre à six jours, ont lieu, égale- ment, dans différentes parties du monde. Ces réunions de formation et d'information sur les tendances de la criminalité et l’évolution des politi- ques pénales, s’adressent à la fois aux praticiens de la justice pénale et aux chercheurs. Le thème choisi est généralement inspiré par des préoc- cupations régionales, locales ou des considérations d’actualité. La Société diffuse annuellement depuis 1950 une revue trilingue (anglais, espagnol, français, les Annales Internationales de Criminologie destinée aux praticiens de la justice pénale, de la politique sociale et de la prévention ainsi qu’aux universités, écoles spécialisées et centres de recherches de nombreux pays. Elle dispose enfin, d’un site Internet : http://perso. wanadoo. fr/societe. internationale.de.criminologie qui diffuse des informations à l’intention des universitaires et praticiens. Il constitue également un réseau de com- munication entre chercheurs des différentes régions du monde. L'intérêt et la portée actuelle des activités de la Société doivent être confrontés aux attentes des diverses catégories professionnelles de juristes et criminologues existantes auxquelles elle s’adresse, ainsi qu’à un important public potentiel de participants aux activités des congrès internationaux, des cours internationaux et, plus généralement, des uni- versitaires, praticiens de la justice pénale et, chercheurs en sciences sociales. Ces attentes sont notamment, relatives à un nouvel intérêt sus- cité par l’évolution des manifestations de la criminalité dans le monde et aux problèmes nouveaux qu'’elles contribuent à créer. Dans le monde académique on doit souligner, en effet, que les ensei- gnements et les recherches autour des thèmes criminologiques se sont aujourd’hui développés dans la plupart des régions du monde. Dans le cadre des Facultés et Écoles de droit, de sociologie, de psychologie, des cours et des recherches sont souvent devenus une partie des programmes enseignés. Si cette situation est différente suivant les traditions de chaque nation, il est néanmoins clair qu’en Amérique du Nord, et dans plusieurs — 30 — pays européens, existe un développement significatif des programmes et projets en criminologie. Il en est de même en Asie et Australie. Quant au développement de la recherche, 1l constitue une référence importante. De mèême, diverses professions, acteurs de la justice pénale sont égale- ment intéressées. Elles ont été rejointes récemment par d’'autres catégo- ries qui contribuent à l'œuvre de justice (support et assistance aux vic- times, médiateurs, responsables des programmes de prévention etc…) Enfin, dans le secteur privé, on doit souligner que les entreprises de sécurité sont devenues très nombreuses et actives. La sécurité publique est également devenue une thématique politique sur l'agenda des politi- ciens et des administrateurs publics à différents niveaux, (régions, pro- vinces, grandes villes), De mêème dans le domaine de la santé mentale, la criminologie et les disciplines annexes sont devenues des thèmes de grand intérêt. Ces observations permettent de mesurer l’intérêt et la portée des actions et du développement de la Société Internationale de Criminolo- gie. Elles doivent conduire, par voie de conséquence, à porter une part1- culière attention à l'adaptation des stratégies d’action de la Société, aux problèmes d'aujourd'hui. Il importe, à cet égard, de souligner que le développement de nou- veaux et puissants moyens de communication (Internet) a favorisé les échanges entre individus, groupes de réflexion, centres de recherches et, également, imposé un rythme plus rapide à la diffusion des connais- sances, à l'information et aux échanges. Ceci ne peut manquer de se tra- duire dans le fonctionnement d’une association telle que la Société. Elle a, en effet, pour finalité d’être à la fois attentive aux évolutions de la cri- minalité dans le monde et d’apporter une expertise, aussi actualisée que possible, aux services de justice pénale, et aux chercheurs en sciences sociales. Dans cette perspective, il convient de souligner l’évolution de ten- dances nouvelles de la criminalité : elles sont, en effet, davantage signifi- catives que des variations, à la hausse ou à la baisse, constatées par la statistique. On sait, depuis longtemps, que celles-ci peuvent être diverse- ment interprétées. Il importe, également, de souligner les conséquences de la globalisation économique et du développement des moyens de communication (Internet) ainsi que de la circulation, hors des frontières, des individus, qui ont favorisé des formes nouvelles de criminalité, spé- cialement transnationales. L'ensemble et la diversité de ces phénomènes obligent, à rechercher des voies nouvelles dans le contrôle de la criminalité au niveau de la coo- pération policière et judiciaire entre États. Dans le même temps, ils doi- vent conduire à une adaptation des politiques anticriminelles et des pro- _— 31 — cédures pénales à l’encontre de manifestations aussi graves de la crimina- lité que sont la criminalité organisée et le terrorisme international. C’est afin de prendre en compte ces nouveaux développements de la conjoncture mondiale actuelle, qu’un certain nombre d’adaptations des stratégies d’action de la Société aux problèmes d’aujourd’hui apparais- sent nécessaires. Il est apparu, d’abord souhaitable de réduire l’écart séparant jusqu’ici (soit cinq ans) la réunion des Congrès mondiaux. Ces réunions ont, en effet, pour objet de faire le point des tendances significatives constatées dans les différentes régions du monde, de la criminalité ainsi que des réponses apportées par les législations et politiques criminelles. Or 1l est aujourd’hui, manifeste, que l’accélération du temps et la rapidité des informations doivent conduire à réduire ce délai. En revanche, les contingences importantes liées à l’organisation de ces Congrès (choix du pays d’accueil, nécessité de sponsors, financement, élaboration d'un pro- gramme scientifique, etc..) conduisent à ne pas réduire au dessous de trois années le délai séparant ces Congrès mondiaux. Une telle proposition a, dans ce but, été adoptée par le Conseil de direction de la Société (15 mai 2004) et il en résulte que le prochain Congrès mondial aura lieu en 2008 ('). Si un délai de trois ans peut sembler encore excessif, cette apprécia- tion doit être corrigée par le fait qu’entre les Congrès mondiaux existent d’autres possibilités de communication et d’échanges, jusqu'ici principa- lement, représentées les Cours internationaux annuels. Le rôle de ces Cours, s’est en effet révélé, depuis longtemps, positif, sur le plan régional ou interrégional ainsi qu’en témoigne leur nombre (à ce jour 67) et leur rayonnement dans les différentes régions du monde. Ils constituent, en effet, pour les praticiens de la justice pénale un instru- ment d’'information et de formation dans le domaine de la justice pénale. Ils contribuent, en outre, à affirmer la présence active de la Société dans les diverses parties du monde. C’est, ensuite, dans le domaine de la recherche scientifique qu'une impulsion nouvelle doit être donnée. Il importe de rappeler que la recherche a été la vocation première de la criminologie dans le champ des sciences sociales. La criminologie est née de la nécessité d’améliorer la connaissance de la criminalité et de proposer des politiques de prévention de ce phénomène social au moyen d’une connaissance plus approfondie des tendances et variations de la criminalité et de la personnalité des auteurs de crimes et délits. La Société Internationale de criminologie a été, dès l’origine, consciente de (”) Leî dernier Congrès mondial a eu lieu au mois d’août 2005 à Philadelphie (USA). _— 32 — la nécessité de promouvoir la recherche. Il est significatif, en effet, à cet égard que, dès 1965, la Société avait proposé la création, dans ce but, d'un Institut International qui, s'il n'a pu être réalisé faute de moyens suffisants. a trouvé une nouvelle expression dans le Centre International de criminologie comparée (C.I.C.C.), créé à l'Université de Montréal (Canada). Par la suite, la stratégie de recherche de la Société a été principale- ment orientée, notamment, vers un partenariat avec des Universités. Sui- vant cet exemple, ont été créés, après le CICC, le Centre de recherches de l'Université de Genova (Italie) et de San Sebastian (Espagne), le pre- mier, ayant principalement vocation pour la criminologie clinique et le second en matière d'influence sur le développement de la criminalité de la marginalisation sociale liée aux conséquences sur la délinquance des minorités migratoires, spécialement en Europe. On doit souligner, sur un plan plus général, que la recherche crimino- logique. envisagée au niveau mondial, apparaît très variable et inégale dans ses structures et dans ses objectifs. Si celle-ci est, plus souvent, des- tinée à se développer dans un cadre universitaire (ou de Fondations), 1l n'en est pas toujours ainsi suivant les régions. Des Instituts sont parfois placés sous l'autorité de Ministères ou organismes administratifs. Cela tient à des traditions nationales, à des structures diverses ou à des pro- blèmes de financement. De telle sorte qu'il est difficile de donner un aperçu global de la recherche criminologique dans le monde, sinon pour constater que celle-ci apparaît singulièrement diverse et parcellisée, voire souvent marginalisée dans le champ des sciences juridiques ou sociales. Indépendamment de la diversité des institutions nationales et des sources de financement, souvent donnée à des la priorité est également recherches appliquées par ceux qui financent la recherche au détriment d’une recherche fondamentale, ce qui constitue un frein à un développe- ment plus général de la connaissance au moyen, notamment, d'activités de soutien des chercheurs. Il convient, par suite, d’orienter aujourd'hui de manière plus active les actions de recherche et dans ce but, le rôle de la Commission scienti- fique doit être rénovée. On doit mentionner, dans ce sens, une initiative importante, à savoir la création d’un Prix International destiné, notamment, à valoriser des résultats exceptionnels dans la recherche. Ce Prix, qui bénéficie du sou- tien actif du Ministère de la justice suédois, est inspiré par l’existence des prestigieux Prix Nobel décernés dans d’autres disciplines. Un Jury inter- national dans lequel plusieurs représentants éminents de la Société Inter- nationale de criminologie, statuera chaque année sur l’attribution de ce prix. - 33 Ces diverses actions et évolutions sont inspirées par la nécessité pour la Société d’adapter ses actions aux tendances nouvelles qui se manifes- tent dans le monde et, plus particulièrement, dans le domaine de la cri- minalité et de sa prévention. Force est de constater que la demande de sécurité de la part des diffé- rents acteurs sociaux et des populations, conduit les gouvernements et les responsables politiques, à porter une attention particulière aux pro- blèmes d’organisation des polices, à la coopération judiciaire internatio- nale, ainsi qu'à l’efficacité des politiques de prévention sociale et anticri- minelles. Dans ce contexte, on doit souligner le rôle des organisations non gou- vernementales, telles que la Société Internationale de Criminologie. Ce rôle appelle, par suite, la prise de conscience de nouvelles responsabi- lités : notre Société entend les assumer, au moyen notamment d’un déve- loppement de ses initiatives et d’une présence active dans les différentes régions du monde. __ 34 _ JUVENILE DELINQUENCY AND IMMIGRATION IN WESTERN EUROPE : CRIMINAL RESPONSIBILITY VERSUS SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY José Luis de la Cuesta (*) César San Juan (**) ABSTRACT Over the last few years, there has been a tendency towards an increase in immigration, which characterized by the arrival of young workers from the North of Africa, sub-Sahara Africa, South America, Asia and, more recently, Fastern Europe. The precarious socio- economic circumstances of these groups, determined by the laws of the European labour market has become so chronic that the young immigrants are turning into such a high risk social group. This informa- tion necessitates an exhaustive study of the causes, which are without doubt a result of a multitude of factors, by means of which we may be able to explain the phenomenon of delinquency among young offenders who are descended from immigrants or who are unaccompanied immigrants. In order to explain the aetiology of the social exclusion of young immigrants, we believe it would be advisable to point out first of all that the adversities inherent in being young are to be found in a context marked by the difficulty of fitting into the labour market and may be shared by the majority of the young European population. And, on the other hand, we also find the difficulties typical of the clash of cultures, which the immigrants suffer in a social environment they are rejected by. The implications of these psychosocial and criminal dimensions are dis- cussed in order to draw up a diagnosis which could be really useful for the formulation of appropriate solutions and politics to these problems. (*) President of the International Association of Penal Law. Director of the Basque Institute of Criminology (University of the Basque Country). (**) Titular Professor of Social Psychology. Research Deputy Director. Basque Institute of Criminology (University of the Basque Country). __ 35 — SOCIAL REPRESENTATION OF THE IMMIGRANT Before beginning any kind of analysis we should point out that when we speak about immigration we are referring to a social category. This consideration is not of secondary importance, as if we confine ourselves to the social representations of immigration, we will see that the proce- dures of inclusion and exclusion in this category are more conditioned by questions of a socio-economic nature, attitudes, emotions or stereotypes than by the administrative nature of the concept of an immigrant itself. Individuals born in Europe may thus be « classified » as immigrants, as is precisely the case of the children of immigrants, also called second generation immigrants. Meanwhile they live alongside individuals who, having come from abroad, are not placed in this category, as is the case of people who have not been forced into what, socially, tends to be recognised and identified as being « foreigners », — perhaps a more emotionally neutral concept. Thus we could say that there 1s a certain element of social exclusion in the semantic field of the word «1mmigrant ». THE CONCEPT OF SOCIAL EXCLUSION On occasions one tends to exchange the concept of exclusion for that of vulnerability. However there is an important difference between the option of referring to an excluded group and the option of referring to a vulnerable group. It would without doubt be more appropriate to refer to the excluded nature of the group in question, given that there 1s another group which carries out the excluding action, be it proactive, reactive or by omission; that is to say, delimiting a work, cultural, recreational or social area and the corresponding expulsion from this area. Contrary to this idea which underlies the concept of exclusion of an «us » group (endo-group) and another « them » group (exo-group), the idea of vulnerability to a certain extent exonerates one of the parties of the inherent weakness of the other. That is to say, the vulnerability 1s a quality belonging to « the others » group which the « us » group can only diagnose and, at best, apply the therapies which they consider most appropriate. In other words, we can be responsible for excluding the exo-group, but not for its vulnerable nature. From this point of view, one has to remember that in the documents and treaties of the Furopean Union the currently used concept of social exclusion replaced that of « poverty ». And since then both have been combined, the concept of exclusion certainly taking first place when —— 36 — what 1s being discussed is reporting the «novelty » which has come about in situations which would previously have been called situations of poverty (Renes, 2002). This was well summarized by one of the most notable conclusions of the Poverty Programme 3 : « We define social exclusion with regard to, above all, social rights. We verifv what the social rights of the citizens are as regards employment, hous- ing, right to health, ete., the efficiency of the national policies which guaran- tee these rights to the citizens and the obstacles and regulations which exclude certain people. This is the first stage. The second task consists of studying the elements showing that, when the citizens are unable to obtain their social rights, they tend to suffer a general and persistent process of deprival of their rights acquired, at the same time as which their social and professional participation declines » (Report of the European Parliament on the final of the the Report European Commission on Poverty Programme 3). In this sense, speaking about social exclusion 1s to state that the problem is no longer just that of inequality between the upper end and lower end of the social scale but also that of the distance, in the social body. between those who take part in its dynamic and those who are driven towards 1ts fringes. The definition of « social exclusion » will thus be understood in the European Union as the « accumulation of limits on social participation », which from an operational point of view will be evaluated based on the following indicators 1) Great difficulties gaining access to employment. 11) Financial difficulties. 111) Limited access to education. iv) No access to a decent property. v) Serious health deficiencies. v1) Great difficulties in the world of social and family relationships. EXCLUSION CRITERIA Starting from the idea that we noted as regards the concept of exclu- sion, that is to say, delimiting a space and the corresponding expulsion from this space, we could say that the most common exclusion scenario within western Europe is, firstly, the labour scenario. That 1s the possibility of having a job, of keeping it and of receiving financial (salary), social (prestige, role, recognition.….) and psychological (self- esteem, belonging to a group of equals…) benefits which makes their normal and integrated development in society possible. In this sense, pensioners, early retirees, disabled people, the long-term unemployed, young people in search of their first job, unskilled labourers, women, immigrants… are the groups where we will find a greater prevalence of social exclusion. 37 Being young, female and an immigrant places us from the outset before what, to use epidemiological terminology, we could consider to be a high-risk group. In the last few years for example, the high presence of female immigrants among sex workers has been redefining official dis- course and media opinion concerning the female immigrant population. À restrictive immigration policy, as well as the non-recognition of prostitution as a work activity and the strong social stigma attached to it, increases the vulnerability and the abuse of these women in the face of the law, people-trafficking networks, clients and society in general. The condemnation of the sexual autonomy and financial independence of these women are decisive factors in the perpetuation of their illegal status. As an example of this tendency the report published by the EL PAÏS newspaper last February could be quoted. In this report, Empar Moliner, journalist and writer, recollects her experiences during two weeks in Barcelona, pretending to be a female Muslim immigrant. The report 1s disturbing from beginning to end, but I want to recapture on this occasion the part which refers to the labour exploitation and sexual abuse to which female immigrants doing domestic work are exposed. AI! the men who answered the advert in the press requesting domestic work established as a desirable condition that in addition to « very clean », the women were particularly affectionate and receptive to sexual proposi- tions. On the other hand, the phenomenon of unaccompanied minors presents great difficulties in the receiving countries. They are often minors when they arrive in Europe. They have long since abandoned their homes and, in principle, resist the idea of any measure which involves guardianship and education. Very few wish to return to their country of origin. Many of these minors survive under the protection of Mafia groups who lead them into crime. The implications, in short, implicitly involved in these inclusion/ exclusion criteria are inevitably of a personal nature with social conse- quences : destructuring and instability of the being, the person, and dis- turbance and confrontation with the structures of European society. One might say that there are seructural factors which encourage the existence, presence and emergence of these exclusion criteria, such as a particular economic situation, and in this respect it seems that things could not be less favourable. In Germany the Green Party has just given its full support to measures aimed at reducing social expenditure and it is obvious that the sector of the population in a situation of social exclu- sion will be the biggest loser. The Green Party justifies it with the hack- neyed argument that «the System imposes its rules ». This recession of __ 38 _ social politics breaks a trend which began with the Single European Act of 1987 and which has meant the reform of Structural Funds as support for economic and social cohesion. There were subsequent decisive advances, such as the Community Charter of Social Rights (in Strasbourg, 1989):; the Treaty of the European Union of 1992, in which 1s embodied the unanimous decision of its members to legislate and bring into force actions which pay special attention to the most marginalised groups; the publications of the Green Book (1993), which set the standards for the European Social Model, and the White Book (1994) on European Social Policy together with the Amsterdam Treaty (1997) where the social perspective of European Policy was reinforced. In this context of recession of the Welfare State, the process of increasing visibility of the immigrant, above all the young ones, will be marked by a general climate of alarm and aversion. It is a more favourable scenario for the creation of what we have called a Social Representation of the Immigrant which 1s closer to stereotypical infor- mation, to the labelling and stigmatising of the other cultural groups than an administrative or legal classification. From this point of view, we could say that the ideal objective of an integration policy would be to make the immigrant « go unnoticed ». THE CONCEPT OF YOUTH : SOCIOLOGICAIL AND LEGAL PERSPECTIVE Youth 1s a vital period prior to reaching adult age, the last phase of development, of maturing and evolution, whose limits should not be set rigidly, as individual diversity is as varied as it 1S important in this aspect. Each person has his/her own biological schedule which dictates how (s)he matures on a personal level, as well as individual differences such as those of gender (Women evolve sooner) or culture, as a result of which in different and varied societies young people may take on adult roles earlier or later. However, despite recognising the individuality of youth, it is also true that broad outlines can be laid down which limit and define in general terms what 1s understood by youth. Youth 1s reflected in sociological studies, in a strict sense, as the period between the ages of 15 and 24, or at most, from 15 to 29. The strict concept relates to the periods of Adolescence and Youth estab- lished by various authors, such as Elzo (2000 : 143), whilst in its broader sense it would include these two stages and also what Elzo defines as Prolonged Youth. That 1s to say, sociological studies tend to include in the vouth stage, the psycho-evolutionary periods of Adolescence and Youth. But in short the sociological criterion, more than fixing one age __ 39 _ or another, considers Youth to be a vital period prior to reaching adult age, emphasising that the passing from one to the other, is apparent when the person joins the work market and establishes their own family nucleus, which allows them to become independent of their parents’ home. Nevertheless, sociological categories differ from the legal ones, where the systems differ from one country to another and the categories of minor and/or young are much more connected to the recognition of imputability. The origin of this concept is humanitarian, as it concerns the exemption or mitigation of the criminal responsibility of certain people, such as children and adolescents, considered to be too immature to fully distinguish between good and evil, less able to reflect on the effects of their actions, to foresee the long-term consequences or to feel guilt (Rutter, Giller, Hagell 2000 : 54). From an historical and comparative point of view different models have been applied to juvenile delinquency. The « welfare model » was extensively followed during most part of the XXeth century. According to this model (in Spain, tutelary model), deeply rooted on correc- tionalism, minors (under 16) were considered not mature enough to be held responsible for the offences they commit. Therefore, they needed not to be punished but to be protected and treated, like any other child abandoned or submitted to corruptive examples. The aim of social inter- vention should be, then, to provide for education in order to achieve rehabilitation. Young people (under 18) could already be held respon- sible, but received a mitigated punishment. After 18 they were treated like adults, but in the penitentiary field young-adults (under 21, even- tually until 25) deserved an special penitentiary treatment. The « welfare model » entered in crisis around the 70s, and was progressively substituted by the now very much widespread « justice models ». The new « justice model » recognizes that minors under 18 can be sufficiently aware as to distinguish between good and evil, and in this case, 1f they commit a penal offence they should be considered penally responsible. In a very general way we can say that, at first an age of criminal non- imputability 1s established, according to which minors of this age cannot be punished. Then comes an intermediate stage (minors/juvenile delin- quency, minors/juvenile justice) characterised by the recognition of penal imputability, that leads to the imposition of measures (not punishments) with a corrective and/or rehabilitative nature. In most countries the category of young adults is also recognised to extend penal mitigation to include people who have already passed the legal age of majority, but are still young. — 40 — The legal criterion then frequently distinguishes three or four chronological stages characterised by differential penal treatment : Period of non-imputability : The minor does not clearly distinguish good from evil, and should not therefore be penalized, but sent to the social and community services in order to apply civil (non punitive) measures. Period of penal responsibility of minors : An first stage in which, due to their minority, the formal declaration of the penal responsibility 1s not followed by criminal punishment, other measures being applied with a re-educating basis and aim. Period of criminal punishment : Adults must take responsibility for their criminal acts and answer in accordance with the Penal Code. An intermediate stage 1s nevertheless usually established in which, due to their condition of young-adult, criminal punishment is not avoided, but normal punishments are mitigated or, eventually, substituted by other sentences less afflictive and with a re-educating element. Dividing lines between these periods are the age of imputability (or non-imputability) which divides the first and the second, whilst the second and third are separated by the adult's penal age (second and third). TABLE | Legal responsibility age according to countries Country Legal Responsibility Age USA, Ireland, Liechtenstein, Singapore, Swit- 7 zerland Scotland. North Ireland Jordan, Malta Wales, England 10 Canada, Greece, Netherlands, Turkey 12 France 13 Germany, Austria, Bulgaria, China, Slovenia Spain, Russia, Hungary. Italy, Japan, Latvia, 14 Lithuania Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Iceland, Norway Czech Rep, Sweden 15 16 Belgium, Chile, Poland, Portugal 17 Costa Rica, Fij1 18 Luxembourg, Peru, Romania, Syria 41 Âs we can see in table 1 (from Rutter, Giller & Hagell, 2000 and other sources) there is a great deal of variability as regards the estab- lishment of the penal age which are no more than the background of certain ways of seeing the individual in development. In general terms, the average European age of imputability has been established between 14 and 15, whilst the tendency 1s to identify the adult's penal age with the civil and political majority of age : 18. Young- adults, where recognised, embrace people between 18 and 21 (excep- tionally, 23-25). PSYCHOLOGICAL VULNERABILITY Mental health studies of adolescent immigrants have fundamentally been aimed at the evaluation of the presence of depressive, behavioural, learning and self-esteem-related disorders in this sector of the popula- tion. In most cases these studies have had purely epidemiological inten- tions aimed at the study and analysis of what is known as stress due to culturalization. This syndrome, characterised by ineffective handling of language, cultural, religious and other conflicts, is found in psychosocial theoretical models such as a history of potential deficiency in the psy- chological well-being in particular and in quality of life in general. Among the risk factors for psychological disorders in immigrant adolescents one would have to highlight their socialisation in run-down urban surroundings, in the extremely run-down suburbs of large European cities, which harbour the deprived sectors of society. Contexts, in short, with a certain tendency towards crime. However, there are others contexts among which we highlight the following (Carlson- Aburto & Jané; 2001) : a) Leaving context : Families who are forced to leave, either for finan- cial reasons or because of political persecution. b) Confrontation with the new culture The breaking of affective links with the extensive family which is left behind in the country of origin Is normal and a real challenge of adaptation for the family arriving in the receiving country. c) Racism and discrimination. À very negative factor for the psy- chological well-being of immigrant adolescents is without doubt their arrival in a social environment characterised by segregation, on occa- sions openly racist. __ 42 — d) À schooling with great disadvantages compared to the average situa- tion of young people in the receiving country. e) Problems of social identity : Adolescence 1s a stage of physical, emo- tional and social changes as a consequence of the transition to adult age. At this stage the development of a well-adapted and mature sense of 1identity 1s fundamental, and in immigrant adolescents will be made very difficult by the attempt to adapt to social contexts which are culturally discordant to them. We are going to 1dentify these types of problems with a far from negligible frequency in young people born in the country to which their parents immigrated and who, as a consequence, are going to be recognised as second or third generation immigrants. YOUNG IMMIGRANTS AND DELINQUENCY IN WESTERN EUROPE The profile described above puts young immigrants in a group with little chance of having adequate strategies for social participation available to them, which would be the exact opposite of exclusion, as 1t has initially been defined. The creation of marginalised subcultures in the urban surroundings of the receiving countries, violent confrontations with racist or xenophobic groups and other problems shared with most young European people such as the lack of opportunities as regards employment or housing, has given rise to the appearance of careers in crime or at the very least wayward lifestyles which, according to the characteristics of each country, lead to many different kinds of problems. In this sense, the Justice for Minors seminar held in Paris (October 19-20, 2000) (Ministry of Justice 2000) highlighted the increase In « racial and xenophobic violence », which in various European coun- tries - particularly Germany and Great Britain -, has caused incidents of extreme violence which can degenerate into neighbourhood riots. Other conclusions which were established at this seminar made reference to the relationship between juvenile delinquency and growing urban disorder, particularly on the outskirts of large cities; the relationship between delinquency in minors and social, financial and cultural exclusion, and, more explicitly, the relationship between juvenile delinquency and migratory movements. A major element of juvenile violence which should be highlighted 1s its collectivity, the fact that it comes about mostly in groups, more than on an individual basis. Ît is group and gang violence and 1s evident mainly in the deterioration of the streets or in territorial confrontations between different groups. Aubusson de Cavarlay (1999) considers that - 43 — violence among minors has undergone a major transformation with the passing of time, closely linked in previous decades to an instrumental delinquency, it has moved on to become more trivialised and has invaded, in a playful and trivialized way, the public highways of French cities as a type of « incivilities ». DISCUSSION From the outlook just considered we must conclude, firstly, that the criminological problems of young immigrants can only be analysed as the result of a social, cultural, political and economic context which tends to put them, like many other groups, on the fringes of the com- munity and its established methods of social participation. This lack of opportunities is closely linked to the attitudes, stereotypes and, as we have already noted, social representations of the young immigrant by the receiving society. That 1s, the social exclusion of young immigrants has a discourse, now normalised and widespread, which we could outline using three axes which Briceño (2001) refers to as criminalization, rationalization, culturalization and victimization. CRIMINALIZATION consists of the association of the immigrant population with criminal acts, situations on the fringes of the law and public order problems. This association is constantly seen in the pronouncements from dif- ferent social positions, within which the discourse of the Government and of the media stands out. The general spirit of immigration policy in the Spanish State and 1ts legal tools of implementation, contain elements which directly or indirectly lead to the association of immigration with illegality, delinquency and threats to public order (Garcia España, 2001). À similar effect has produced the association of an administrative situa- tion (such as lacking a residence or work permit) with the condition of illegality, from which the people in these situations come to be defined as illegal or clandestine. Meanwhile the criminalization of the immigrant through the media 1s usually carried out through the exclusive privilege of news of a conflic- tive nature, of criminal (robberies, drug trafficking, trafficking of people) or socially discredited (such as prostitution) incidents, and the allusion to problems which affect public order (fights, street gangs) or those of an irregular nature (mass arrivals, deportations, expulsions). The second strategy pointed out by this author is RACIALIZA- TION : a discursive procedure defining an individual based on their assignment to a race, or a phenotypically homogeneous human group whose common characteristics, of a hereditary nature, will determine __ 44 — their abilities and behaviour. What's more, this racial assignment 1s usually accompanied by negative value judgements, according to a hierarchization of such human groups. In the contemporary social context it 1s difficult to find this pure form of racialization, with the exception of limited social groups, such as extreme right parties or neo-Nazi groups. The scientific stripping down of the idea of race and the moral criticism of its implementation has seriously weakened the legitimacy and spread of discourses of this kind. From the 1950's and 1960's, it began to be scientifically difficult, but above all morally questionable, to support the thesis of racial dif- ferences between human groups. However, this does not mean that this type of discourse has disap- peared, rather that it has been qualified and transformed. Indirect and underhand speeches have become very common in which the approach of differences due to racial assignment persist in an underlying form or appear mixed in with other elements. There have also begun to be clear movements in its argumentative core towards other topics such as ethnic assignment or cultural differences. For its part, the discourse of exaggeration of cultural differences, which this author calls CULTURALIZATION, 1s an ever more common procedure of identity construction, based on assigning immigrants with an inflexible block of cultural patterns which establish an unbridgeable distance between them and the native population. It is a strategy through which the immigrant 1s produced as a subject specially condi- tioned by cultural patterns, in many cases inferior according to western patterns of behaviour. In contemporary European societies, as we have seen, the argument of racial difference has become ever more difficult to support. The thesis of cultural difference and incompatibility has therefore become a con- venient substitute on which to base practices and strategies with similar purposes. Approaches originated within anthropology and originally employed as instructions for the defence of cultural minorities, were used, in the 1980's, by sectors of the European right to establish and legitimise a dis- tance between the groups of immigrants and the rest of the population. Among male youths born in France with Algerian parents, 30 % state that they have no religion, and another 38 % do not practise it; figures which are above the average for the young French population as a whole. It 1s not suggested that a lack of religion or limited religious practice Is à sign of social integration, as seems to have been suggested on pre- vious occasions. Those figures are only brought up as an empirical 45 verification of the false idea that the sons and daughters born in France of immigrant parents from Islamic countries are doomed to be locked up or to adopt the most fundamentalist version of Islam, as seems to be feared or maybe desired by some sectors of the population. Lastly we highlight VICTIMIZATION : À discursive procedure through which immigrants are defined as groups that suffer problems, as victims of other subjects or as people who need help from the mem- bers and institutions of the receiving society. In many European coun- tries this discourse is often produced by social security personnel, the media, certain NGO?’s and some supposedly progressive sectors. In this type of strategy the motives and conditions of immigration are usually dramatized or the people involved are presented as taxpayers who are prisoners of social decisions, objects of the practice of unscrupulous sec- tors (such as Mafia groups) or victims of the constrictions imposed by their cultural patterns (as is the case of Arab women). In this way, in spite of their often xenophile intentions, this discourse produces and portrays the immigrant as basically a non-subject. We do not mean that there are no immigrants locked up in cultural ghettos as a result of a voluntary choice or that in certain cases they are victims of flagrant situations of exclusion. But it is worth highlighting a certain wickedness in some discourses which are apparently well-mean- ing or progressive in appearance but, when all is said and done, insist on respecting cultural differences which do not exist or 1if they do exist, are based more on pure folklore or gastronomic elements which can in no way be considered as a « cultural abysses ». These discourses, in short, aimed at legitimising a system of social categorisation, are no mere units of stereotypical information with the aim of presenting us with a simpler version of reality. Nor are they only discourses which are going to provide the definition of a social identity which needs to differentiate itself from the other identities in order to survive. The real force behind these forms of social construction can be found in the emotions. The emotional nature of the discourses which we have identified previously constitutes, precisely, the definitive argument for us to refer to them as a form of construction of reality and of social relationships (San Juan, Ocâriz & Vergara, 2005). And probably, far from the more positive parameters which make up what has become known as emotional intelligence, there are two emotions which, in our opinion, will make these discourses real : On the one hand fear, the fear of the unknown, the fear of strangers, the fear of losing one’s identity, the fear of losing the status quo in a Europe of social cutbacks, the fear of insecurity, in short, the FEAR OF FEAR. Following the influential book by Beck (1998), today 1t is almost __ 46 — commonplace to talk of the risk society. In this sense this author suggests that : « The driving force of a class society can be summed up in the sentence ‘I am hungry!. On the other hand, the movement which has come about with the risk society can be expressed by the sentence ‘I am afraid!". Instead of the community of misery we have the community of fear ». Âs a consequence of fear, laws on aliens are passed, preventative wars are planned or cultural policies are developed which are impervious to external influences which, as 1s the case with certain kinds of nationalism, constitute a real cultural barrier. And on the other hand, very much linked to fear : Envy, envy of the young immigrant, in many cases bilingual, or trilingual, with a contrast- ing ability to overcome adverse situations, to handle diverse cultural codes, an individual, in short, equipped to adapt more flexibly to diverse contexts. Far from the restricted parochial identity referred to by Nietzsche as a lover of all things stable, the young immigrants or the children of immigrants will conform to the most audacious and adaptive profile of the Globalization Era. 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WALGRAVE, L. y MEHLBYE, J., Confronting Youth in Europe 1998, [Online] from www.akt.dk/eng98/juvenile.htm. RESUMEN Los esfuerzos explicativos de las causas de la delincuencia juvenil se enfrentan a especiales dificultades en el caso de los jôvenes inmigrantes, en quienes a los factores derivados de los problemas generales de inser- ciôn laboral se añade el propio choque cultural en un ambiente social hostil. Pero, sôlo a partir del analisis ponderado de todas las dimen- siones relevantes puede trazarse un diagnôstico ütil de cara a la for- mulaciôn de soluciones y politicas apropiadas. RÉSUME Les tentatives d'explication des causes de la délinquance juvénile se heurtent à des difficultés spéciales dans le cas des jeunes immigrants, qui connaissent, outre les facteurs résultant de leurs problèmes généraux d'insertion dans le travail, le choc culturel d'une ambiance sociale 49 hostile. Ce n’est qu’à partir de l’analyse pondérée de toutes les dimen- sions relevantes qu'on peut dresser un diagnostic utile pour déterminer des solutions et des politiques appropriées. 50 THE DIVERSITY OF THE CRIME-TERROR INTERACTION John Picarelli (*) Louise Shelley (**) There are striking similarities between terrorists and individuals engaged in organized crime. Both commit fraud, theft, forgery, and violent street crime. Both traffic in drugs and human beings. Both extort, intimidate, and bribe. Both conduct business in the legitimate economy, too. Both use subterfuge to conceal their real purpose. Gran- ted, their motives appear different : organized criminals focus on making money and terrorists aim to undermine political authority. But the per- petrators sometimes have similar profiles, and in some regions of the globe are often the same individuals. This paper proposes a new analytical framework to analyze the points of intersection of crime and terrorists. It eschews the existing exclusive emphasis on the financial links between organized crime and terrorism and suggests a greater variety of intersections beyond the financial arena than most prior analyses have focused on. It develops an interaction spectrum to capture the complexity of this emerging rela- tionship, and suggests « watch points » as important points of intersec- tion and simple foci of analysis. Existing academic work has provided some foundation for analysis of these links and interactions. During the 1990s, some scholars argued that a convergence between international terrorism and transnational organized crime would prove detrimental to national security and would require new techniques and tools to combat. This analysis, however, did not result in any systematic study of the cooperative arrangements between those criminal and terrorist groups. The « methods not motives » argument has long been a maxim for analysts investigating links between organized crime and terrorism, on the grounds that while terrorists might share the methods of other (*) Mr. Picarelli is a Research Lecturer in the Schoo! of International Service and an Analyst at TraCCC (Transnational Crime and Corruption Center, American University). Email : pic(@american.edu. (**) Dr. Shelley 1s a Professor in the School of International Service and 1s the Director of TraCCC. Email : Ishelle@Wamerican.edu 51 criminals, their motives are quite different ('). We argue in this paper that this general approach has become too restrictive and can be mis- leading. In short, « methods not motives » is too parsimonious, too swift to eliminate the complexity of the emerging relationship and thus too narrow an analytical construct upon which to base future policy and practice. BACKGROUND : À GROWING COMPLEXITY The interaction between terrorism and organized crime is growing more complex. The number and form of transnational criminal groups are expanding, both through the addition of new groups and the growth of existing ones. Such growth led to more connections between these groups as well as with other shadowy actors like insurgents, arms traf- fickers and indeed terror cells. For example, as gangs have evolved into the newest transnational crime groups in North America (*), stories have recently surfaced that an Al Qaeda operative made contact with mem- bers of one gang, Mara Salvatrucha or MS-13, in Honduras in 2004 (*). Terrorists in European prisons recruit criminals to their cause, allowing incarcerated individuals to move between their identities as terrorists and criminals (*). Such complexity is advanced further when one considers that the dealings between terrorist and organized crime groups have long since ceased to be a matter of business alone. The result is that the two phenomena now intersect on many different levels. Some international terror groups sustain themselves only with the support of organized crime. For example, the new director of Europol announced in June, that criminals provide terrorists with false documents and use their skills as human smugglers to move terrorists. With so many individuals active in both terrorism and organized crime, there now exists a merging and blurring of functions in many locales. Crucially, the distinctions between the two are particularly (") This paper is based on the findings of a research project supported by Grant, No. 2003-IJ-CX-1019 awarded by the National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, US Department of Justice. Points of view in this document are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official position or policies of the US Depart- ment of Justice. (*) SHELLEY, Louise, and PICARELLI, John, « Methods Not Motives Implications of the Convergence of International Organized Crime and Terrorism », Police Practice and Research 3 (2002) : 305-318. (*) MANWARING, Max, Street Gangs The New Urhan Insurgency (Carlisle US Army War College), 2005. See Attp:I/www.carlisle army.millssilpdffilesIPUB597.pdf . (*) SEPER. Jerry, « Al Qaeda Seeks Tie to Local Gang », The Washington Times, 28 Sep- tember 2004. 52 unclear in marginalized communities within developed countries, in prisons and conflict zones where there is no effective government (°). Our research indicates that the links between organized crime and terrorism tend to flourish most when groups in society see their own interests as separate from the system of governance and the norms promulgated from that system. Low standards of law enforcement and limited respect for the law and legal authority further contribute to the growth of crime-terror links. Finally, we find 1t in areas like diaspora or other insular subcommunities in developed states, areas where local law enforcement cannot operate successfully, or in penal institutions, where criminals and terrorists establish relationships has heretofore been ignored (°). In conflict zones and certain urban areas, for example, criminals are less constrained by respect for the political system and the rule of law, less intimidated by regulation and law enforcement, and often motivated by a desire to subvert or disregard the established order. It comes as no surprise that the cooperation between crime and terror is growing rapidly in conflict zones where there is no effective governing state. But it is also growing in the heart of many major cities in democratic societies where minorities do not share the norms of the larger society. What is needed to tackle the increasingly complex nature of this rela- tionship is an analytical framework that embraces and attacks the com- plexity of this intersection between organized criminality and political violence. Analyses presuming crime and terror groups are unitary actors, have clearly-defined and separate interests and intersect occasionally are at best counterproductive. Indeed, such analyses lead to insufficient of incorrect state policies that provide both groups a greater capacity to act. À new analytical framework is needed to make sounder policy choices to address the intersection of criminal and terrorist groups. TERMS OF REFERENCE It is easiest to think about terrorism and organized crime when they are personified by well-known groups : Al Qaeda and La Cosa Nostra ; the IRA and the Yakuza. But a crucial argument underlying this paper is that since terrorism and organized crime are both activities, both categories of behavior are broader than just these discrete groups. (°) CUTHBERTSON, Ian, « Prisons and the Education of Terrorists », World Policy Journal 21 (Fall 2004) : 15-22. (°) CUTHBERTSON, « Prisons and the Education of Terrorists. » __ 53 _ Terrorists and many gangsters engage in legitimate businesses. Moreover some individuals engage in both terrorism and organized crime (’). Distinguishing between organized criminal groups and organized crime has important implications. It means that an overlap in transna- tional organized crime and terrorism can occur without any cooperation between two groups. Some of the most serious terrorism cases detected have not involved organized crime groups at all — the terrorists have acted alone using the methods of organized crime. Similarly, a terror group may traffic drugs to fund its campaign of violence, but it remains first and foremost a terrorist organization. Involvement in the drug trade simply increases the group’s operating risk and makes it more vulnerable to detection by law enforcement. While experts broadly accept no single definition of organized crime, a review of the numerous definitions offered 1dentifies several central themes (*). There is consensus that at least two perpetrators are involved, but there is a variety of views about the way organized crime is typically organized as a hierarchy or as a network (°). Organized crime is a continuing enterprise, so does not include conspiracies that per- petrate single crimes and then go their separate ways. Furthermore, the overarching goals of organized crime groups are profit and power. Groups seek a balance between maximizing profits and minimizing their own risk, while striving for control by menacing certain businesses. Violence, or the threat of violence, 1s used to enforce obligations and maintain hegemony over rackets and enterprises such as extortion and narcotics smuggling. Corruption is a means of reducing the criminals’ own risk, maintaining control and making profits. It 1s striking, however, that three significant aspects of organized crime in the 2000s are generally ignored in these definitions. First, many in law enforcement defined organized crime too narrowly, failing to understand the diversity of international interactions. Second, some take a limited view of organized crime as an organization, like the Genovese family of New York or the Chinese Triads, overlooking the fact that (7) For a more detailed treatment of this topic, sce BODY-GENDROT, Sophie and Mar- TINIELLO, Marco (eds.), Minorities in European Cities : The Dvnamics of Social Integration and Social Exclusion at the Neighbourhood Level (New York : St. Martin’s Press), 2000. In particular, see the chapters of Thomas FAIST, « Economic Activities of Migrants in Transna- tional Social Spaces », and Simon HoLDAWAY, « Migration, Crime and the City : Context of Social Exclusion ». (*) For more see the film « The Making of a New Empire » by Jos DE PUTTER, released in 2000. (?) For a comprehensive and updated listing of definitions of organized crime, see Klaus van Lampe’s website at Attp://www.organized-crime.de/OCDEFI htm . ! For an excellent summation of the arguments, see ABADINSKY, Howard (2003). Organized Crime, 7th ed. (Belmont : Wadsworth/Thompson Learning), 2003 and Williams, Phil, « The Nature of Drug Trafficking Networks », Current History (April 1998). _— 54 organized crime is also an activity, like narcotics smuggling or extortion. Finally, few definitions challenge the common view of organized crime as a « parallel government » that seeks power at the expense of the state but retains patriotic or nationalistic ties to the state. This paper suggests that the rise of a new class of criminal groups with little or no national allegiance creates more prospects for collaboration with terrorists as has been observed in European prisons ("°). Given this analysis, we prefer the definition offered by the UN Con- vention Against Transnational Organized Crime, which defines an organized crime group as « a structured group [that 1s not randomly for- med for the immediate commission of an offense] of three or more per- sons, existing for a period of time and acting in concert with the aim of committing one or more serious crimes or offences [punishable by a deprivation of liberty of at least four years] established in accordance with this Convention, in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, a finan- cial or other material benefit » ('"). This definition is precise and com- prehensive. It implies that at least three people are involved in a criminal activity sustained and repeated over a period of time. The rationale of organized crime is to make profits. The definition covers transnational crime groups — which we define as criminal enterprises that extend across national borders — and is not limited to argument about ’parallel governments’. Finally, it also encompasses numerous forms of organized crime while excluding petty crime or one-time conspiracies from organized crime. À related concept that features prominently in this paper is the shadow economy, which has been defined as economic transactions out- side the view of government regulators ('*). Obviously, illicit and criminal activities are included in this category, but the shadow economy is a broader term. Galeotti, among others, shows how legitimate busi- nesses and individuals can operate in the shadow economy, such as by evading taxes or making corrupt payments to secure business con- ("°) Alon Daniel, for example, conducted a participant observation study in European prisons that observed Eastern European criminals recruited by imprisoned terrorists to provide fraudulent documents and commit other crimes. Daniel, ALON, « Terrorist Recruit- ment in European Prisons », paper presented at the Istanbul Conference on Democracy and Global Security, 11 June 2005. (!") For the full text of the convention and its protocols, see http://www.unodc.orgl palermolconvmain.html. ('?) For more information on the shadow economy, see FLEMING, Matthew et al., « The Shadow Economy », Journal of International Affairs 53 (Spring 2000) : 387-409; SCHNEIDER, Friedrich, and ENSTE, Dominik, « Shadow Economies Size, Causes and Consequences », Journal of Economic Literature 38 (March 2000) : 77-114. __ 55 — tracts ('*). Although the concept of measuring the shadow economy is controversial, many contend that it has grown in recent years (‘*) As with organized crime, there is no consensus about the definition of terrorism. Alex Schmid and Walter Laqueur have provided detailed analyses of the various attempts to define terrorism, showing how these definitions have evolved over time ('*). They explain the relativism of this concept and the fact that a terrorist for some may subsequently be defined as revolutionary hero to others. Drawing on these studies and others, the terrorism scholar Bruce Hoffman has offered a comprehen- sive and useful definition of terrorism as the deliberate creation and exploitation of fear through violence or the threat of violence in the pursuit of political change ('°). Hoffman’s definition offers precise terms of reference while remaining comprehensive ; he further notes that terrorism is « political in aims and motives », « violent », « designed to have far- reaching psychological repercussions beyond the immediate victim or target », and « conducted by an organization with an identifiable chain of command or conspiratorial cell structure ». These elements include acts of terrorism by many different types of groups. Therefore the Hoffman definition is not specific to a particular terrorist group but also encompasses the terrorist acts of crime groups. The authors limited their analysis to terrorist groups found in the US State Department's annual posting of Foreign Terrorist Organiza- tions (‘"). Although this definition is problematic because of the politicization of the selection process, it limited the number of organiza- tions in which to examine the interaction with criminal activity. LOCATING THE NEXUS : PRIOR STUDIES AND DATA COLIECTION STRATEGIES The authors have analyzed the existing scholarly literature on the crime-terror interaction and placed these into several categories. First were studies that examined the links between terrorism and crime in a historical context, such as how anarchists, the Bolsheviks and crime (*) GALLEOTTI, Mark, « Underworld and Upperworld : Transnational Organized Crime and Globa! Society », in JOSSELIN and WALLACE (eds.), Non-State Actors in World Politics (New York : Palgrave), 2005 : 203-17. ("*) SCHNEIDER, Friedrich, « The Size of Shadow Economies in 145 Countries from 1999 to 2003 », Brown Journal of International Affairs 11(2), Winter/Spring 2005, pp. 113-29. ("*) ScHmip, Alex, Political Terrorism : A Research Guide (New Brunswick : Transaction Books), 1984; LAQUEUR, Walter, Terrorism (London : Weidenfeld & Nicolson), 1977. ("°) HOFFMAN, Bruce. /nside Terrorism (New York : Columbia University Press), 1998 : 43 the most recent ("”) For listing, see _ http:!|www.state.gov/documentslorganization! 45323.pdf 56 - groups collaborated in the 19" century and early 1900s ('*). While infor- mative and an important source of historical context, these historical precedents did not provide a suitable analytic framework of present-day crime-terror interactions. À second category consists of studies that focus on crime-terror interactions in the specific context of the interna- tional market for narcotics ('”). Often referred to under the term narco- terrorism, we found that focusing on one criminal market skewed the analysis to economic relationships which hindered finding the broader connections between the two groups. À third category consisted of inter- national relations theorists who have examined transnational criminals and terrorists using larger theories of global affairs. Such studies locate crime and terror groups as malevolent non-state actors who exploit the limitations of sovereignty and jurisdictional boundaries to find safe havens in failed or weak states — important concepts we incorporated in our analysis. Finally, a number of scholars have set out to contribute insights into the nature of interactions between organized crime and terrorism. À theme that figures prominently in these and other examinations of the links between organized crime and terrorism 1s that these groups use similar methods for divergent motives-the « methods not motives » argu- ment. Naylor puts this phenomenon succinctly : A world of difference exists between the motives of insurgent versus criminal groups. Criminals commit economic crimes to make money. The buck, so to speak, stops there. But to an insurgent group, money is merely a tool-one that is necessary but not sufficient to achieve the group'’s goals (“°). The authors of this paper concluded that while all these scholars have provided valuable analyses, substantial research would reveal a more complex relationship that critiqued the « methods, not motives » argu- ment as overly parsimonious and would reveal the connections between crime and terrorism in areas that previous scholars have not considered. In order to accomplish this goal, we conducted an 18-month, multi- method study of the crime-terror nexus that relies on three sources of data (*'). Much of the information in this paper originated in govern- ment reports, private and academic journal articles, court documents ("*) LAQUEUR, Terrorism; CRENSHAW, Martha, «‘New’ vs. ‘Old’ Terrorism », presenta- tion at the Kennan Institute, Washington DC, 23 May 2005. (?) STEPANOVA, E.A., Rol narkobiznesa v politekonomii konfliktov i terrorizma (The Role of the Illicit Drug Business in the Political Economy of Conflicts and Terrorism), Moscow Ves’ Mir, 2005. (?°) NAayLOR, R.T., Wage of Crime : Black Markets, Ilega! Finance and the Underworld Economy (Ithaca : Cornell University Press), 2002 : 45. (°') The project team consisted of the authors, Nabi Abdullaev, Bartosz Staislawski, Doug Hart and Patti-Craig Hart, Phil Williams. and media accounts. While Silke (/7*), updating Schmid and Jongman’s 1988 survey of data sources found in terrorism research (**), noted that open source documents remain the dominant form of data for scholars, we also acknowledge Silke’s two major concerns about open sources that open sources, particularly media sources, may be inaccurate and that they may contain bias of one form or another. To ensure accuracy in the collection of data, we adopted a criteria for accepting data from open sources that corroborated the data collected with additional, inde- pendent sources, ensured that subsequent reporting did not refute the original data, and tapped foreign-language documents from non-U.S. sources to create a more heterogeneous data set. We also obtained primary-source materials such as declassified data from the Republic of Georgia, that helped to clarify and confirm the data found in secondary SOUTCES. The second source of data was interviews. We conducted dozens of interviews with government officials and private experts in the United States, Canada, the U.K., Ireland, the former Soviet Union and other countries to verify data discovered in secondary sources, obtain relevant information. Since all these meetings were confidential, it was agreed in all cases that the information given was not for attribution by name. Our final data source was ethnographic studies of crime-terror cooperation in three regions-the countries adjoining the Black Sea, the Russian Caucasus, and the Tri-Border Area bordering Paraguay, Brazil and Argentina. For each of these studies, researchers traveled to the regions a number of times to collect information. THE TERROR-CRIME INTERACTION SPECTRUM The authors recognized that crime and terrorist groups are more diverse in nature than is normally acknowledged. They may be networks or hierarchies, they have a variety of cultures rather than a disciplined code of behavior, and their goals are far less clear. Hoffman notes that terrorist groups can be further categorized based on their organizational ideology (7*) Prior research suggests that although the short-term methods of the groups converge their fundamental motives keep the two (77) SILKE, Andrew, « The Devil You Know», in Andrew SiLKE (Ed.), Research in Terrorism : Trends, Achievements and Failures (London Frank Cass), 2004, pp. 57-71. (7) ScHMID, Alex and JONGMAN, Albert, Political Terrorism : A New Guide to Actors, Authors, Concepts, Databases, Theories and Literature (North Holland : Oxford), 1988. (24 ) BENJAMIN, Daniel and SIMON, Steven, The Age of Sacred Terror (New York, Ran- dom House), 2003 : 419-446. __ 58 — groups at arm’s length over time (‘). Indeed, the differences between the two are plentiful terrorists pursue political or religious objectives through overt violence against civilians and military targets. They turn to crime for the money they need to survive and operate. Criminal groups, on the other hand, are focused on making money. Any use of violence tends to be concealed, and is generally focused on tactical goals such as intimidating witnesses, eliminating competitors or obstructing investigators. Yet similarities arise that place this « methods not motives » argu- ment into question. Às we shall demonstrate, crime and terror groups operate globally, utilize flexible network structures to complement or replace formal hierarchies and thrive in chaotic environments with weak rule of law or shaky regulation. These shared traits are particularly strik- ing in ungovernable states or regions where rule of law and efficient regulation have broken down. In a corrupt environment, the two groups find the opportunity to operate without deterrence. Given that terrorists often find it expedient, even necessary, to deal with outsiders to get funding and logistical support for their operations, organized crime groups and activities can effectively support terrorists. Recognizing this, the authors set out to re-examine the spectrum of potential relationships between organized crime and terrorism based on the data collected throughout the study. The purpose of this re-evalua- tion was two-fold to ensure the clarity of terms like « nexus » and « alliance » often used to describe crime-terror interactions and to form a baseline for analyzing responses to crime-terror overlap. Âs interactions between crime and terror groups are repeated over time, concerns arise that criminal and terrorist organizations will integrate and might even form new types of organizations. Sutherland differential association theory argued that the « intensity and duration » of association with criminals makes individuals more likely to adopt criminal behavior. Thus in conflict regions, where there is intensive interaction between criminals and terrorists, there is more shared behavior. The same process 1s also observed in urban areas of developed countries and in the prisons of Western Europe, Canada and the US-all locations where petty or professional criminals interact with terrorists. (7*) Some of the prior studies of crime-terror interactions that the TraCCC team con- sulted included NAYLOR, Wages of Crime; WILLIAMS, Phil, « Terrorism and Organized Crime : Convergence, Nexus or Transformation ? », in JeRvAS (ed.), FOA Report on Terrorism (Stockholm, Defence Research Establishment) : 69-92; the Terrorism and Crime Studies con- ducted by the Federal Research Division of the US Library of Congress (see hrttp:// www.loc.govirr/frdlterrorism.html for a complete listing); and JAMIESON, Alison, Terrorism and Drug Trafficking in the 1990s, Brookfield, VT : Aldershot, 1994. __ 59 __ The authors’ team compared its empirical findings to prior studies of crime-terror like Makarenko. and interaction, Naylor, Williams, Dishman (“°). The result is an analytical construct known as the terror- crime interaction spectrum that depicts the relationship between terror and criminal groups and the different forms these interactions assume. Each form of interaction represents different, yet specific, threats, as well as opportunities for detection by law enforcement and intelligence agencies. For instance, the principle of activity appropriation outlined below means that small-to-medium scale fraud, drug dealing, and smuggling that might otherwise warrant little analysis may be seen in its full significance as possible evidence of terrorist cell activity. It 1s this activity that results in the incarceration of some terrorists in European prisons but precludes their proper identification by authorities as terrorists (“”). Within the spectrum, we refer to activity appropriation, nexus, sym- biotic relationship, hybrid, and transformation as the different forms of interaction between terrorists and organized crime. Dynamic movement among these conditions 1s, as we demonstrate below, possible. While some groups might move backwards or even skip a stage (7*), others may not ever move beyond a particular form of interaction. Given these dynamics of interaction, we have chosen to portray this scheme as a con- tinuum. Con- (°°) NAYLOR, Wuge of Crime; WILLIAMS, « Terrorism and Organized Crime vergence, Nexus or Transformation? »; MAKARENKO, Tamara. «‘The Ties that Bind’ Uncovering the Relationship Between Organized Crime and Terrorism », in SIEGEL, Dina et al. eds., Global Organized Crime Trends and Developments, Dordrecht : Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2003 159-70; DISHMAN. Chris « Terrorism, Crime and Transformation ». Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 24(1), 2001 : 43-58. (77) CUTHBERTSON, « Prisons and the Education of Terrorists ». (7*) For example, a terror group robs tourists for money and credit cards. The terror group comes to realize that it can leverage this by working with an organized crime group that can sell the credit cards. The terror group sells two batches of credit cards to the organized crime group, but then decides to return to simple theft. It has thus gone from activity appropriation to nexus and back to activity appropriation. Again, time and reward are the key analytical factors here-the terror and crime groups only came together twice and never found mutual benefit to support working closer together. Furthermore, steps could be eliminated, but the lack of trust between groups 1s a significant impediment that would have to be çvercome. 60 - FIGURE 1 : Terror-Crime Interaction Spectrum Transformation = > Time | Convergence l I A cuvity ? Nex Sy mbiotc Hy brid Appropriatic )-n & t E \um \E…Î' kyo æ r É uä'g. , ,_\__va_ — < Legend Transnation al Criminals Terrorists Organization 3 & Activities Activity appropriation occurs when terror groups and organized crime adopt the other’s methods without actually working together. To raise funds, terrorists habitually turn to credit card fraud, drug dealing, money laundering, and smuggling, the staple activities of organized criminals. Horgan and Taylor, for example, have categorically documen- ted how cells of the Provisional Irish Republican Army's engaged in a range of organized crime activities without any connection to organized crime groups (*’). Al Qaeda cells in Spain and Italy used credit card fraud and SIM card fraud to finance the strike cells based in Germany and France. Hezbollah engaged in cigarette smuggling in the U.S. and abroad, while both Hezbollah and Al Qaeda have smuggled com- modities, such as diamonds, in Africa (*°). While less common, organized criminals have appropriated terror tactics when the authorities threatened their existence. In 1993, during a fresh attempt by the authorities to halt its activities, the Sicillan Mafia bombed the Uffizi museum in Florence and the Lateran Church in Rome. Activity appropriation does not represent organizational linkages between crime and terror groups, but it does capture the merger of methods. Activity appropriation is one way that terrorists are exposed (7?) HORGAN, John and TAYLOR, Max, « Playing the ‘Green Card” Financing the Provi- sional IRA : Part | », Terrorism and Political Violence 11(2) (Summer 1999) : 1-38; HORGAN, John and TAYLOR, Max, « Playing the Green Card : Financing the Provisional IRA-Part 2 », Terrorism and Political Violence 15(2) (Summer 2003) : 11-7. (°°) HORWITZ, Sari, « Cigarette Smuggling Linked to Terrorism », Washington Post, 8 June 2004 : Al. D0 | p to organized crime activities and, as Dishman has noted, can lead to a transformation of terror cells into organized crime groups (*'). Activity appropriation, in short, serves as the easiest entry into the crime-terror interaction spectrum and oftentimes 1s the starting point for an applica- tion of Sutherland’s principle. Applying the Sutherland principle, engaging in activity appropriation over time 1s likely to lead to one of two outcomes. Either a nexus 1s for- med or the terror group may not associate with criminals. This may be because no crime group is willing to do business with it, or because the terrorists see no benefit in working with outsiders. Instead, Dishman has identified a process known as transformation in which a terrorist group becomes so attached to its criminal activities and the profits they generate that it abandons terrorism altogether, retooling its goals and interests in the process. The Belfast bank robberies of December 2004, which followed a long period of relative inactivity by Republican terrorists in Northern Ireland, 1s another indication of what numerous British security officials told the researchers was a process by which the IRA was transforming itself into an organized crime group (*“). In the Philippines, Abu Sayyaf started out as an Al Qaeda affiliate, but now Is engaged more in economically motivated kidnapping for large ran- soms and in piracy than in terrorism (“*). Criminal groups may in the future transform themselves into terror groups, but no clear-cut examples of this scenario now exist. In cases where organized crime has moved into terrorism, the shift has been tem- porary and can therefore be described as activity appropriation. On much rarer occasions has such a relationship resulted in a nexus, such as when Colombian drug lord Pablo Escobar hired ELN terrorists to wage a bombing campaign against the government on his behalf (**). Failing to capture this form of convergence between organized crime and terrorism as an activity 1s to lose one explanation of why organized crime and terrorist groups might converge. Terrorist groups may come into regular contact with organized crime groups as they attempt to acquire forged documents, launder money, or pay bribes, groups with greater experience in these activities. Such short- term, clientelistic relationships between crime and terror group we refer to as a nexus. Interestingly, this progression is the contraposition of Z * ) DISHMAN, « Terrorism, Crime and Transformation ». 3 ) FRANKEL, Glenn, « Police Pin Bank Heist on IRA », Washington Post, 8 January A 33) Our interviews. | 34 2005Ê R ) Our interviews. __ 62 — Makarenko, who sees organizational alliances occurring prior to groups appropriating the activity of the other (). Our research found that the nexus was the most common link between crime and terror groups. Research in the Tri-Border Area provided a half-dozen examples of supplier-customer relationships between transnational organized crime and terror groups. The researcher there found organized crime groups selling stolen automobiles, counter- feit CDs and DVDs, contraband consumer items, narcotics and even access to money laundering networks to terror groups present in the region (*°). However, such interactions were usually brief encounters rather than a sustained relationship, given that one group approaches the other to fulfill a specific requirement or service. In most cases a nexus involves the criminals providing goods and services to terrorists for payment although it can work in both direc- tions. À typically short-term relationship, a nexus does not imply that the criminals share the ideological views of the terrorists, merely that the transaction offers benefits to both sides. After all, they have many com- mon needs : safe havens, false documentation, evasive tactics, and other strategies to lower the risk of detection. In Latin America, transnational criminal gangs have employed terrorist groups to guard their drug pro- cessing plants. In Northern Ireland, terrorists have provided protection for human smuggling operations by the Chinese Triads (°’). Often such interactions are overlooked by law enforcement because they appear spontaneous and unimportant. If the nexus continues to benefit both sides over a period of time, the relationship will deepen. More members of both groups will cooperate, and the groups will create structures and procedures for their business transactions, to transfer skills and/or share best practices. We refer to this closer, more sustained cooperation as a symbiotic relationship, and define it as a relationship of mutual benefit or dependence. We found only a few examples of this relationship : the close association of the Kosovo Liberation Army and Albanian crime gangs as well as the liaison between the FARC and trafficking groups in Colombia (**). In the next stage, the two groups continue to cooperate over a long period and members of the organized crime group begin to share the ideological goals of the terrorists. They grow increasingly alike and (°*) MAKARENKO, « The Ties that Bind ». (2°) STANISLAWSKI, Bartosz, « Cuidad del Este and the Nexus Between Transnational Organized Crime and International Terrorist Organizations », Unpublished Manuscript, Sep- tember 2005. (°7) Cassipy, John, « UVF Link to Triad Gang : RUC Probe Attacks on Chinese Immigrants », Sunday Mirror, 2 July 2000. (°8) Our interviews. _— 63 — finally they merge. That process results in a hybrid or dark network (”°) that has been memorably described as terrorist by day and criminal by night (*°). Such an organization engages in criminal acts but also has a political agenda. Both the criminal and political ends are forwarded by the use of violence and corruption. These developments are not inevitable, but result from a series of opportunities that can lead to the next stage of cooperation. Ît is impor- tant to recognize, however, that even once the two groups have reached the point of hybrid, there is no reason per se to suspect that transforma- tion will follow. Likewise, a group may persist with borrowed methods indefinitely without ever progressing to cooperation. In Italy and else- where, crime groups that also engaged in terrorism never found a terrorist partner and thus remained at the activity appropriation stage. Eventually they ended their terrorist activities and returned to the exclusive pursuit of organized crime. Indeed, the fact that the authors found no evidence of a hybrid organization existing aside from the case of the Aum Shinrikyo cult in Japan is a testament to the number of hur- dles that hamper their transformation. Investigators can use the terror-crime interaction spectrum to analyze the behavior of both criminals and terrorists, and even to hypothesize about their future strategies. For example, the Sutherland principle suggests that terror groups are more likely to be tracked down and infiltrated when they associate with criminal groups over time. If investigators are attuned to crime-terror connections, they might find it easier to launch counter-terrorist operations that focus on the criminal group providing support to the terrorist group. Interestingly, the authors found no example where a terrorist group engaging in organized crime, either through activity appropriation or through an organizational linkage, came into conflict with another criminal group (*'). Neither archival sources nor our interviews revealed such a conflict over « turf », though logic would suggest that organized crime groups would react to such forms of competition. Indeed, while not a part of the spectrum given its focus on «interaction » between organized crime and terrorism (in both organizational and operational (*?) Dark networks have been defined as « adversaries who are modifying their structures and strategies to take advantage of networked design c.g., transnational terrorist groups. black proliferators of weapons of mass destruction, drug and other crime syndicates, fundamentalist and ethno-nationalist movements, intellectual-property pirates, and immigra- tion and refugee smugglers…. urban gangs, rural militia groups, and militant single-issue groups… anarchistic and nihilistic leagues of computer-hacking ‘cyboteurs’ » See 6-7. ARQUILLA and RONFELDT, Networks and Netwars (4() ) DISHMAN, « Terrorism, Crime and Transformation ». (*) However this may deserve further analysis in western European and American prisons where different crime-terror networks interact and may clash. — 64 terms), conflict and non-interaction must remain categories of the rela- tionship between organized crime and terrorism (**). The spectrum does not predict the evolutionary path of criminal- terrorist cooperation. Indeed, the evidence presented both here and in prior studies suggests that a single evolutionary path for crime-terror interactions does not exist. Environmental factors outside the control of either organization and the varied requirements of specific organized crime or terrorist groups are but two of the reasons that interactions appear more idiosyncratic than generalizable. In conclusion, longstanding transnational crime groups and their more recently formed counterparts exhibit very different relationships to the state and to terrorism (‘*). Rarely do large established crime organizations link with terrorist groups, because their long-term finan- cial interests require the preservation of state structures. However, in contrast to those who promote the « methods not motives » agenda, newer crime groups located in ungovernable regions are now forging alliances with terrorist organizations. The reason behind this is simple. The long-term financial interests of these crime groups are not wedded to the well-being of the state. Indeed, the long-term interests of these crime groups are more concerned with their position and authority in markets than on what effects such behavior might have on states they come into contact with. In this context, while all criminals try to circum- vent regulation and law enforcement and thus are averse to excessive risks in relation to potential rewards, it was these newest groups that the authors found to most often be motivated by a desire to subvert or dis- regard the established order. Therefore, there 1s little disincentive for them to engage with terrorist groups. And that is the key to their links to terrorism. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF TERROR-CRIME INTERACTIONS IN GEOGRAPHIC TERMS While terror-crime interactions can occur in numerous settings, the research pointed to two broad categories of particular interest. The first were cities located in developed countries where terrorists often are sup- porting themselves through a range of seemingly petty yet organized (*7) Indeed, Naylor develops a spectrum of interaction between terrorism and organized crime in Wages of Crime that contains two non-cooperative stages prior to interaction between crime and terror. (**) For a fuller discussion, see Louise SHELLEY, « The Unholy Trinity :Transnational Crime, Corruption and Terrorism », Brown Journal of International Affairs 11 (Winter/spring 2005), pp. 101-111. — 65 — crime activity. Examples of this include the 2004 Madrid bombers, who were involved in mobile phone fraud, and a Chechen group in Los Angeles that ran an 1llicit pornography ring to fund their operations in Chechnya (**). Most often, one can classify such interactions as activity appropria- tion, with terror groups assuming the activities of crime groups. Exam- ples do exist, however, where close links between crime and terror groups have formed in these urban areas or in prisons to which these urban criminals are sent. The terrorists recruit individuals to assist their terrorist and/or criminal activity (‘°). One of the central members of the Madrid terror cell, Jamal Ahmidan, was a former international drug dealer who converted to Islam while in prison and tapped his criminal past after his release to supply the cell’s logistical needs-including the exchange of drugs for the explosives used in the attacks ( 46). À very well documented case that serves as an example of terror- crime interaction in urban areas of developed countries 1s that of Ahmed Ressam, who was arrested while trying to cross the Canada-US border in order to bomb Los Angeles International Airport during the millen- nium celebration. Ressam was active in crime as well as a part of an Algerian Islamic terror network that had component parts in Montreal, Canada and Roubaix, near Lille, France. Ressam and his co-con- spirators frequently engaged in petty crime as well as collecting forged documents and materials required to conduct terrorist operations (*’). Canadian law enforcement officials did not appreciate the importance of how even low level organized crime could be supporting terrorist activity. Even after French authorities warned their Canadian counter- parts that Ressam and others were suspected terrorists, the Canadians continued to dismiss them as petty thieves (**). His case shows how the crime-terror interaction can continue to operate effectively in diaspora urban communities in North America and Europe. Both the Montreal and Roubaix neighborhoods shared similar diaspora compositions and a lack of effective or interested policing. Second, both terror cells had strong connections to the shadow economy. Shoplifting, theft, credit card fraud, and document fraud were staple activities for the men of the Montreal cell. The Roubaix cell also (**) Our interviews. (45 ) CUTHBERTSON, « Prisons and the Education of Terrorists ». (*°) CUTHBERTSON, « Prisons and the Education of Terrorists », p. 15. (*”) For a full account of the Ressam case, see http://www.canada. cominationallfeaturesl terrorist/index.html. (**) The same point was made by Daniel in his Istanbul address suggesting that the prison authorities did not recognize this and therefore did not isolate the terrorists from the criminals who they sought to recruit. See DANIEL, « Terrorist Recruitment in European Prisons. » __ 66 — squarely fits the category of activity appropriation as it engaged in armed robberies in order to finance its terrorist activities. Às such, the case demonstrated that each cell shared three factors-poor governance by the state, a sense of ethnic separation amongst the cell members (sup- ported by the nature of the larger diaspora neighborhoods), and a tradi- tion of organized crime. Our study located crime-terror interactions occurring in other settings characterized by a lack or complete absence of state authority to enforce law and order. Neither criminals nor terrorists need fear ineffective and corrupt law enforcement regimes in conflict regions, making such locales ripe for crime-terror interaction (*°). In a broader sense, however, one can argue that all kinds of criminal activity are more likely to thrive in a large shadow economy, that is, where illicit, unregulated, undeclared and illegal transactions take place and where there 1s little legitimate economy. But the size and scope of that phenomenon varies widely; 1it accounts for approximately 70 percent of the national economy in Georgia, for instance, compared with an estimated 5 to 10 percent in the United States (*°). Therefore it makes more sense to focus on certain geographical areas as the nexus of crime-terror interaction. Developing countries with weak economies, a lack of social struc- tures, many desperate, hungry people, and a history of unstable govern- ment provide ideological and economic foundations for both organized crime and terrorism. Doubly worrisome, such states are also unlikely to have much capacity to combat either phenomena. Conflict zones have traditionally provided tremendous opportunities for smuggling and corruption and reduced oversight capacities, as regulatory and enfor- cements become almost solely directed at military targets. They are therefore especially vulnerable to both serious organized crime and violent activity directed at civilian populations for political goals — as well as cooperation between those engaging in pure criminal activities and those engaging in politically-motivated violence. Post-conflict zones are also likely to spawn such cooperation; as such areas often retain weak enforcement capacity for some time following an end to formal hostilities. 49 This point is further developed in SHELLEY, « The Unholy Trinity ». ( so SCHNEIDER, « The Size of Shadow Economies in 145 Countries from 1999 to 2003 », ËZ- 4. pp. 11l __ 67 — FIGURE 2 : Regions Active with Crime-Terror Collaboration The’Trans- Iniester | Ragon of Moldova Chechnya and Parts of The Pamir Mountains the Caucasus Region in Tajikistan Ac — “ - 2s L onchete cd cngronre es dc RI r ä--—-; 2pêe ETE es _ A se vc sn…æ 2000 »4 ec — On és cmmmc sS E e d E BPOTTIIAS “ HROSASM) € 00 M /< The Tri-Border Area of Pakistan's North West The Tamil regions Most of Nepal Paraguay -Brazil-Argentina Frontier Province of Sri Lanka In sum, there are certain types of locations where both organized crime and terrorism have long thrived. These can be grouped based upon features that make them most hospitable to organized crime and terrorism, which in turn makes it possible to identify terrain that enables both criminals and terrorists to thrive. Figure 2 shows some of these regions on a world map, but a larger list includes e Regions where the central state has lost control over some of its territory, as in Colombia, the Sumatra peninsula of Indonesia, North- ern Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Chechnya in Russia, the breakaway states of Georgia such as Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and the trans- Dniester region of Moldova ; Regions straddling several national borders or jurisdictions such as Pakistan’s North West Frontier, the Tri-Border Area of Paraguay, Brazil and Argentina, the Pamir Mountains in Tajikistan, and certain Balkan regions ; Conflict zones where separatists are fighting government forces, such as the Tamil areas of Sri Lanka, and most of Nepal; Areas of countries that otherwise have a strong rule of law, but weak control over certain neighborhoods and slums, such as certain diaspora neighborhoods of cities, such as the diaspora communities of Lyon and Montreal and the favelas in Brazil. Penal institutions where correctional authorities are more concerned with maintaining order rather than probing the crime-terrorist interac- tions within their institutions. The problematic combinations of poor governance, ethnic marginalization and a tradition of criminal activity (frequently interna- tional) are the primary concerns behind this broad taxonomy of E e geographic locales for crime-terror interaction. It is these features that these regions share most prominently and that present a most interesting question for further research-are there other factors or more nuanced combinations of these three factors that give rise to crime-terror interac- tions WATCH POINTS AND INDICATORS Taking the evidence of cooperation between organized crime and terrorism, we have generated 12 specific areas of interaction, which we refer to as watch points. Watch points cover a variety of habits and operating modes of organized crime and terrorist groups. Going beyond a simple recitation of what the two groupings have in common — which might be explained by shared cultural norms or expediency in a con- strained environment — meaningful watch points indicate how the habits of organized crime might translate into terrorism, as well as how terrorists might conceivably use the resources of organized criminal networks. How and why does an initial contact turn into cooperation for mutual benefit and in many cases progress to cooperation for the benefit of one side only? The development of a set of watch points provides analysts a framework to plot terror-crime interactions on the previously cited spec- trum. This framework provides experts the opportunity to make connec- tions and draw timely inferences about how the organization, behavior and location of terror and crime groups may or may not relate to crime- terror interactions. The approach embraces the complexity of crime- terror interactions and goes well beyond the overly parsimonious economic, rationalist models that we critiqued earlier. We have organized our watch points into three categories : environ- mental, organizational, and behavioral. Environmental watch points categorize the larger structural forces that catalyze crime-terror interac- tion, such as high levels of violence or corruption-ridden regions. Organizational watch points pertain to how the composition and arrangement of each group could promote or impede cooperation, which behavioral watch points describe much the same likelihoods in terms of the activities each group engage in. Each of the following sections details one of the twelve watch points. We will describe the behavioral and environmental watch points (num- bers 1-7) first, and then turn to the organizational watch points (num- bers 8-12). Watch Point 1°" : Open activities in the legitimate economy. Organized crime and terror may be associated with subterfuge and secrecy, but — 69 _— both engage the legitimate society quite openly for particular political and economic purposes. Criminal groups are likely to leave greater « traces, » especially when they operate in societies with functioning gov- ernments, than do terrorist groups (*"). Terrorist groups usually seek to make common cause with segments of society that will support their goals, particularly those politically and/ or economically disenfranchised (e.g. recent immigrants or those mired in poverty) and those who feel alienated from society (e.g. the children of immigrants who, though born in the host country, fail to integrate into the larger society). Terrorists usually champion repressed or disen- franchised ethnic and religious minorities, describing their terrorist activities as mechanisms to pressure the government for greater autonomy and freedom, even independence, for these minorities. Some of these groups, such as the Kurdish PKK, turn to terrorism and openly take responsibility for their attacks. But their operational mechanisms are generally kept secret, and any ongoing contacts they may have with legitimate organizations are carefully hidden. Criminal groups, like terrorists, may have political goals. Such groups may donate to or establish charities, seeking to strengthen their legitimacy with the larger public. Some Colombian drug traffickers have been generous in their support of schools and local sports teams for this purpose (°“). But the political goals are in all cases subordinate to the economic goals, and it 1s in the latter area that those involved 1n criminal groups are usually most visible on a day-to-day basis. At the operational level, criminals of all types could scarcely carry out criminal activities, maintain their cover, and manage their money flows without doing legal transactions with legitimate businesses. They buy clothing and food, rent apartments, purchase computers, explosives, and other specialized equipment, book airline tickets, and open bank accounts. They even use the services of government offices such as Con- sular sections that issue visas and passports. Front businesses set up by criminals to establish cover do much legitimate business. If they are also used as a vehicle for money laundering and other crimes, that 1s probably a secondary motive. Practitioners could use data collected from travel patterns, the use of mail and courier services and the opera- tion of fronts as sources of indicators. Watch Point 2 : Shared illicit nodes. The significance of overt opera- tions by criminal groups should not be overstated. Transnational crime and terror groups alike carry out their operations with illegal and under- (°") NAYLOR, Wages of Crime, Chapter 4. (°*) ABADINSKY, Howard, Organized Crime and WiLLIAMS, « The Nature of Drug Traf- ficking_ Networks ». 70 cover methods, and many similarities in these tactics exist. Both organized criminals and terrorists need forged passports, driver’s licenses and other fraudulent documents (°*). Dishonest accountants and bankers help criminals launder money and commit fraud. Arms and explosives, training camps and safe houses are other goods and services that terrorists obtain illicitly. These providers of goods and services in the shadow economy are increasingly specialized, which implies that crime and terror alike might use the same vendors or do business with each other. The clues may not be ubiquitous. Terror-crime cooperation discovered by investigators suggests that organized crime groups tend to provide a few specific serv- ices to the terrorists, rather than broad support. These relationships are particularly true of developed countries with effective law enforcement, since criminals obviously need to be more cautious and often restrict their operations to covert activity. In conflict zones, however, criminals of all types feel even less restraint about flaun- ting their illegal nature, since there 1s little chance of being detected or apprehended. As a result, covert providers of such illicit services in con- flict zones are less sophisticated, and less well-organized. That may imply that they are easier to observe and detect. Watch Point 3 : Communications. The Internet, mobile phones and satellite communications enable criminals and terrorists to communicate globally in a relatively secure fashion. FARC, in concert with Colom- bian drug cartels, offered training on how to set up narcotics trafficking businesses using secure websites and email to handle registration (°*). Arabic-language websites display messages from members of Al Qaeda. Imprisoned criminals continue running their operations using cell phones from jail (°°). Such scenarios are neither hypothetical nor anecdotal. Interviews with an analyst at the US Drug Enforcement Administration revealed that narcotics cartels were increasingly using encryption in their digital communications and thus were frequently turning to external informa- tion technology experts to provide them encryption to help secure their (°*) For example, some of the 9/11 hijackers obtained drivers’ licenses from the Virginia Department of Motor Vehicles based on false documents that they obtained from an organized ring of Northern Virginia document fraud artists. For more, see 9/1] and Terrorist Travel : Staff Report of the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States (Franklin : Hillsboro Press), Sept. 2004. (°*) WILLIAMS, Phil and PICARELLI, John, « Information Technologies and Transnational Organized Crime », in ALBERTS and PaPP (eds.), The Information Age Anthology : National Security Implications of the Information Age, Volume 2, (Washington DC : CCRP Publi- cations), 2000 : 365-402. (°*°) Daniel, for example, noted that official visitors often provide these phones to inmates. See DANIEL, « Terrorist Recruitment in European Prisons ». — 71 — communications. The same pattern was observed before 2001 in the Punjab, a conflict region in India, by law enforcement there ( 5()). Watch Point 4 : Use of information technology (IT). Organized crime has devised IT-based fraud schemes such as online gambling, securities fraud, and pirating of intellectual property. Such schemes appeal to terror groups, too, particularly given the relative anonymity that digital transactions offer. Investigators into the Bali disco bombing of 2002 found that the laptop computer of the ringleader, Imam Samudra, con- tained a primer he authored on how to use online fraud to finance operations (°”). Both terrorist and criminal groups also use IT in their operations intelligence gathering, communicating with their associates, and sending messages to the media. Crucially, technology gives them relative anonymity when dealing with the legitimate economy, since these dealings may expose them to detection-a reason why some of the 9/ 11 hijackers purchased their airline tickets online rather than at a travel agent. Clearly, IT provides nodes of interaction for organized crime and terrorism. What is not readily apparent, however, 1s the central role that private firms will play in locating these nodes. Internet service providers, for example, are routinely asked to provide law enforcement information on criminal activities and suspicious communications. Indeed, the edited volume of Sofaer and Goodman suggests the analogy of civil aviation as a model for how the public and private sectors should cooperate to fight crime and terrorism in cyberspace (°*). While other watch points will require information and cooperation from the private sector, this exigency is most pressing in the realm of information technology. Watch Point S : Violence. À number of studies and experts have provided useful categorizations of the patterns of violence associated with terrorism (°°). Violence is not so much a tactic of terrorists as their defining characteristic, as acts of violence are designed to obtain (°°) Transnational Crime, Corruption and Information Technology (Washington DC Transnational Crime and Corruption Center), 2000. See Arp:Wwww.american.edultraceel Events/TC&IT_2000_ Report.pdf. (°7) TALBOT, David, « Terror’s Server How Radical Islamists use Internet Fraud to Finance Terrorism and Exploit the Internet for Jihad Propaganda and Recruitment », Technology Review.com, 27 January 2005. See http:l/www.technologyreview.comlarticlesl05/ 02lissuelfeature _terror.asp?”p=0. (°*) SOFAER, Abraham and GooDMAN, Seymour (eds.), The Transnational Dimension of Cyber Crime and Terrorism (Standford : Hoover Institution Press), 2001. (°?) WEINBERG, Leonard and RICHARDSON, Louise, « Conflict Theory and the Trajectory of Terrorist Campaigns in Western Europe », in SILKE (ed.). Research on Terrorism : Trends, Achievements and Failures (London Frank Cass), 2004 : 138-60; POLAND, James, Under- standing Terrorism : Groups, Strategies and Responses (Upper Saddle River Prentice Hall), 1988 ChpS 1-3 & 7. p publicity for the cause, to create a climate of fear, or to provoke political repression, which they hope will undermine the legitimacy of the authorities. Terrorist attacks are deliberately highly visible in order to enhance their impact on the public consciousness. Violence against inno- cent civilians is therefore more readily ascribed to terrorism. Possibly for this reason, inter alia, the authors found no examples exist where terrorists have engaged criminal groups for violent acts. A more significant challenge lies in trying to discern generalities about organized crime’s patterns of violence. Categorizing patterns of violence according to their scope or their promulgation is suspect. In the past, crime groups have most often used violence selectively and quietly to achieve their goals, but examples do exist where crime groups used violence broadly and loudly to achieve their goals. One cannot categorize the violence associated with organized crime according to separate goals. Social, political and economic considerations often over- lap in every attack or campaign (°°). A few exceptional cases exist where organized crime has either employed terrorist groups or directly engaged in terrorist campaigns of violence. The Sicillan Mafia attacked the Italian state (°') and the Medellin cartel assaulted the Colombian state (°*). Both generally defy categorization, however. On the one hand, the Medellin drug cartel employed ELN and M-19, Colombian guerilla groups, in their campaign to pressure the Colombian government to end its threats to extradite the (6() ) Works that have tackled the patterns of violence from the economic and sociological perspectives include GAMBETTA, Diego, The Sicilian Mafia : The Business of Private Protec- tion (Cambridge Harvard University Press), 1993; VARESE, Frederico, Russian Mafia Private Protection in a New Market Economy (Oxford : Oxford University Press), 2001 ; and VoLkov, Vadim, Violent Entrepreneurs The Use of Force in the Making of Russian Capi- talism (Ithaca Cornell University Press), 2002. (°') For much of the period since 1945, La Cosa Nostra had a cozy symbiotic rela- tionship with Italy's Christian Democratic Party. The Mafia helped bring out the vote in Sicily and Southern Italy and in return received protection and was allowed a high degree of impunity. This relationship broke down during the 1980s with the emergence of crusading anti-Mafia magistrates such as Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino, increasing numbers of pentiti (turncoats) and large-scale criminal trials of the Mafia leadership. The Mafia was more vulnerable and felt a strong sense of betrayal. The result was a campaign of violence that started with the assassinations of politicians and magistrates and led to bombings and violent retribution against informers and their families. À bomb on the Naples-Milan train killed 15 and wounded 230. In 1993 a car bomb was planted in front of Rome’s Olympic stadium during a soccer match (fortunately it failed to explode). Other operations had terrible consequences. Among the more notorious are the assassination of Salvo Lima, a Christian Democrat politician from Sicily who was a close ally of Prime Minister Andreotti ; the 1992 assassinations of Falcone (along with his wife and three bodyguards) and Borsellino (along with five bodyguards) and the 1993 bombings on cultural landmarks including the Uffizi Museum in Florence and two churches in Rome. (°°) The terror attacks initiated by Pablo Escobar and Carlos Lehder of the Medellin Cartel in the mid-1980s included the assassination of the Justice Minister, Lara Bonilla, an attack on the Palace of Justice by the M-19 guerilla group in which information on drug traf- fickers was destroyed, and a bomb explosion on an Avianca aircraft. __ 73 — leadership of the cartel (63 ). The cartel initiated attacks against civilians from a position of strength, seeking to use its power to cow the Colom- bian government into compliance and secure its base of operations. On the other hand, the Sicillan Mafia’s campailgn targeted symbols of the Italian state, deliberately avoiding civilian casualties, in response to an increasingly successful Italian anti-mafia campaign. While both cam- paigns had some similarities, the divergence of the political, economic and social elements behind the initiation, consummation and intentions of these two campaigns makes 1t difficult to generalize from them. Examining violence associated with crime and terror groups led us to We found no concrete indicators of two significant conclusions. collaboration between criminals and terrorists through the commission or patterns of violence. So while no indicators arose from this watch point, the authors cannot rule out that such indicators might evolve over time, such as the hiring of one group to bomb targets or assassinate per- sons of interest to another group. Violence is, however, an important watch point that may not yield specific indicators of crime-terror inter- action per se but can serve to frame the likelihood that an area might support terror-crime interactions. Watch Point 6 : Use of corruption. Both terrorists and organized criminals bribe government officials to undermine the work of law enforcement and regulators. Corrupt officials assist criminals by helping them to smuggle people across borders or by furnishing them with visas and passports which may be subsequently sold to terrorists. The methods of corruption are diverse on both sides and include payments, the provision of illegal goods, the use of compromising information to extort cooperation, and outright infiltration of a government agency or other target. Many studies have demonstrated that organized crime groups often evolve in places where the state cannot guarantee law or order (°*), or provide basic health care, education, and social services. In highly corrupt states, the government lacks the resources as they have been diverted by corrupt officials or it lacks the political will because govern- ment officials are cronies and have bought their positions. Highly corrupt regimes have often proven fertile grounds for terrorist recruitment and for their logistical operations. Fundamentalist com- munities have provided education and social services in highly corrupt regions of Pakistan, Russia and Palestine that then have made citizens responsive to terrorist messages against the state. In Uzbekistan, there is also a convergence of the drug trade, the IMU and high levels of 63 64 ur interviews. ‘ }G AMBETTA, The Sicilian Mafia and VARESE, Russian Mafia. 74 corruption within the government. Fundamentalist Islam has found fer- tile ground in Uzbekistan in large part due to the collapse of living standards and the poor governance of the Uzbek state. The government has been repressing the traditional Islamic population, exacerbating the terrorist reaction. Partial funding of the IMU 1s derived from drug traf- ficking, and corruption exists at all levels of government to facilitate the drug trade (‘°). Colombia may be the only example of a conflict zone where a major transnational crime group with very large profits is directly and openly connected to terrorists. The interaction between the FARC and ELN terror groups and the drug syndicates provides crucial financial resour- ces for the guerillas to operate against the Colombian state — and against each another. This 1s facilitated by universal corruption, from top gov- ernment officials to local police. Personnel that can provide protection or services are often targeted of corruption. Examples include law enfor- cement, the judiciary, border guards, politicians and elites, internal security agents and Consular officials. Watch Point 7 : Financial transactions & money laundering. Most analyses of crime and terrorism point to common financial transactions and shared money laundering channels as the most important point of interaction. Both types of groups need reliable means of moving, and laundering money in many different jurisdictions, and as a result, both use similar methods to move money internationally. Both use charities and front groups as a cover for money flows. À number of charities have come under scrutiny for laundering funds for Al Qaeda in the 9/ 11 investigation, while the U.S. State Department runs a dedicated unit to track the numerous front companies associated with Russian Transnational organized crime. organized criminals and terrorists employ in-house specialists and also co-opt legitimate financial experts including accountants and bankers to facilitate their money laundering. Much money laundering for crime groups and terrorist organizations have gone through established banking channels. But as greater scrutiny has been applied to bank accounts since September 1 1th internationally, increasingly the money laundering activity of both types of groups has moved to underground banking, smuggling, real estate and financial instruments which can less easily be detected by law enforcement and intelligence. Both groups often use similar methods to move and store their funds in the legitimate economy. (6 < °) Monica JERBI, « Drugs, Thugs, Bombs, and Terror Afghanistan’s Spill Over and Central Asia » Unpublished Manuscript, Spring 2004. See hrttp:l//www.american.edultraccel publicationsistudpub.htmil. _— 75 — Watch Point 8 : Organizational structures. The traditional model of organized crime often used by law enforcement 1s the Sicilian Mafia a hierarchical, conservative organization embedded in the traditional social structures of southern Italy. Investigators attempting to find com- mon ground between organized crime and terror using the Sicilian Mafia as their organizational model would be unlikely to succeed, however. The reason 1s that among today's organized crime groups the Sicilian mafia 1s more the exception than the rule. Most organized crime now operates not as a hierarchy but as a decentralized, loose-knit network - which 1s a crucial similarity to terror groups. Networks offer better security, make intelligence-gathering more efficient, cover geographic distances and span diverse memberships more effectively. The larger significance of terrorists’ and criminals’ shared charac- teristics is that the two groupings are well-placed to find each other and to discover ways to do business. Many links between terror and organized crime are triggered by the criminals’ desire to find new sources of business, and terrorists’ desire to make money. The network structure enables interactions where the members of the network may not be aware of the actual identity of those they are interacting with. For exam- ple, terrorists, disguised as petty criminals in European prisoners may recruit ordinary criminals for their 1illicit schemes. The attenuated nature of the network means that the criminal is not aware that they are providing services to a terrorist. Watch Point 9 : Organizational goals. In theory, different goals are what set terrorists apart from the perpetrators of organized crime. Terrorist groups are most often associated with political ends, such as change in leadership regimes or the establishment of an autonomous territory for a subnational group. Even millenarian and apocalyptic terrorist groups, such as the millenarian Aum Shinrikyo, often include some political objectives. Organized crime, on the other hand, 1s almost always focused on personal enrichment. In developed countries, traditional criminal groups may shun terrorists out of distaste for their goals : a Sicilian Mafia group that was doing business with an Albanian gang ended the association when infor- med by a top Sicillan prosecutor that the Albanians were in fact terrorists (°°). Crime for the Sicilians was simply a means of making money, and their nationalism made them unwilling to undermine society and the state. In contrast, the Camorra based in Naples 1s not as rooted (37). In society has members who have provided services to terrorists ( (°°) Our interviews. (°) «Islamic Terrorists Linked to Itallan Mafia Group », Reuters, 19 April 2004. 76 Crime and terror groups in developing countries often share a dislike of those in power, of legislation and regulation and the economic system of the state. Cooperation may be welcomed as an opportunity to under- mine all three. Furthermore, even in developed countries, the goals of each organiza- tion have been known to shift. The Sicilian Mafia launched a terrorist bombing campaign against symbols of the Italian state in 1993 to try to force a reprieve from the effective anti-Mafia crackdown the Italian authorities had undertaken. Likewise, Al Qaeda’s focus at about the same time was split between supporting operations against the U.S. and establishing legitimate businesses to generate cash flow (°*). Watch Point 10 Culture. Both terror and criminal groups use ideologies to maintain their internal identity and provide external justifications for their activities. They interpret their religion and culture to justify their activities. Both use ritual and tradition to construct and maintain their identity. Tattoos, songs, language, and codes of conduct are symbolic to both. However, incompatibilities between the two groups should come as no surprise. Many religious terrorist groups teach their members that they will find rewards for their sacrifices after death, while organized crime groups emphasize earthly rewards. Religious affiliations, strong nationalist sentiments and strong roots in the local community are often characteristics that cause organized criminals to shun any affiliation with terrorists. Conversely, the absence of such affiliations means that criminals have fewer constraints keeping them from a link with terrorists. Indicators of divergence include such as conflicting positions on the place of religion in society, disagreement over cultural norms, or con- trary opinions on personal lifestyles and identities. Even the lack of a cultural identity may be an indicator. Organized crime groups in Kosovo with no strong nationalist ties formed links with the terrorist Kosovo Liberation Army ( 69). In any organization, a common culture connects and strengthens ties among members. For networks, cultural features can also serve as a bridge to other networks ( 70). Ethno-nationalist insurgencies and criminal groups with deep historical roots are particularly likely to play the nationalist card. Lebanese crime groups in the Tri-Border area of (°*) BENJAMIN and SIMON, The Age of Sacred Terror : 95-133. (°?) KLEBNIKOV, Peter, « Heroin Heroes », Mother Jones, Jan/Feb 2000. Arttp.:// www.motherjones.cominewsl/feature/2000/01/heroin.html . ("°) ARQUILLA and RONFELDT. Networks and Netwars 328. _— 77 — South America have demonstrated a close affinity for the religious and nationalist roots of Hezbollah. Many criminal and terrorist networks incorporate aspects of the local and regional societies in which they operate. Castells notes the attach- ment of drug traffickers to their country, and to their regions of origin. « They were/are deeply rooted in their cultures, traditions, and regional societies… they have also revived local cultures, rebuilt rural life, strongly affirmed their religious feeling, and their beliefs in local saints and miracles, supported musical folklore (and were rewarded with laudatory songs from Colombian bards).…. » Watch Point II : Popular support. Both organized crime and terrorist groups engage legitimate society in furtherance of their own agendas. In conflict zones, this may be done quite openly, while under the rule of law they are obliged to do so covertly. One way of doing so 1s to pay lip service to the interests of certain ethnic groups or social classes. Organized crime is particularly likely to make an appeal to disadvan- taged people or people in certain professionals though paternalistic actions that make them a surrogate for the state where the state has been unwilling or unable to perform its functions. The Japanese Yakuza crime groups provided much-needed assistance to the citizens of Kobe after the serious earthquake there. Russian organized crime habitually supports cultural groups and sports troupes (”"). Both crime and terror derive crucial power and prestige through the support of their members and of some segment of the public at large. This may reflect enlightened self-interest, when people see that the criminals are acting on their behalf and improving their well-being and personal security. But it is equally likely to be that people are afraid to resist a violent criminal group in their neighborhood, as 1s the case in Northern Ireland, Colombia, and the Balkans. Often the explanation of their acceptance 1s that this criminality is fully integrated into their con- flict-ridden community. Watch Point 12 : Trust. Like business corporations, terrorist and organized crime groups must attract and retain talented, dedicated, and loyal personnel. These skills are at an even greater premium than in the legitimate economy because criminals cannot recruit openly. À further challenge 1s that law enforcement and intelligence services are constantly trying to infiltrate and dismantle criminal networks. Members' allegiance to any such group 1s constantly tested and demonstrated through rituals such as the initiation rites common to Russian, Japanese, and Italian (7") ABADINSKY, Organized Crime. - 78 groups. Thus trust 1s critical to any cooperation between terrorist and organized crime groups, as well as a key indicator of such activity. We borrow the three forms of trust from Newell and Swan’s studies of interpersonal trust within commercial and academic groups and apply it to the trust operating between crime and terror groups (‘*). Com- panion trust based on goodwill or personal friendships. Competence trust is the degree to which one person depends upon another to per- form the expected task. Finally, commitment or contract trust 1s where all actors understand the practical importance of their role in completing the task at hand. Examining the presence and depth of each of these forms of trust informs our understanding of how trust influences a crime-terrorist interaction. CONCLUSION The framework presented here suggests that cooperation between terrorists and organized criminals is more diverse than merely a financial relationship. Moreover, the range of interactions appears to be increas- ing particularly in the last decades with the rise of regional conflicts in the post-Cold War era and the emergence of significant immigrant com- munities in developed countries that are outside the capacity of local law enforcement. In recent years, particularly since September 1 1th , there has been an increasing tendency for the international community, led by the United States, to view terrorism and organized crime as separate entities rather than focusing on the linkages between these phenomena. The over- whelming emphasis given to terrorism by the United States and conse- quently bo other countries has permitted crime-terror ties to expand, particularly in prisons, marginalized communities in developed countries and conflict zones. The continuing interaction between organized criminal groups and terrorists is an increasing threat to national and global security not suf- ficiently addressed by policy makers and other experts are missing. À pressing need for greater analysis of these interactions exists. Law enfor- cement and intelligence cannot be divided into the separate study of crime and terrorism as if they were totally distinct phenomena. Both groups of non-state actors have discerned this gap in state capacity and are sometimes purposely exploiting this gap as 1s occurring in prisons. (77) NEWELL and SWAN, « Trust and inter-organizational networking », Human Relations 53 (10) 2000 : 1287-1328. — 79 — Our key conclusion is that crime is not a peripheral issue when addressing terrorist activity. Efforts to analyze the phenomenon of terrorism without considering the crime component undermine counter- terrorist activities. Crime analysis must be central to understanding the patterns of terrorist behavior and cannot be viewed as a peripheral issue. Furthermore, resources diverted from the fight against transnational organized crime in the post September | lth era are giving criminals a greater chance to operate and even provide services to terrorists, par- ticularly in the United State and Europe. ABSTRACT Criminals and terrorists interact in a diversity of ways. These interac- tions are often overlooked or identified as being purely of financial nature. The authors present a new analytical framework to analyze the complex set of intersections between criminals and terrorists developing an interaction spectrum and watch points to capture the complexity of these relationships. Drawing on data collected during an 18-month study of crime-terror interactions, our results point to zones of ungovernability in both developing and developed states as the most likely locales to find collaboration between organized criminals and terrorists. We conclude that the approach of many governments to exclude crime from counter- terrorism policies has failed to detect many interactions crucial to effec- tive control strategies. RESUMEN Criminales y terroristas se relacionan de diferentes maneras. Estas relaciones son a menudo consideradas o identificadas como de caracter puramente econômico. Los autores presentan un nuevo marco analitico que permite estudiar el complejo conjunto de vinculos existentes entre criminales y terroristas desarrollando para ello un espectro de relaciones que pone de manifiesto dicha complejidad. Partiendo de los datos recopilados durante un periodo de estudio de 18 meses, los autores detectan la existencia de zonas de « no . gobernanza » que constituyen, tanto en los paises desarrollados como en vias de desarrollo, los lugares mas apropiados para la apariciôn de colaboraciones entre las organizaciones criminales y los terroristas. Los autores concluyen que el enfoque adoptado por muchos gobiernos basado en la exclusiôn del crimen de sus politicas antiterroristas, ha impedido detectar la existencia de una serie de relaciones que hubiese sido crucial para unas estrategias de control eficaces. 30 - RÉESUMÉ Criminels et terroristes interagissent de différentes façons. Souvent, ces interactions ne sont prises en compte qu’en tant que mécanismes financiers. Les auteurs présentent un nouveau cadre permettant d'analyser l'ensemble complexe d'intersections entre criminels et terroristes. Sur la base de données récoltées au cours d’une période de 18 mois, les auteurs détectent des zones des non-gouvernabilité,qui représentent, tant dans les pays développés que dans les pays en voie de développement, les lieux les plus appropriés pour une collaboration entre criminels organisés et terroristes. Ils concluent que l’approche de nombreux gouvernements qui excluent le crime de leurs politiques de contre-terrorisme, ne permettent pas de détecter des interactions cru- ciales pour des stratégies de contrôle efficaces. _— 81 — INSÉCURITÉ ET PROCESSUS DE VICTIMISATION Roberta Bisi (*) 1. — LES RAPPORTS SOCIAUX ENTRE LIMITE ET POSSIBILITÉ Le conflit habite notre quotidienneté, 1l se caractérise en effet par la conflictualité des rapports familiaux, scolaires, entre administrateurs et citoyens, urbanistes et habitants des villes. Même l’intégration interna- tionale croissante qui définit la globalisation impose la reconnaissance du rôle stratégique des différences de civilisations au sein du monde glo- balisé (Huntington, 1997). Insécurité et processus de victimisation deviennent ainsi des éléments qui connotent la vie commune prenant place dans les contextes urbains. La ville constitue alors le décor où se manifeste l’hostilité envers autrui liée à des processus d'habitation, d’autant plus dans des sociétés comme les nôtres, où la communication se produit presque toujours dans des situations complexes. Le dynamisme extrême de notre société est lié à certains facteurs, parmi eux, la séparation du temps et de l’espace et leur recombinaison en des formes permettant une délimitation bien précise des zones spatio- temporelles de la vie sociale (Giddens, 1994). En effet, l’'avènement de la modernité sépare l’espace du lieu, à savoir l’environnement physique de l'activité sociale située géographiquement, favorisant les rapports entre personnes « absentes », localement lointaines de toute situation d’inte- raction de « face à face ». En d’autres termes, alors qu’à une époque, dans les sociëtés pré-modernes, l’espace coïncidait au lieu étant donné que les dimensions spatiales de la vie sociale se caractérisaient par des actions localisées, aujourd’hui, les liens entre activité sociale et sa réalisa- tion dans les caractéristiques d’un contexte déterminé n’ont pas lieu, ce qui implique une désagrégation des rapports sociaux et des contextes locaux d’interaction. [l s’agit donc d’une modification des rapports sociaux qui ne dépen- dent plus nécessairement de la présence physique simultanée des diffé- rents sujets intéressés dans le même lieu, étant donné que ceux-ci sont soumis à un déracinement par rapport à des contextes d’interaction spé- (*) Professeur titulaire de criminologie à la Faculté des sciences politiques Roberto Ruf- filh Forli, Université de Bologna. _— 83 — cifiques et réorganisés dans le temps et l’espace par des moyens symboli- ques. Tout ceci, d'un côté, ne réduit pas l'importance des contextes locaux qui, au contraire, servent des processus d’intégrations internatio- nale plus larges, mais ne favorise pas de l'autre, l'interéchange des lieux (Giddens, 2000). Dans un contexte d'unification tendancielle des espaces et de multi- plication des relations, un sentiment de fragmentation augmente, qui se reflète également dans l'espace urbain, où agglomérats modernes assom- ment parfois, du fait de leur caractère irréalisé et agressif, la ville et les paysages dans lesquels ils viennent s’insérer, donc de manière très nui- sible non seulement sur le plan de la morphologie et de la structure urbaine, mais aussi social et humain, exacerbant, une fois de plus, la fracture diffuse entre ceux qui projètent et réalisent les plans urbanistes d'un côté, et les citoyens de l’autre, ce qui a permis aux grands com- plexes immobiliers peu appréciés et à une architecture homologuante et indigente de triompher. [1 s'agit là d’un exemple de communication, ou mieux, de problème de communication, qui se vérifie en situations complexes étant donné que ceux qui communiquent partent de suppositions différentes et attri- buent donc un sens différent à ce qui est dit. À l’aire de la globalisation, les difficultés liées à l'éloignement dans l’espace sont devenues moins saillantes du fait du développement des relations économiques, mais le partage d'un même territoire a perdu sa capacité traditionnelle qui consistait à favoriser la cohésion. Les masses média et Internet accostent des réalités lointaines, mais introduisent en même temps, des distances inédites entre les plus proches. Les prétentions de la culture de contrôler, interpréter et guider le changement ont prouvé toute leur inadéquation et c'est en fait la globalisation qui a fait changer la culture, sans que celle-ci n'en soit entièrement consciente (Giovagnoli, 2003). Cet état de désorientation, de crise et de problème souligne la fragilité et le caractère problématique du sujet. Complexe et fragile à la fois, c'est justement au cœur de ces deux caractéristiques, qu’il peut retrouver toute sa force, qui réside dans la possibilité d'être ouvert, de ne pas être prédé- terminé, à la dérive et d'être nouveau par rapport au passé. La recherche d'un nouvel ordre qui peut jaillir d’une situation de précarité met en évi- dence l'importance de savoir gérer les aspects déchirants et ambigus de la quotidienneté. Dans cette optique, une contribution intéressante a été fournie par Piaget qui conçoit l’intelligence comme une forme d’adapta- tion à l'environnement grâce à l'intervention de plusieurs structures cognitives au cours des différentes phases de cette adaptation, qui se réa- lise au moyen de deux processus complémentaires, précisément l’assimi- lation et l'adaptation. 34 Le chercheur suisse souligne comme les dix premières années de vie du sujet constituent une période privilégiée pour observer les tentatives de la personne essayant de passer d’un équilibre qui manque à un équi- libre en réalité inaccessible. La recherche continuelle entre processus d'assimilation et mécanisme d'équilibration permet aux structures psy- chiques d’évoluer, sur la base d’autocorrections, étant donné que celle-ci coordonne les effets de la maturation interne et ceux produits par les sti- mulations physiques et sociales. La dialectique assimilation-adaptation, où par assimilation Piaget se réfère à un processus au moyen duquel le sujet structure la donnée externe selon l’organisation existante et par adaptation, la tendance à produire de nouveaux schémas mentaux permettant d'intégrer de nou- velles données liées à l’expérience, fait ressurgir une structure psychique ouverte à l’environnement et à la recherche continuelle d'un nouvel équi- libre face à des introjections déstabilisantes. Dans cette optique, toute contraposition entre ordre et désordre est dénuée de valeur puisque les deux sont indispensables à un bon développement cognitif (Piaget, 1964, 1976). Cette précarité suscite certainement résistance et oppositions, mais permet aussi de rechercher les modalités à travers lesquelles tisser les fils d’un processus ouvert et précaire où l’on proclame la primauté des rela- tions (Bourdieu, 1992). La notion de société disparaît alors pour être remplacée par celle d’espace sociale et de champ, ce dernier se référant à « un champs magnétique, un système structuré de forces objectives, une configuration relationnelle dotée d'une gravité spécifique, que le champ est en mesure d'imposer à tous les objets et agents qu’ y pénètrent. Tel un prisme, cha- que champ brise les forces externes en fonction de sa structure interne » (Wacquant, 1922 : 23). Dans cette perspective, le futur des objectifs, les projets deviennent les nouvelles unités de mesure avec lesquelles confronter et évaluer l’adé- quation entre actions, connaissances et réalité. L'acquisition de nouvelles connaissances par le biais de l'expérience ne doit pas être lue comme un éloignement de la tradition, mais bien comme l'adéquation continuelle de la tradition au contexte spécifique pour mieux atteindre les objectifs futurs. « La réflexivité de la vie sociale moderne consiste dans le fait que les usages sociaux sont constamment examinés et reformés à la lumière de nouveaux état acquis au sujet de ces usages, alternant ainsi le carac- tère de manière substantielle » (Giddens, 1994 :46). Rien de ce qui est acquis ne peut être considéré comme certain, parce qu'en procédant à un examen plus précis et plus soigneux, d’autres éléments apparaissent, qui nous avaient échappés auparavant, utiles pour contrôler le présent et __ 85 — nous aider à obtenir des résultats futurs. L'’opération consiste à mettre de côté les préconstructions habituelles et les principes utilisés habituelle- ment pour les réaliser, ce qui suppose souvent, pour reprendre Bourdieu, que la « conversion du regard » conduise à mettre en évidence que la compétence, l’efficacité et la correction d'une affirmation ou d'une inter- vention sont évalués par des témoins qui ne sont pas impartiaux, mais qui ont des intérêts et attentes bien précises. En évaluant l’action de quelqu'un qui occupe une position particulière de spécialiste ou profes- sionnelle qui le légitimise socialement face à des interventions sur la réa- lité sociale, plus que la vérité, extraite et universelle, réside la possibilité de satisfaire les besoins et les attentes présentes dans les environnements dans lesquels il agit, soumise à une analyse critique de la part de sujets, dotés d’une capacité autonome d'interprétation (Colombo, 2003 : 10-18). 2. — PRATIQUES SOCIALES ET RENOUVELLEMENT DE LA GESTION URBAINE C’est dans un contexte similaire que les opérateurs du contrôle social sont appelés à revoir les politiques de lutte contre l’insécurité urbaine, politiques qui passent par le renouvellement de la gestion urbaine et son adéquation aux problématiques sociales. Par conséquent, la lutte contre l'insécurité implique le passage d'une logique axée sur le contrôle de la population à risque à celle du lien et de la cohésion sociale entre les citoyens et les ressources disponibles au sein de la collectivité locale. Évi- demment, les possibilités de changement sont directement liées tant au niveau de disponibilité à l’apprentissage ‘,) de la part du groupe, à la liberté dont celui-ci peut jouir pour se déplacer dans un espace, se réor- ganiser sur le plan cognitif et relationnel, qu'à l’évaluation du projet en termes de faisabilité. La transformation n'est en effet possible que lorsqu'elle est permise entre les personnes engagées dans l’effort de changement en projet, et conduit selon les exigences des usagers susceptibles de changements en fonction aussi bien de l’équilibre atteint que de l’occasion de ne pas s'ar- rêter au cours du chemin entrepris, exigences qui par la suite, changent (") Au sujet de l’apprentissage en tant que changement des valences et des valeurs, Lewin écrit « En examinant la multiplicité des attributs significatifs au terme de l’apprentissage. nous avons cité l'exemple suivant : l’autocratie est imposée aux individus, la démocratie doit au contraire être apprise. Examiner plus en détail la signification que le terme apprentissage revêt dans cette phrase peut servir à éclaircir de nombreuses choses. Apprendre la démocratie signifie. avant tout, que la personne doit faire quelque chose plutôt que d'être passivement poussée par des forces imposées. Deuxièmement, apprendre la démocratie signifie établir cer- taines préférences et exclure certaines choses, où encore établir certaines valences, valeurs et idéologies. Troisièmement, apprendre la démocratie signifie se familiariser avec certaines techniqucs telle que la décision de groupe » (Lewin, 1972 : 107). 56 en cours de réalisation des objectifs. La compétence demandée aux opé- rateurs du contrôle social est cependant une compétence toujours plus de médiation, de dialogue, de synthèse. En d’autres termes, le champ d'intervention est davantage caractérisé par l’échange et le dialogue que le simple passage d’ordres et de compétences. C’est seulement à travers le désir de résoudre quelque chose et d’éla- borer les différentes attentes que l’on peut agir pour tenter de trouver des solutions à un problème déterminé. Il s’agit d’un comportement reconductible à la méthodologie de la recherche-action, conçue et défen- due par Lewin. La recherche-action est une manière de rechercher diffé- rente du modèle traditionnel il ne s'agit pas vraiment de faire une recherche, mais plutôt d’être en recherche. Être en recherche signifie « ne pas diviser la continuité qui dérive du fait de connaître et d’agir, car le premier, à savoir la connaissance, ne peut pas être distingué du second, à savoir l’action » (Trombetta et Rosiello, 2000 : 9). Il s’agit d’un modèle cyclique puisque destiné à favoriser une compréhension plus profonde de la situation. En effet, celui-ci commence par conceptualiser le problème pour passer ensuite à l’action par le biais de différentes interventions et évaluations successives. Ainsi, les opérateurs du contrôle social sont appelés à réfléchir non seulement aux caractéristiques des acteurs et des espaces qu’ils obser- vent, mais également aux objectifs qu’ils poursuivent et aux réalisations qu'ils réussissent à instaurer avec ceux qu'’ils veulent observer. En effet, s’il est vrai qu’une partie très importante du travail s’apprend en suivant les préceptes de cette « pédagogie du silence » (Bourdieu, 1992 : 175) qui ne réserve qu'un minimum d'’espace à l’explicitation des schémas trans- mis et de ceux en action dans la transmission, 1l est tout aussi vrai qu’au niveau de la formation professionnelle, une transformation relationnelle est nécessaire, tournée vers la révision antique des généralisations qui ali- mentent les préjudices et interventions stériles. Je crois que c’est de ces derniers que dérive la difficulté, pour ceux qui s'occupe de formation professionnelle des opérateurs du contrôle social, de transmettre les ins- truments, les techniques, les méthodes et, en même temps, une disposi- tion critique à les mettre en discussion chaque fois que le contexte dans lequel ils opèrent le nécessite. Dans cette perspective, 1l est opportun d’analyser les conditions de la relation entre personne et environnement qui donne vie à une force orientée dans une direction déterminée. Les personnes et leur environne- ment d’appartenance constituent un tout dont les aspects s’influencent réciproquement et ainsi, se contextualisent, ce qui permet à l’analyse des problèmes internes aux forces qui interagissent entre individus, groupes sociaux et communauté, de s’inscrire ainsi dans un contexte historique (Lewin, 1972). _— 87 — Il en découle le besoin de penser à des formes innovatrices d'interven- tions professionnelles qui abandonnent la généralisation par catégories sociales, pour s'adresser non plus aux individus comme à des atomes sociaux, mais à leurs relations sociales. Ces dernières s'avèrent particuliè- rement importantes même au cours des processus de victimisation, lors- que les victimes doivent décider de recourir ou non au système judiciaire. En ce qui concerne la possibilité qu'un événement déterminé puisse entrer dans le circuit pénal, la perception importe énormément, celle-ci nécessitant que la victime soit consciente du fait que ce qui s'est passé demande une réaction appropriée, la définition, qui exige que cet évêne- ment déterminé soit considéré et classifié comme criminel, la décision qui se réfère expressément à la réaction de la victime et, par conséquent, à savoir s’il est disponible à dénoncer. Les raisons qui poussent à la dénonciation sont extrémement variées : il semble qu'à ce sujet, une cause déterminante soit représentée par la prévision que le cas puisse se répéter ou être résolu de manière adéquate. De plus, pour servir la dénonciation, une certaine importance englobe la gravité du délit, tout comme la manière très personnelle dont est perçue l’intensité de l'attaque, à la sphère juridique d'un environnement social en particulier, ainsi que la suggestion de défense et le sentiment d'im- puissance de la part du déclarant (Skogan, 1981 : 727-742). Les motiva- tions « pratiques » liées de la dénonciation ont d'ailleurs été identifiées, dans le cas de délits contre le patrimoine, le besoin de gérer les inconvé- nients du vol et donc de récupérer les valeurs perdues et d'obtenir les indemnisations des assurances ; les motivations « pénales » qui renvoient aux fonctions de la peine et au désir de voir être puni le coupable ; les motivations reconductibles au « devoir civique », soit une obligation morale de porter plainte dès que l’on est au fait d’un crime et enfin les motivations qui font appel au besoin de recevoir de l'aide. D'autres recherches ont souligné que, grâce à la diversité des moyens utilisés par les victimes pour tenter de résoudre leur problème, deux modes de recours aux forces de l’ordre se dessinent, directement liés au degré de connaissance entre le coupable et la victime. Lorsqu'en effet, cette der- nière ne connait pas l'auteur du crime, comme c'est généralement le cas dans la plupart des vols, les recours à la police et aux compagnies d'as- surance sont alors nombreux, le contraire lorsqu'il y a un rapport de connaissance entre les deux sujets, où, justement, les recours à la police diminuent de manière significative, surtout en cas de violence sexuelle ou familiale, où l’on essaie plutôt de trouver une solution directe et privée au problème (Zauberman, 2002 : 309-319). Certaines études récentes (Damant, Bélanger et Paquet, 2000 :73-95) ont porté une attention toute particulière au lien existant entre la possi- bilité que la victime de violence conjugale, par exemple, fasse appel au 38 système judiciaire et le processus d’empowerment interprété, selon la défi- nition de Rappaport, comme un mécanisme qui permet à des personnes, organisations et communautés de maîtriser leur propre existence (Rap- paport, 1984 : 1-7). Cette définition laisse entendre que les efforts pour exercer le contrôle sont centraux, mais ne sont pas des conditions suffi- santes pour individualiser un processus d’empowerment. D’autres com- posants sont inclus, telle que la participation avec d’autres pour atteindre des objectifs, la prise de conscience de ses propres ressources ainsi que le courage d'explorer de nouvelles possibilités. Sur le plan opérationnel, l’effort devra consister à observer, étudier et gérer le conflit non de manière abstraite, mais en privilégiant une approche liée à l’environnement qui fait attention à l’aspect multiforme et au caractère aléatoire environnemental. Par conséquent, mème dans la conception de services en faveur des victimes, la référence à des contextes territoriaux spécifiques sera tou- jours plus importante, ceux--ci seront alors confrontés à une optique ouverte double, d’une part, aux grandes orientations et de l’autre, à la particularité, ce qui ne peut avoir lieu qu’au sein d’un espace social conçu en tant que configuration relationnelle. C’est dans ce sens qu'il faudra accorder une attention toute particulière à la connaissance du rapport psychologique qui existe entre l’être humain et l’environnement, puisque cette connaissance s'approfondie en observant les disfonctionne- ments et les souffrances, et en écoutant les récits de ceux qui ont été vic- timisés. 3. — AU-DELÀ DES CERTITUDES RASSURANTES : UN PARCOURS, PAS UN POINT D’ABORDAGE On entrevoit donc dores et déjà la nécessité d’un parcours impliquant un rappel vers l’intériorité, dans le sens d’une nouvelle présence, d’une écoute et d’un regard différents en mesure de se soustraire au dépayse- ment que produit la globalisation. En effet, reconnaître à l’individu son identité en tant que personne singulière signifie donner vie concrètement au principe et à la valeur que celle-ci véhicule. Avec cette acceptation, le concept d’identité se trouve entièrement réalisé sur le plan des pratiques de vie à travers lesquelles l’homme se met en relation avec le monde par le biais de ses connaissances et actions. Le soi ne résulte donc pas uniquement de la conscience du sujet pen- sant, mais est formé, pour reprendre les termes de William James, par un ensemble d'éléments qui, grâce à l’écoulement constant de la pensée, — 89 __ sont perçus par la personne comme étant les siens avant tout le corps, les personnes les plus chères, les rôles sociaux et ainsi de suite. « La frontière entre ce qu'une personne appelle moi-même et ce qu'elle appelle simplement mien est difficile à définir. Nous éprouvons et agissons par rapport à certaines choses qui sont les nôtres de manière très similaire à la manière dont nous éprouvons et agissons par rapport à nous-même » (James 115-116). Dans tous les cas et « dans son expression la plus large, le soi d'un homme est la somme totale de tout ce que celui-ci peut appeler sien non seulement son corps et ses facultés psychiques, mais aussi ses vête- ments et sa maison, sa femme et ses enfants, ses ancêtres et ses amis, sa réputation et ses œuvres, ses terres et ses chevaux, son yacht et son compte en compte en banque. Toutes ces choses lui fournissent les mêmes émotions. Si elles grandissent et prospèrent, 1l se sent triom- phant; si elles dépérissent et diminuent, 1l se sent abattu, pas nécessaire- ment dans la même mesure pour tout, mais à-peu-près de la manière » (James 116). Si le premier niveau du soi est celui que James définit comme « soi matériel », dans lequel on 1dentifie son être et quelques réalités particu- lières, le soi social y est étroitement lié, à savoir la conscience de la consi- «le soi social d’un homme est la dération que les autres ont de nous reconnaissance que celui-ci reçoit de ceux qui l’'entourent » (James : 120). Affirmer que le regard de l’autre, l'image de nous qui se reflète dans les individus qui nous entourent, contribue à la formation de notre manière d’être, revient à concevoir l’être humain comme un ensemble de relations avec l’environnement : en particulier avec les choses (comme le souligne l’analyse du soi matériel) et ce que nous pensons être le plus similaire à nous, justement les personnes. Pour cette raison James sou- tient qu‘« un homme a autant de Sois sociaux que de personnes qui le reconnaissent [...]. Rayer une seule de ces images équivaut à se rayer soi- même » (James 121). Par conséquent, le rapport du Moi avec soi-même est toujours égale- ment un rapport avec les choses et les autres. De ce dernier, nous por- tons les marques, les difficultés et les blessures puisque l’unité du Moi n'est jamais absolue et le rapport avec les autres est toujours problémat1- que C’est essentiellement pour cette raison que pour un sujet victime d’un crime par exemple, la victimisation subie provoque non seulement une blessure physique mais implique également une violation de cette enve- loppe de groupe, à l'origine de ce qui a été dénommée par « rupture communautaire » (Barrois 1988; Damian1 2005 : 37-42). - 90 — En réalité, le processus de victimisation a un effet préjudiciable sur le sentiment d'appartenance à une communauté en corrélation à un sen- timent d’abandon intense et de mise en discussion des valeurs culturelles fondamentales. Pour affronter la situation de crise qui en dérive, la vic- time devra alors d'un côté, chercher à donner un sens à ce qui lui est arrivé, et de l’autre, retrouver le sentiment d’appartenir à une collecti- vité. H s’agit d'un parcours encombré de difficultés et d’obstacles, surtout lorsque les personnes sont détruites par différentes formes de violence, pas nécessairement physiques. Les psychothérapeutes qui cherchent à guérir ces maux de l’âme capables d’ébrécher la joie de vivre et d’évo- luer, racontent avoir vu « des femmes à qui physiquement, on n’avait pas touché un cheveu, mais qui avaient systématiquement été détruite dans leur identité et leur rôle de femmes et de mères » (Corradi 2002 46-47). La provocation continuelle, l'insulte, la mésestime, la dérision, la cœr- cition, le mensonge, le chantage, la trahison de la confiance secrète et l'isolement sont quelques unes des formes sous laquelle se manifeste la violence psychologique. Il s'agit d’une stratégie qui vise à tuer, anéantir, amener au suicide une personne, sans effusion de sang. Les stratégies que met en œuvre quelqu’un qui décide d'anéantir un être humain sont sournoises et destinées à anesthésier la victime désignée afin qu’elle ne puisse pas réagir. Bien souvent, surtout au sein de l’envi- ronnement familial, un lien affectif avec la victime s’est instauré, 1l devient pour elle très difficile d’individualiser la limite subtile qui sépare un rapport encore valide de celui clairement pathologique. L'agresseur envoie souvent des messages contrastants, dans le sens qu'il dit une chose et en pense une autre, mettant de cette manière l’objet de ses manœuvres dans un état de confusion et dans l’incapacité de com- prendre ce qui se passe. La possibilité d’éclaircir les choses ne subsiste pas non plus puisque l'interruption de la communication bilatérale est un autre mode d'action utilisé par l’agresseur. C’est ainsi qu’apparaît le sentiment de culpabilité de celui qui com- mence à subir et, avec lui, une tentative de perfectionnement cherchant à déplacer ou annuler la cible. Dès qu’elle cherche à réagir après une longue période d'exaspération, la victime est accusée d’être méchante ou malade. Il est alors évident que toute intervention sectorielle a peu de chances de réussite si elle n'est pas accompagnée de projets de plus lon- gue haleine, visant à s'instituer d’une culture mettant au premier plan les universels de la vie commune civile, l’absence desquels encourageant la violence. — 91 _ Cela signifie peut-être prendre des distances avec les modèles fondés exclusivement sur la logique de prévention et de prédiction pour laquelle la motivation, la dynamique du geste ou le contexte dans lequel celui-ci se réalise plutôt que le geste en lui-même considéré singulièrement, n'a pas tellement d'importance. En d’autres termes, la logique de prédiction est celle dont l’attention se focalise sur la capacité d'intervenir à l’avance, empêchant ainsi qu’un événement ne se réalise, et cherchant à l’éloigner de la vue, croyant surtout pouvoir ainsi éviter la dimension réparatrice qui implique en revanche, une attention constante portée aux dynamiques qui accompagnent les phénomènes. Cela ne veut pas dire pas qu’il n'existe pas de problèmes et de situa- tions nécessitant des interventions situées à mi-chemin entre le social et le sanitaire, mais plutôt qu'il n’'est pas aussi important de rencontrer quelqu'un qui nous dise de manière précise comment nous pouvons résoudre notre problème, parfois en nous faisant des promesses vides et illusoires, que quelqu’un qui nous reconnaisse et disposé à entreprendre avec nous un chemin s’articulant au-delà de rassurantes certitudes. Il a en effet été mis en évidence, que la convergence progressive du thème de la prévention et de celui de la sécurité, a contribué à faire faire disparaître ce type d’interactions significatives qui prend forme dans le social (Bifulco 2005). Les questions clés seront alors celles qui concernent les activités dans lesquelles la personne se réalisent, selon une lecture qui s'étend du pôle de la quotidienneté biologique, à celui de l’affectivité, de la participation sociale, du temps libre, c’est alors que l'on se demande ce que signifie, pendant une certain laps de temps ou pour toujours, ne plus pouvoir les cultiver et si au bout du compte, un positionnement différentiel vis-à-vis d'eux a un sens. La réponse à ces questions, je pense, n'est pas simple, mais c'est déjà quelque chose que de savoir sur quoi s'interroger ou au moins, d'être conscient qu’il y a des questions à se poser. BIBLIOGRAPHIE BARROIS C. (1998), Les névroses traumatiques, Dunod, Paris. BiruLco L. (a cura di) (2005), Le politiche sociali, Carocci, Roma. BourDIEU P. (1992), Risposte. Per un'antropologia riflessiva, Bollati- Boringhieri, Torino. COLOMBO E. (2003), « I molteplici riflessi della riflessività », in Anima- rione sociale, a. XXXIIl, n. 172 : 10-18. CORRADI C. (2002), « La violenza psichica è un delitto perfetto », Babele, a. YI, n. 20, gennalo-aprile : 46-47. 92 DAMANT D., BÉLANGER J., PAQUET J. (2000), « Analyse du processus d'empowerment dans des trajectoires de femmes victimes de violence conjugale à travers le système judiciaire », Criminologie, vol. 33, n. 1 : 73-95. DAMIANI C. (2005), « L'accompagnement psychologique durant le pro- cessus judiciaire », Stress et Trauma, 5 (1), pp. 37-42. GIDDENS À. (1994), Le conseguenze della modernità, 1 Mulino, Bologna. GIDDENS À. (2000), // mondo che cambia : come la globalizzazione ridise- gna la nostra vita, 11 Mulino, Bologna. GIOVAGNOLI À. (2003), Storia e globalizzazione, Laterza, Roma-Bari. HUNTINGTON S.P. (1997), Lo scontro delle civiltà e il nuovo ordine mon- diale, Garzanti, Milano. JAMEs W. (1998), I/ flusso di coscienza. I principi di psicologia, Monda- tori, Milano. LEWIN K. (1972), Teoria e sperimentazione in psicologia sociale, 1l Mulino, Bologna. PIAGET J. (1964), Psicologia dell'intelligenza, Universitaria, Firenze. PIAGET J. (1976), Riuscire a capire, Editori Riuniti, Roma. RAPPAPORT J. (1984), « Studies in Empowerment. Introduction to the Issue », Prevention in Human Services, 2 : 1-7. SKOGAN W.G. (1981), « Assessing the Behavioral Context of Victimiza- tion », Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, vol. 72, n. 2 : 727- 742 TROMBETTA C., RosieLLo L. (2000), La ricerca-azione. Il modello di Kurt Lewin e le sue applicazioni, Erickson, Trento. WACQUANT L.J.D. (1992), « Introduzione » a BourDIEU P., Risposte. Per un'antropologia riflessiva, Bollati-Boringhieri, Torino. ZAUBERMAN R. (2002), « Les attitudes des victimes individuelles », 1n MUCCHIELLI L., ROBERT P., Crime et sécurité. L'état des savoirs, Edi- tions La découverte & Syros, Paris 309-319. SUMMARY The author shows how in a complex, urbanized and global society, the prevention of insecurity and the victims’ accompaniment should be rethought considering the disintegration of social interactions. __ 93 — RESUMEN El autor indica cômo en una sociedad compleja, urbanizada y globa- lizada, la prevenciôn de la inseguridad y el acompañamiento de las vict1- mas deben ser pensadas en funciôn de la desintegracion de las relaciones sociales. RÉSUMÉ L'auteur indique comment, dans une société complexe, urbanisée et globalisée, la prévention de l'insécurité et l’'accompagnement des victimes doivent être entièrement repensés en fonction de la désagrégation des rapports sociaux. 94 HOY CREAMOS UNA NUEVA CIENCIA COSMOPOLITA E INTEGRADORA : LA VICTIMOLOGIA DE MAXIMOS, DESPUÉS DE AUSCHWITZ Antonio Beristain (*) Catedrâätico de Derecho Penal Miembro de la Sociedad Mundial de Victimologia San Sebastian DEDICATORIA A las niñas y niños victimas del delito y del abuso de poder, a Maximiliam Kolbe (% 1941), Franz Jägerstätter (% 1943), a Elie Wiesel, premio Nobel de la paz 1986, y a las victimas del 11-S y 11-M. SUMARIO 1. Agradecimiento, celebraciôon y felicitacion 2. Motivos de felicitacion creamos una Sociedad que instaura y desar- rolla en España la ciencia victimolôgica 2.1. la Victimologia (definiciôn polisémica) 2.2. ciencia nueva e innovadora 2.3. ciencia cosmopolita e integradora, desde las victimas no provoca- doras 2.4. ciencia hacia los mâximos axiolôgicos : el arca de Noë, la cofa del arca 2.5. después de Auschwitz (olvidarlo es un crimen frecuente) 3. Rumbo al futuro recreativo 3.1. encontraremos adversarios 3.2. encontraremos mâs partenarios 3.3. « Busquemos al hermano », no sôlo en España y Latinoamérica. 4. Bibliografia. (*) Estas pâginas reproducen, con algunas modificaciones de estilo, el texto de mi confe- rencia pronunciada el 23 de octubre 2004 en Lérida, en el Acto Solemne de Clausura del / Congreso Español de Victimologia. — 95 __ PALABRAS CLAVE : Auschwitz, Clases de victimas, Criminologia, Derecho penal, España, Ética de mâximos, Felicidad, Gozo, « Hombre doliente » y enaltecido, Latinoamérica, Macrovictimas, Recreaciôn, Reli- giôn(es), Sufrimiento, Valores, World Society of Victimology. 1. — AGRADECIMIENTO, CELEBRACION Y FELICITACION iExcelentisimas y muy estimadas autoridades ! En bastantes centros de enseñanza de algunas provincias de España, cuando los terroristas cometen un asesinato, algunos docentes al comen- zar la clase invitan a un minuto de silencio, pero otros no lo hacen. Y propugnan que no debe hacerse, porque « la hora de clase no es para eso ». Probablemente a muchos de nosotros, en esta emotiva clausura del / Congreso Español de Victimologia, el corazôn nos sugiere ponernos de pie y dedicar un minuto a las victimas de todas las violencias, de los delitos, del abuso de poder, y de todas las catästrofes naturales que pro- ducen sufrimiento ('). (Minuto de silencio). jQueridas amigas y amigos! iGracias! en nombre de tantas y tantas victimas de ayer, hoy y mañana. À ellas, dedico ésta mi exposiciôon bajo el titulo « Hoy creamos una nueva ciencia cosmopolita e integradora la Victimologia de maxi- mos, después de Auschwitz ». Cuando los colegas y amigos organizadores de este Congreso tuvie- ron la amabilidad de invitarme a participar en este Acto Académico pro- puse como titulo « La Sociedad Española de Victimologia, ayer, hoy y mañana ». Consideré que convenia estudiar de dônde venimos y a dônde vamos (los españoles somos herederos de juristas (*), filôsofos, teélogos, monjes redentores de cautivos - como San Raimundo de Penñafort 3 escritores como Cervantes, etc., que han teorizado y practicado la mejor Victimologia). Pero, conforme avanzaba en la preparaciôn de mi texto, cambié un poco el titulo. Me refiero al ayer, el hoy y el mañana de la la ciencia que Vds. en esta fecha implantan formalmente en Espanña (*) Como bien indica John DuUSssICH, Secretario general de la Sociedad Mundial de Victi- mologia, en el Tercer Curso Centroamericano de Victimologia y Asistencia a Victimas, en San Salvador (El Salvador). del 7 al 18 de junio 2004 : « nuestra ciencia tiene como objeto también a cualquier persona que padece sufrimiento », aunque sea por causas naturales. Sin embargo, debe tenerse en cuenta las diversas, muy diversas, clases de victimas. Las victimas de un accidente de träfico durante el fin de semana no pueden 1dentificarse ni confundirse con las macrovictimas del terrorismo en el Pais Vasco. (Después volveremos sobre este problema). (7) Luis JIMÉNEZ DE ASÛA (1961) « La llamada Victimologia », en Estudios de Derecho Penal y CÎrimin()l()gia, Omeba, Buenos Aires, pp. 19 ss. _ 96 Victimologia. En este Acto académico deseo analizar desde perspectivas atentas a la ética (cfr. Mireille DELMAS-MARTY ) (*), a la evoluciôn, a la reversibilidad del mal(*) y al concepto-fenômeno dual, nuevo (y, en determinadas circunstancias, peligroso, como subraya Josep M. TAMA- RIT), de « victimario » y « victimas », que mucho difieren de « delin- cuente » y « sujeto pasivo » del delito, en terminologia del Derecho penal. Éste permanece en las antipodas de nuestra ciencia innova- dora (°). Lamento y pido disculpas por no haber estado aqui los dias ante- riores, y me duele no haber podido escuchar las magistrales ponencias de los eminentes colegas que han expuesto temas tan importantes. Me ha sido fisicamente imposible. He venido muy gustoso a esta bella ciudad de Lleida (algo compa- rable con Toledo), acogedora en su historia de diversas culturas, de pin- turas rupestres… Sabe integrar, transformar, la dualidad en unidad ; las dos catedrales en dos pulmones de un espiritu; sus dos partes geogräf!- cas : la septentrional, montañosa, se une y confunde con la meridional, llana… Sabe declarar una « guerra » — moros y cristianos — y convertirla todos los años en reconciliaciôn, dando la victoria a ambos bandos en años alternativos. He venido para felicitar a los fundadores de la Sociedad Española de Victimologia y a sus colaboradores, para decir unas palabras acerca de los muchos y transcendentales motivos de felicitaciôon, mirando al ayer, al hoy y al mañana, en España y fuera de España, principalmente en Latinoamérica. (Atentos, también, a la colaboraciôn con la World Society of Victimology). (*) Mireille DELMAS-MARTY (2003) : « Le Droit pénal comme éthique de la mondialisa- tion », Annales Internationales de Criminologie, vol. 41, 1/2, pp. 31-44. Ponencia expuesta en el Congreso Internacional de Criminologia, celebrado en Rio de Janeiro, agosto de 2003. (*) Antonio BERISTAIN (2002) : « Le mal cauçé par le délit, est-il réversible et/ou irréver- sible? Rapports entre le Droit, le Théologie et l’Ethique », en John VANACKER (Ed.), Herstel en detentie. Hommage aan Prof. Dr. Tony Peters, Politeia NV, Bruselas, 2002, pp. 29-39. (°) Raûl ZAFFARONI, Alejandro ALAGIA, Alejandro Slokar (2002) : Derecho Penal. Parte General, 2* ed., Ediar, Buenos Aires, pp. 218 ss. _— 97 __ 2. — MOTIVOS DE LA FELICITACION : CREAMOS UNA SOCIEDAD QUE INSTAURA Y DESARROLLA EN ESPANA LA CIENCIA VICTIMOLOGICA « El redescubrimiento de las victimas y su papel en el Derecho penal puede ser abordado desde diferentes angulos…. son temas de vital importancia… aunque ello sea abordado de forma totalmente opuesta segûn entendamos las diferentes posturas ». Esther GIMÉNEZ-SALINAS (1999) « La conciliacion victima-delincuente hacia un derecho penal reparador », Barcelona, p. 69. Ante la limitaciôn de tiempo, comento sôlo algunas de las muültiples causas de felicitaciôn. Porque habéis creado y madurado la Sociedad Española de Victimologia. Sociedad que instaura y desarrolla la ciencia victimolôgica nueva e innovadora, cosmopolita e integradora la Victi- mologia, después de Auschwitz…. inolvidable Holocausto. Ahora, formulo telegräficamente las coordenadas de su definicion. À continuaciôn, comentaré algo de sus contenidos principales. 2.1. — La Victimologia (definicion polisémica) Del inteligente catedrâätico de filosofia Flias DfAZ escuchamos «;No hay derecho! ;a qué? À que el débil sea despreciado, explotado y aplas- tado por el fuerte. Para corregir eso y evitarlo se justifica que exista el Derecho » (°). Estas lineas pretenden definir el Derecho, màs en concreto el Derecho penal. Pero, es una definiciôn polisémica, pues en realidad definen la Victimologia. Señoras y señores, el Derecho penal no corrige ni evita que los débiles sean aplastados por el fuerte (para comprobarlo basta que visitemos cualquier prision del mundo; alli encontraremos a los débiles, a los pobres, a los explotados). En cambio, si lo consigue y lo evita, cada dia mâs, la Victimologia, porque fomenta una ciencia nueva, cosmopolita e integradora, que se ocupa y preocupa con eficacia de todas las victimas, como proclaman las Naciones Unidas, en su Declaraciôn sobre los principios fundamentales de justicia para las victi- mas de delitos y del abuso de poder, cuando define qué se entiende por victima (”) : « Se entenderäâ por ‘victimas’ las personas que, individual o colectiva- mente, hayan sufrido daños, inclusive lesiones fisicas o mentales, sufri- miento emocional, pérdida financiera o menoscabo sustancial de los dere- chos fundamentales, como consecuencia de acciones u omisiones que vio- (°) Elias DiAZz (2004) : « ( El mal (se) vende mejor que el bien? ;por qué” », entrevista en Tiempo de Hoy, 11 octubre 2004, pp. 90 ss. (7) NACIONES UNIDAS (1985) : Declaracion sobre los principios fundamentales de justicia para las victimas de delitos y del abuso de poder (Resoluciôn 40/34, de 29 de noviembre de 1985). 98 len la legislacion penal vigente en los Estados Miembros, incluida la que proscribe el abuso de poder… En la expresiôn ‘ victima’ se incluye ademäs, en su caso, a los familiares o personas a cargo que tengan relaciôn inme- diata con la victima directa y a las personas que hayan sufrido daños al intervenir para asistir a la victima en peligro o para prevenir la victimiza- CION ». En pocas palabras, podemos definir la Victimologia como la ciencia y el arte pluri, inter y transdisciplinar que - en intima relaciôn con la investigacion y la praxis del Derecho penal, la Criminologia, la Sociolo- gia, la Filosofia y la Teologia — investiga la victimaciôn primaria, secun- daria y terciaria, asi como sus factores etiolôgicos, sus controles, sus consecuencias y sus respuestas superadoras de los conflictos y la delin- cuencia. Presta atenciôn al anâlisis bio-psico-social de las diversas clases de victimas, no sôlo las directas e inmediatas. Estä ejerciendo cada dia mâs influencia en el campo tradicional de los delitos y de las sanciones. Un ejemplo concreto ha encontrado ya carta de ciudadania : la sustitu- ciôn del principio fundamental del sistema procesal democrâtico in dubio pro reo por el « revolucionario » in dubio pro victima. 2.2. — Ciencia nueva e innovadora « Desde la perspectiva de la(s) victima(s), un concepto de delito orientado en funciôn de la lesion de un derecho subjetivo seria el mejor de los funda- mentos para no ser olvidada(s) en el Derecho penal » Albin EseR (1998) : Sobre la exaltacion del bien juridico a costa de la vic- tima,…, Bogota, p. 17. La Victimologia es una ciencia nueva e innovadora en muchos senti- dos. Al delito le damos un nombre nuevo victimaciôn. Le damos un contenido nuevo : no viola el interés juridico protegido, ni la autoridad estatal, sino que viola los derechos subjetivos y objetivos de personas concretas. El delito tradicional se ubicaba en el contexto del poder esta- tal, mirando a la lesiôn del bien juridico abstracto, con la respuesta — castigo — vindicativa — just desert — y resocializadora pero no lograda [nothing works, segûn MARTINSON (1974)]. El delito, hoy y mañana, no ha de seguir tipificandose sobre la lesiôn de un abstracto bien juridico protegido (por ejemplo, la honestidad, la raza, la naciôn, la dictadura, el régimen, etc.) (*), sino sobre la lesiôn a personas concretas, vulne- rables (por ejemplo, a la libertad e indemnidad sexual de las niñas viola- das; arts. 178-194 del Côdigo penal). También es nueva en cuanto a la pena, porque no pretende la vin- dicta, ni pretende el malum passionis propter malum actionis, sino que pretende la reparaciôn, pero no en el sentido accesorio, ajeno y secunda- (*) Raûül ZAFFARONI, Alejandro ALAGIA, Alejandro SLOKAR (2002) : Derecho Penal. Parte General, 2“ ed., Ediar, Buenos Aires, pp. 498 ss. __ 99 _— rio del Derecho penal tradicional. La reparaciôn victimologica « no es un cuerpo extraño en el Derecho penal, sino que debe entenderse, incluso, como parte esencial de la sanciôn penal » (”). Debe conllevar una reparaciôn completa, desbordante, creativa, que atiende, indemniza, enaltece, y homenajea a las victimas, como indican las NN.UU., en su Resoluciôn de 18 de enero 2000 ('’) [« La reparaciôon moral y las garan- tias de no-repeticiôon (de la victimaciôn)..., segun el caso, una u otra 0 el conjunto de las medidas siguientes … g) Conmemoraciones y home- najes a las victimas… »]. Nueva, asimismo, en cuanto al sujeto pasivo del delito, al que otorga un nombre propio - « victima » - con derechos y deberes muy distintos de los cläsicos. Es, ademâäs, una ciencia innovadora porque, como vere- mos enseguida, crea, y cada dia mäs, bases, metas y estructuras descono- cidas en el campo del Derecho penal, Derecho procesal, Politica crim1- nal, sistema policial y prisional, etc. (E incluso en el mundo religioso, como indicamos después). Lôgicamente, nuestra Sociedad Española de Victimologia gira alrede- dor de polos ignotos en el Derecho penal, y opuestos a él. No alrededor del delito, ni de la pena. Gira alrededor de los mâäs débiles su hipocen- tro y su epicentro, su cumbre y pico culminante, su Everest, son los mas débiles y vulnerables, las victimas. Las personas desconocidas präctica- mente en el Derecho penal y en las Constituciones nacionales (salvo la de México). Por fortuna, la Constitucion Europea se refiere indirecta- mente - a las victimas en su Preambulo («.… sin olvidar a los mâs débiles y desfavorecidos ») y en el art. III-321. 2.3. — Ciencia cosmopolita e integradora, desde las victimas no provocadoras « Sabemos desde Auschwitz de lo que es capaz el ser humano » Viktor E. FRANKL (1987) : El hombre doliente, p. 79. À nuestra ciencia victimolôgica hemos de considerarla cosmopolita e integradora. Ante la actual trâägica diversidad y fragmentaciôn politica, (°) Albin EseR (1998) : Sobre la exaltacion del bien juridico a costa de la victima, p. 42. ("”) Resoluciôn de la Comisiôn de Derechos Humanos del Consejo Econômico y Social de las NN.UU., sobre « Los derechos civiles y politicos, en particular las cuestiones relacio- nadas con : la independencia del poder judicial, la Administraciôn de Justicia, la impunidad (El derecho de restituciôn, indemnizaciôn y rehabilitaciôn de las victimas de violaciones graves de los derechos humanos y las libertades fundamentales) », en el apartado 25.g. Cherif BASSIOUNI, « Reconnaissance Internationale des Droits des Victimes ». en Sos ATTENTATS (2003) : Terrorisme, victimes et responsabilité pénale internationale, Calmann-Lévy, Paris, pp. !34-l85 (162 ss.). 100 cultural, religiosa ("'), econômica, etc., que llega hasta la negaciôn de la universalidad de los derechos humanos bâsicos, como los proclamados en la Declaraciôon universal de 1948, vemos con agrado que en la inmensa mayoria de los paises se reconoce a las victimas inocentes, no las provocadoras, como personas con extraordinario poder de convoca- toria, que al escucharlo nos une, nos reûne, nos solidariza, nos huma- niza… Recordamos — en este sentido — cômo, a las pocas horas de que la Television mostrara las imâgenes de Miguel Angel BLANCO agonizante, el dia 12 de julio de 1997, en España, Europa y América salieron a la calle millones de personas abrazadas en compasiva fraternidad universal, con energia côsmica… Este poder de hacerse oir acompaña a las victimas desde el origen de la humanidad, como lo atestigua el grito que escuchô Cain, segûn narra el Génesis, « dônde està tu hermano… Abel? ») ('*). El eco de este grito primigenio se repite y se agiganta a lo largo de la historia…. también desde Auschwitz, desde el 11-S 2001, el 11-M 2004, y siempre que una joven es violada o un niño es torturado… Son gritos cosmopolitas. Y cosmopolita es nuestra ciencia-praxis integradora, que escucha, atiende, entiende y responde a las victimas con compasiôn. Si, compasiôn, como proclama el articulo 4 de la Declaraciôn antes citada de las Naciones Unidas, en su Resoluciôn de 29 de noviembre de 1985. Articulo que hemos de aplicar a las victimas inocentes. Sabemos que no todas las vic- timas son inocentes; que las hay culpables e incluso provocadoras de su victimaciôn, tal y como explica en resumen el cuadro siguiente ("*) : ("") Reyes MATE (2004) : « Lo otro de la religiôn », El Pais, 8 diciembre 2004, p. H1. (!*) Luis ALONSO-SCHÔKEL, S.J. (1985) : ;Dônde estâ tu hermano? Textos de fraternidad en el libro del Génesis, Instituciôn San Jerônimo, Valencia. (!*) Antonio BERISTAIN, « La Victimologia ante las persecuciones a Ignacio de Loyola y los jesuitas », en Julio CARO BAROJA, Antonio BERISTAIN (1991) : Jgnacio de Loyola, Magister Artium en Paris 1528-1535, Kutxa, San Sebastiän, pp. 95-134 (99). — 101 — Clases de victimas Victima Tipo Participacion Ejemplo Victima « ideal » Bomba en establecimiento Ninguna participa- ciôn activa püblico Persona privada de Victima conocimiento que es robada completamente en calle céntrica no peli- inculpable grosa Persona dormida en coche-cama, en tren no peli- groso que es robada Victima Mayor o menor Mujer que fallece al provo- por ignorancia o contribuciôn carse el aborto al hecho por imprudencia Victima Mayor o menor Mujer que entrega al falso Victima contribucion parcialmente con escasa culpa- contrayente bilidad al hecho matrimonial su libreta culpable de ahorro Victima Causaciôn de la muerte de/a Mayor o menor voluntaria contribuciôn enfermo incurable, por su al hecho propio deseo (homicidio- suicidio) Victima Contribuciôn exclu- Agresor que muere « vic- siva de la victima al provocadora tima » del agredido que se hecho victimizante no defiende legitimamente punible Victima Contribuciôn Estafador estafado Victima propiciadora del predominante de la Borracho que delito victima al hecho fanfarronea en el bar con completamente culpable punible dinero y le hurtan la cartera Falsa victima Denuncia falsa Una mujer quicre vengarse (delito simulado) de un hombre y le acusa de violaciôn S1 tuviéramos mâs espacio, comentaria algunas de estas diversas victi- mas. Ahora me limito a recordar las sugerencias y la cuestion victimolo- gica que formulé püblicamente el actual Superior General de la Compa- fñia de Jesûs, Peter-Hans Kolvenbach, S.J., en las Navidades del año 1989. en su visita a El Salvador « Dado el ambiente de violencia que existe en casi todos los paises de América Central, es inevitable que el asesinato de seis jesuitas de la Comunidad de la UCA haya suscitado en medio de la gran solidaridad que hemos recibido en torno a los hechos acaecidos - un interrogante : (no habrä sido acaso - dicen algu- 102 nos — la orientaciôn misma de la Comunidad la que ha provocado este crimen? » ('*). En este campo se entremezclan muültiples valores éticos. L 2.4. — Ciencia hacia los mäximos axiolôgicos e el arca de Noë, la cofa del arca « Aunque digamos que la imagen de ser humano a la que se le otorga la dignidad es la del ser humano que sufre y no es perfecto, no por ello debiera interpretarse errôneamente como una glorificacion del sufri- miento ». Regina AMMICHT-QUINN (2003) : « Es sagrada la dignidad? », Concilium, p. 225. Nuestra Legislaciôn y Jurisprudencia en general, y la penal en parti- cular, deben tomar mâs en serio las avanzadas aportaciones axiolôgicas de la ciencia penal, criminolôgica ('”) y victimolégica ('°). Junto a FER- RAJOLI ('”) y su Derecho penal de minimos y mäximos, cabe recordar mi publicaciôn en la prensa del 29 de mayo de 2004 ('*). Pedia que cultive- mos la Victimologia de valores mäximos (o, en terminologia de Elmar WEITEKAMP, micro-level y macro-level ('?), que supera el peligro de considerar a las victimas como meros objetos de reparaciôn, ya que (segûn indican notables especialistas y documentos nacionales e interna- cionales) a las victimas se les deben indemnizar todos los daños y perjui- cios que se les han causado…, pero asi se cubre sôlo la reparaciôn de minimos. À las victimas hemos de reconocerles, en teoria y en la praxis, su derecho a la reparaciôn de mäximos, es decir, a tratarles como sujetos, como protagonistas, como agentes sociales axiolôgicos de nuestra socie- ("*) Cfr. Antonio BERISTAIN (2000) : Victimologia. Nueve palabras clave, Tirant lo Blanch. Valencia, p. 278. ("*) Georges PiccA (2004) : « Tendances actuelles de la criminalité à l’heure de la mon- dialisation », Annales Internationales de Criminologie, vol. 42, 1/2, pp. 21-27. ("°) Cfr. La documentada Tesis Doctoral de Ignacio José SUBIJANA, « Del olvido al reco- nocimiento el principio de protecciôn de las victimas en el marco juridico-penal material y procesal ». (De prôxima publicaciôn). (!”) Luigi FERRAJOLI (2000) : Derecho y razôn (Teoria del garantismo penal). 4* ed., Trotta, Madrid, p. 106. « En la teoria garantista se diferencia entre el Derecho penal minimo y el Derecho penal mäximo. En el Derecho penal minimo la certeza se centra en que ningün inocente sea sancionado a costa de la incertidumbre de que algün culpable pueda resultar inocente. En el Derecho penal mâäximo la certeza està en que ningûn culpable resulte impune a costa de la incertidumbre de que algün inocente pueda ser sancionado ». ('*) Antonio BERISTAIN (2004) : « De la Victimologia de minimos a la de mäximos », ABC, 29 mayo, p. 22. ("?) Elmar WEITEKAMP (2000) : « Research on Victim-Offender mediation. Findings and needs for the future », en « The European Forum for Victim-Offender Mediation and Resto- rative Justice » (ed.) (2000) : Victim-Offender. Mediation in Europe, Leuven University Press, pp. 104 ss.; Antonio BERISTAIN (1990) : « La Victimologia creadora de nuevos derechos humanos », en À. BERISTAIN, J.L. DE LA CUESTA (Comps.), Victimologia, Universidad del Pais Vasco, San Sebastiän, p. 208. — 103 — dad, merecedores, en justicia, de que se les considere acreedores de una discriminaciôn positiva (”°). La Victimologia de minimos podemos concebirla como el Arca de Noë, para acoger y dar cobijo a todos los näufragos del diluvio de la violencia y del sufrimiento. En cambio, quienes deseamos avanzar hacia la Victimologia de mäximos (°') colocamos a las victimas, y sobre todo a las macrovictimas (del terrorismo), en la cofa del Arca, como gulas para dirigir el Arca y la sociedad al puerto de la justicia restaurativa, en el mâäs amplio, progresivo y multifacético sentido del moderno vocablo « reparaciôn » y protagonismo axiolôgico. La Sociedad Española de Victimologia aspira a transmitir y cultivar estos valores mäximos a los penalistas, a los juristas en general (in dubio pro victima), al personal de prisiones, a los politicos, a los docentes, a las Iglesias, a la Compañia de Jesüs (7*), etc. — A los procesalistas (**), operadores de lo judicial… les pedimos que relean el atinado y excitativo mensaje de Cherif BASSIOUNI, en su Informe final a la Resoluciôon de la Comisiôon de Derechos Humanos (“°) Ernesto GARZÔOÔN VALDÉS (1993) Derecho, ética y politica, Centro de Estudios Constitucionales, Madrid. pp. 537 ss. (?'") Adela CORTINA (2004) : Ética minima : Introduccion à la Filosofia prâctica, 9* edic. Tecnos, Madrid. pp. 19 ss. « Los mäximos no puede exigirse, pero son el suelo nutricio de los minimos, a ellos puede invitarse y deben hacer tal invitaciôn quienes realmente crean que son una respuesta al afän de felicidad ». (7) Cuna de insignes victimélogos : Pedro CASTON BOYER, S.J. (2004) : Epilogo « À las victimas y a los defensores de las victimas del terrorismo », en À. Beristain, Protagonismo de las victimas de hoy y mañana ( Evolucion en el campo juridico penal, prisional y ético), Tirant lo Blanch, Valencia, pp. 331-336; Manuel SEGURA, S.J. (2002) « Posible carta de los obispos vascos », E/ Dia, Tenerife. 8 junio 2002:; Juan Antonio EsTRADA(2003) : Imagenes de Dios. La Filosofia ante el lenguaje religioso, Trotta, Madrid, pp. 227 ss., ete. Sin olvidar las acertadas observaciones de José M. CasTiLLO, S.J. (2004) « La Fe que hace Justicia », Comunicaciôn al debate Una Fe que hace Justicta, Promotio Tustitiae, Revista S.J. del Apostolado Soctal, Roma, nüm. 82. pp. 17 ss. « La mision de la Congregaciôn General 32 nos presentô la misiôn de la Compañia orientada a ‘promover la justicia’. Pero sabemos que, en nuestra espiritualidad tradicional, basada en la espiritualidad de los Ejercicios, no se hace menciôn alguna de la *promociôn de la justicia’. Es verdad que un hombre que ordena sus ‘afecciones desordenadas , hasta Ilegar a vivir el tercer grado de humildad, estä perfectamente capacitado para llegar a la generosidad mâs heroica en la ‘promociôn de la justicia’. Pero tan cierto como eso es que la experiencia nos està enseñando que se puede vivir con toda generosidad el ‘tercer grado de humildad’ y la ‘contemplaciôn para alcanzar amor’ sin ver en todo eso la ineludible necesidad de defender la justicia en el mundo, de manera que, si eso se hace en serio. se entra en el inevitable conflicto con el sistema establecido. La historia de la Com- pañia, en los ültimos cuarenta años, es elocuente en este sentido. De hecho, los jJesuitas que, por defender causas justas, han ocasionado serios problemas a la Compañia ante los poderes politicos y econômicos o han dañado su imagen püblica, con frecuencia se han encontrado solos, han sido vistos como hombres sospechosos o han vivido graves dificultades ante sus superiores. Nada de eso ha ocurrido por casualidad ». (7*) Con razôn Albin EsER escribe : « una adecuada participaciôn de la victima en el pro- ceso no debe entenderse como una mera concesiôn, sino como un derecho originario ». Cfr. Albin EsER (1998) : Sohre la exaltacion del bien juridico a costa de la victima, trad. Manuel Cancio Mçlià, Universidad Externado de Colombia, Bogotä, p. 42. 104 del Consejo Econômico y Social de las NN.UU., de 18 de enero de 2000, sobre « Los derechos civiles y politicos, en particular las cues- tiones relacionadas con : la independencia del poder judicial, la Admi- nistracion de Justicia, la impunidad (El derecho de restituciôn, indem- nizacion y rehabilitaciôn de las victimas de violaciones graves de los derechos humanos y las libertades fundamentales) ». À los teôlogos, les recordamos que todo hablar auténtico emerge del fondo de la angustia que experimenta la persona mistica (7*), que el Buen Samaritano merece sumo aprecio, pero mâs aprecio merece el Siervo Sufriente y Enaltecido y Gozoso ; que las victimas no son ünica- mente las personas que sufren un daño personal (?*), sino también quienes soportan, padecen, catästrofes naturales (por ejemplo, un ter- remoto) (*°); que la otra cara de la Luna del mensaje evangélico enal- tece a Abel mâs que castiga a Cain, y declara la simultaneidad del sufrir con el gozo y la felicidad, como en las Bienaventuranzas del Evangelio de S. Mateo (cap. V : « Bienaventurados y felices los pobres y los que sufren »); que la diosa Dido adoctrina a Eneas : non ignara malli, miseris sucurrere disco (por haber experimentado el sufrimiento, he aprendido a consolar a quienes sufren); que a la luz de THEILHARD DE CHARDIN, Karl RAHNER, Maximiliam KoLBE, Dietrich BONHÔFFER, Raimon PANIKKAR, Xavier MELLONI, Willigis JAGER, etc., pueden transformar las lägrimas en ofrenda ; pueden experimentar el misterio paulino de «completar lo que falta a la pasion de Jesucristo » « Ahora me gozo en mis padecimientos sufridos por vosotros y cum- plo, por mi parte, lo que faltaba de las penalidades de Cristo en mi carne por el bien de su cuerpo, que es la Iglesia » (*’), (sin caer en masoquismo). Al personal de prisiones deseamos iniciarles en su paradigmâtica misiôn : preparar a los victimarios, condenados y presos para dialogar dentro de los muros carcelarios con sus victimas, atenderlas, entender- las y llegar a una justa mediaciôn y reconciliaciôn reparadora, como se practica ya desde hace un par de años en todos los establecimientos penitenciarios de Bélgica. Los legisladores y los funcionarios de las Instituciones prisionales, en determinadas circunstancias, deben tener mâs en cuenta la mâxima in dubio pro victima. (7*) Raûl ZAFFARONI (2003) : « Prôlogo », en Antonio BERISTAIN y Elias NEUMAN, Crimi- nologia y dignidad humana. Dialogos, 3* edic., Depalma, Buenos Aires, p. XII. (7*) Cfr. nota 7, antes citada. (7°) Jon SoBRINO (2004) : Cartas a Ellacuria 1989-2004, Trotta, Madrid, passim (cfr. las matizaciones de Nikolaus KLEIN, « Briefe an Ignacio Ellacuria », Orientierung, nûm. 21. 1S noviembre 2004, p. 225); idem (1999) : La fe en Jesucristo. Ensayvo desde las victimas, Trotta, Madrid; José M. CASTILLO (2004) : « La Fe que hace Justicia ». op. cit., pp. 17 ss. (77) Epistola de San Pablo a los Colosenses, cap. I, vers. 24. — 105 — — À quienes laboran en centros pedagôgicos les aconsejamos que escu- chen y acaten el mensaje de las Naciones Unidas [en su citada Resolu- ciôn, de 18 de enero de 2000, punto 25.h)] cuando exige « la inclu- siôn en los manuales de enseñanza de los derechos humanos y del derecho internacional humanitario, asi como en los libros de texto de todos los niveles, de una relaciôn fidedigna de las violaciones cometi- das contra los derechos humanos y el derecho internacional humanita- rio ». (Poco de esto se hace en el Pais Vasco o el resto de Espana). À los ciudadanos todos, les pedimos que caigan en la cuenta del peli- gro de dejarse Ilevar por la cultura violenta de los victimarios (de aceptar sus errôneos postulados (“*)); de olvidar que la paz no tiene precio; que es fruto de la justicia y la justa compasiôn (”?); que se equivocan muchas personas del Pais Vasco o fuera del Pais Vasco, cuando - ante tal o cual defensa de viudas o huérfanos victimas de ETA - exclaman o piensan «jque nos dejen en paz ya de tanto hablar e insistir sobre el problema de la violencia terrorista de ETA! »; cuando a ETA y a sus cômplices sôlo se les exige que aban- donen las armas… y se les promete impunidad. Les repetimos la urgencia de dedicar homenajes y erigir monumen- tos (*°) a las victimas del Holocausto y del terrorismo, pues no hacerlo es delito de omisiôn. (Berlin y muchas otras ciudades alemanas, y tam- bién muültiples instituciones, como el Instituto de Criminologia de la Universidad de Munich, lo han hecho. Ojalä los españoles sigamos su ejemplo). Les preguntamos si en España, hoy, para cumplir la justicia elemen- tal basta con requerir a los terroristas (y a sus complices y encubridores) que renuncien a la violencia… si es necesario exigirles hacer algo mas de palabra y de obra, concreto y eficaz - a favor de la justicia restaura- tiva que satisfaga - hic et nunc, aqui y ahora — los derechos humanos de las victimas, que repare los daños que se les han causado. Sin reparacion no cabe la paz, ni el diaälogo. (°*) Antonio BERISTAIN (2004 b) : « (Lo peor de ETA contagia incluso à muchos no vio- lentos? », La Razôn, 15 diciembre 2004, p. 28. (7°) Fernando SAVATER (1993) : Ética para Amador, 16* ed., Ariel, Madrid. (°) « Conmemoraciones y homenajes a las victimas ». Cfr. nota 10, antes citada. 106 2.5. — Después de Auschwitz (olvidarlo es un crimen frecuente) « … el Tribunal Penal Internacional nos recordarä que no debemos olvidar esos terribles crimenes de manera que podamos tener en cuenta el consejo tan acertadamente apuntado por George Santayana, al decir que aquellos que olvidan las lecciones del pasado estän condenados a repetir sus ÉIrTOTES ». M. Cherif BASSIOUNI (1998) : « Comunicado », Ceremonia de apertura para la firma del Convenio para la Constitucion de un Tribunal Penal Internacional, Roma, 18 julio 1998. Actualmente, numerosos especialistas argumentan la inexorable nece- sidad de injertar en la justicia humana tradicional la memoria viva de Auschwitz, las prisiones de exterminio nazi, los innumerables Gulags y campos de concentraciôn que llenaron de terror la Uniôn Soviética y paises satélites… Tantos millones de victimas del Holocausto no pueden hundirse en el olvido. No caben en el fondo del océano. La terrible expe- riencia del escritor judio Elie Wiesel, superviviente de Auschwitz, Buna, Buchenwald y Gleiwitz, nos sobrecoge e intranquiliza hoy, mañana y pasado mañana « À los quince años (...) nunca olvidaré la primera noche en el campo de Auschwitz, que hizo de mi vida una larga noche cerrada con siete Ilaves. Nunca olvidaré las caritas de los niños cuyos cuerpecillos vi transformados en torbellinos de humo bajo un cielo mudo. Nunca olvidaré estas llamas que consumieron para siempre mi fe » (*'). Tenemos la obligaciôn académica y moral de recordar el Holocausto, en cotidianas circunstancias de nuestras publicaciones, nuestras activi- dades académicas y no-académicas, etc. Pero, muchos tratadistas de His- toria, Teologia (**), Ética (**), Derecho, Sociologia, Criminologia ( 34), etc., casi nunca lo rememoran, ni lo compadecen. El aspecto mâs importante de la conciliaciôon es la confrontaciôn, que exige al victimario saber que la victima es « de carne y hueso », y a la (°') Elie WiEsEL (1987) : La noche, el alba, el dia, Muchnik, Barcelona. (77) Merece criticarse el silencio, en este problema, de eminentes personalidades, como Karl RAHNER. Éste en ninguna de sus miles de pâginas, ni una sola vez, menciona los campos de concentraciôn nazis, el holocausto de seis millones de judios. (**) Cfr. Eduardo LÔPEZ AZPITARTE, S.J. (2004) : « 50 años de Teologia moral », Proyec- cion. Teologia y mundo actual, año LI, nüm. 213-214, abril-septiembre, pp. 133-152. (**) « La Criminologia critica ignora por completo a las victimas… el libro de Baratta se caracteriza por la ausencia total de las victimas », como escribe Marcelo F. AEB1 (2004) : « Critica de la Criminologia critica una lectura escéptica de Baratta », en Fernando PÉREZ ALVAREZ (Ed.), In memoriam Alexandri Baratta, Ciencias de la Seguridad de la Universidad de Salamanca, p. 47. — 107 — victima la sensaciôn de que alguien va a reparar el daño causado. Que no quedarä en el olvido (“°). Después de Auschwitz perviven — imborrables - dos clarificadores mensajes en los cristianos y en todas las grandes religiones el del Buen Samaritano y el del Siervo Sufriente (*°). Aquél, cura y atiende altruisti- camente al herido desconocido. Asi, cumple un bello ideal. Éste, el Siervo Sufriente, Enaltecido y Gozoso (subrayo), vive otro prototipo de humanismo superior ofrece y entrega su vida por los demäs, incondi- cionalmente. Lo profetizô Isailas, en sus tres cantos (cap. 42 1-4 cap. 50, 4-6; cap. 53, 4-7). Lo comentan Viktor E. FRANKL, en diversas paginas en las que se desvela la faceta positiva del sufrimiento, en su libro EJ hombre doliente (*”), 1gnacio LARRANAGA, en su libro Del sufri- miento a la paz (°*), José Ramôn BusTo, S.J., Rector de la Universidad Pontificia Comillas, en su Leccion inaugural del Curso Académico 1998- 1999 : « El sufrimiento (roca del ateismo o ambito de la revelaciôn divina? » (°), etc. Del mensaje biblico esperanzador, la figura del Siervo Sufriente y Enaltecido es lo mâs exquisito y misterioso. Encarna todo el sufrimiento humano y todo el gozo; Incluye la muerte afrentosa y la felicidad. En esa figura el dolor se redime, porque es aceptado, es inocente, es por otros y termina en victoria propia y ajena. Redime y hermana dos suertes al parecer irreconciliables : la humillaciôn y la elevaciôn, el sufri- miento y el gozo, la muerte y la vida. Dios y los hombres testifican con el Siervo que el dolor inocente es redimido y redime, carga con la cruz, perdona los pecados y da vida. El Siervo Sufriente y Enaltecido (« el crucificado y resucitado », como repite Karl RAHNER) « no tiene apariencia ni belleza…, abandonado de los hombres… y familiarizado con el sufrimiento…, le despreciamos y no 40 le estimamos » ( ). Sin embargo, a pesar de su no-belleza, su no-sentido y por eso mismo, Dios le encumbra por encima de todos. Con otras (**) Esther GIMÉNEZ-SALINAS (1999) « La conciliaciôon victima-delincuente Hacia un derecho penal reparador », en AA.VV., La Mediacion Penal, Generalitat de Catalunya, Departament de Justicia-Centre dAEstudis Juridies 1 formaciô Especialitzada, Instituto Vasco de Criminologia, Barcelona, pp. 80 ss. (*°) Jacques GuUILLET (1981) « Gethsémani », Christus, no. 111, T. 28 (monografico « Souffrance vaincue »), junio, pp. 307 ss. (*) Viktor E. FRANKL (1987) : El hombre doliente. Fundamentos antropolégicos de la psi- coterapia, Herder,. Barcelona. Capitulo « Argumentos en favor de un optimismo trägico » (pp. 63-79 [75]). y pp. 149 ss. (**) Ignacio LARRANAGA (2003) : Del sufrimiento a la paz. Hacia una liberacion interior, 15* ed., Ed. Paulinas, Madrid, pp. 202 ss. (*”) José Ramôn BusTo (1998) « El sufrimiento (roca del ateismo o ambito de la revela- ciôn divina?», Lecciôn inaugural del Curso académico 1998-1999, Universidad Pontificia Comillas. Madrid. (*’) Ignacio LARRANAGA (2003) : Del sufrimiento à la paz. Hacia una liberaciôn interior , pp. 229 ss. 108 palabras, la victima marginada, humillada, torturada…, merece ser aten- dida, reparada y, mâs aûn, homenajeada. ISAfAS proféticamente pro- clama que merece y logra mucho mâs ser enaltecida, colmada de honores « mi Siervo tendrà éxito, serâ elevado, ensalzado y excelso en extremo » (*). 3. — RUMBO AL FUTURO RECREATIVO « Si, en pro de la defensa y recreacion — subrayo — de la ünica realidad sagrada que es la persona ». Enrique RUIZ VADILLO (1996) : « Exigencias constitucionales en el proceso penal…. », Discurso de ingreso en la Real Academia de Jurisprudencia y Legislaciôn, p. 255. Nuestra Sociedad Española de Victimologia ha de conseguir que la Universidad Española cree pronto la Licenciatura en Victimologia, como creô la Licenciatura en Criminologia (Real Decreto de 858/2003, de 4 de julio — BOE, 8 julio 2003 — por el que se establece el titulo universitario oficial de Licenciado en Criminologia). También debe editar alguna revista o boletin, organizar Cursos y Congresos, nacionales e internacio- nales; y, ya desde ahora, crear Institutos universitarios de Victimologia. Éstos han de promover el saber y el hacer victimolôgico que « inventa » y aplica sanciones menos severas, mäs humanas, pues ni los ciudadanos ni nuestras autoridades (*?), ni nuestros jueces (Georges ROUAULT (**)) somos creadores de dolor. Han de devolver — en cuanto sea posible — el delito y la respuesta a sus dueños, como argumentan Esther GIMÉNEZ- SALINAS (**) y Nils CHRISTIE (*°). Y dar mâs espacio de reconciliaciôn también a la sociedad, a la comunidad, en la büsqueda de mäs positivas soluciones ( 46). Al prever y pergeñar el futuro de nuestra Sociedad Española de Victi- mologia, permitanme que ademâäs de asumir los roles esenciales de las (*") Profeta IsAfAS, cap. LIT. vers. 13, y toda la « primera lectura » litûrgica del Viernes Santo. (**) Nils CHRISTIE (1984) : Los limites del dolor, trad. de M* Luz Caso, Fondo de Cultura Econômico, México. (43 ) Pierre COURTHION (1980) : Les grands peintres Georges Rouault, La Bibliothèque des grands peintres, Ed. Cercle d'Art, Paris, p. 90. (**) Esther GIMÉNEZ-SALINAS (1999 a) : « La mediaciôn : Una visiôn desde el derecho comparado », en AA.VV., La Mediacion Penal, Generalitat de Catalunya, Departament de Justicia-Centre dAEstudis Juridics 1 formaciô Especialitzada, Instituto Vasco de Criminolo- gia, Barcelona, pp. 94 ss. (**) Nils CHRISTIE (1978) : « Conflicts as Property », British Journal of Criminology, num. 17, pp. 1-15. (*°) Elmar WEITEKAMP op. cit., pp. 104 ss. — 109 — Asociaciones de las Victimas que explana Robert CARIO (‘’), tome en particular consideraciôn algunos de los temas que expuse los dias 8 y 9 de junio de 2004 en el Tercer Curso Centroamericano de Victimologia y Asistencia a Victimas, celebrado en San Salvador (El Salvador) : « Respuestas recreativas a las macrovictimas del terrorismo en el siglo XXI ». Insisti en avanzar por el camino recreativo que abren reconoci- dos pioneros. Por ejemplo, entre otros, Tony PETERS (**), RUIZ VADILLO, Elmar WEITEKAMP (“°), etc (°°). Este ültimo, al comentar la « Justicia res- taurativa o Victimologia restaurativa », introduce un adjetivo clave, mâs innovador : Justicia y Victimologia recreativa. Hemos de contribuir a que España y los paises culturalmente mas afines desarrollemos una Victimologia a la que se pueda y deba aplicar las palabras de WEITEKAMP, sobre la Justicia restaurativa «1s a basic and unique response to crime and has… to be distinguished clearly from retributive and rehabilitative response to crime. Sometimes these may have nuances of restorative concerns but their central purpose 1s quite different » (la respuesta bâsica al crimen… debe distinguirse claramente de la respuesta retributiva y rehabilitadora al crimen. Algunas veces ésta puede tener matices de justicia restaurativa, pero su propôsito central es completamente diferente) (°'). Hacia esta perspectiva de la recreaciôn (°*) nos anima el espléndido cuadro de la Capilla Sixtina « La creaciôon de Adän ». MIGUEL ANGEL acierta al plasmar en este cuadro lo principal de la dignidad humana (°*), la persona imagen de Dios creador. El hombre y la mujer somos imagen del Creador, somos recreadores. Esta cosmovision me aleja, a veces, de Rafael SANCHEZ FERLOSIO (°*), merecidamente galardo- nado con el « Premio Cervantes 2004 », y de la inteligente Victoria (47 ) Robert CARIO, « Terrorisme et Droits des Victimes », en SOS ATTENTATS (2003) : Ter- rorisme…, op. cit, pp. 342-361 (352 ss.). (**) Tony PETERS; Achille NEys (1994) : « La pena considerada desde una perspectiva de reparaciôn », Eguzkilore. Cuaderno del Instituto Vasco de Criminologia, nûüm. 8, San Sebas- tiän. pp. 165-195. (*?) Elmar WEITEKAMP op. cit., p. 113. (°°) Antonio BERISTAIN (1994) : « La construcciôn criminolôgica de la realidad juridico- penal », Eguzkilore. Cuaderno del Instituto Vasco de Criminologia, nüm. 8, San Sebastian, pp. 105-114 (Antropologia recreadora desde la victimaciôn ; Delincuentes y victimas recrea- dores; El proceso como encuentro comprensivo reercador; La sanciôn no reacciôn, SI recreaciôn); /dem (1994 a) : Nueva Criminologia desde el Derecho penal y la Victimologia, Tirant lo Blanch, Valencia, pp. 337-354. (°') Elmar WEITEKAMP op. cit., p. 102. (°*) Antonio BERISTAIN (1990) « La Victimologia creadora de nuevos derechos huma- 9 pp. 205 ss. nos », en À. BERISTAIN, J.L. DE LA CUESTA (Comps.), Victimologia (**) Adela CORTINA (2004) : Ética minima : Introducciôn a la Filosofia prâctica, 9* edic. Tecnos. Madrid. (?*) Rafael SANCHEZ FERLOSIO (1996) : « La señal de Cain », Claves de razon praäctica, nûm. Ç4, Julio-agosto, pp. 14 ss. 110 CAMPS (°°), cuando propugnan la irreversibilidad radical de « la marca de Cain ». También me distancia de mi amigo CASTILLA DEL PINo (°°), que, en idéntico sentido, afirma que nunca desaparece « el peso de la culpa » de los grandes delitos. Yo, en cambio, sigo buscando técnicas de reparaciôn, mediaciôn y reconciliaciôn — deconstruidas desde los moder- nos sistemas derridianos (°’) —; sigo buscando en el Siervo Sufriente al Siervo Enaltecido, recreado… con la esperanza de que nada es irrever- sible (°*), pues el hombre es capaz de superar su culpa (subrayo) y, con ello, de superarse a si mismo (°°); sigo buscando argumentos que confir- men la proclamaciôn de Jesucristo en el Apocalipsis, cap. XXI « Yo hago nuevas todas las cosas ». La Victimologia del futuro va encontrando ya acogida notable entre los cientificos y los ciudadanos de Alemania, Austria, Nueva Zelanda… (WEITEKAMP (°°)). De sus avances teôricos y prâcticos se puede decir lo que Josep M“ TAMARIT afirma de las reformas adoptadas como estrate- gia de reduccion de la victimizaciôn de los menores infractores : « las in1- ciativas emprendidas por otros Estados europeos pueden señalar en parte el camino a seguir, sin que puedan valer como excusa los elevados costes de algunas innovaciones, pues la mayor parte de ellas requieren en este contexto una mayor sensibilidad (subrayo) del legislador y espe- cialmente un cambio de actitud (subrayo) por parte de los profesionales del Derecho y los diversos agentes del sistema penal mâs que elevadas aportaciones presupuestarias » (°!). Hemos de ubicar, recolocar, a las victimas (segûn sus diversas clases (°*)) como las protagonistas centrales del proceso penal (y/o civil) (°*). (°*) Victoria CamPs (1996) : « Sobre el derecho y la moral. Apostilla a Rafael Sänchez Ferlosio », Claves de razôn prâäctica, nüm. 66, octubre, pp. 76 ss. (°°) CASTILLA DEL PINO, Carlos (1968) : La culpa, Revista de Occidente, Madrid. (°7) Andrés ORTIZ-Osés y Patxi LANCEROS (Dirs.) (2001) : Diccionario de Hermenéutica. Una obra interdisciplinar para las ciencias humanas, 3* ed., Universidad de Deusto, Bilbao, pp. 146 ss. (°*) Miguel RUBi0 (1987) : La fuerza regeneradora del perdôn, PS, Madrid. (°?) Viktor E. FRANKL (1987) : El hombre doliente,……, p. 75. (6( » Elmar WEITEKAMP op. cit., pp. 100 ss. (°") Josep M. TAMARIT, Carolina VILLACAMPA, Nuria TORRES « Under-Age Victims and Criminal Processes in Spain », www.aqpv.ca/diffusion/textes. (°°) Antonio BERISTAIN (2004 a) : Protagonismo de las victimas de hoy y mañana ( Evolu- ciôn en el campo juridico penal, prisional y ético), Tirant lo Blanch, Valencia, pp. 33-39. (°*) Julio Andrés SAMPEDRO (2003) : La Humanizaciôn del Proceso Penal. Una propuesta desde la Victimologia, Legis, Bogotä, pp. 216 ss. — 111 — 3.1. — Encontraremos adversarios « Ethos Ramon Llull es un ôrgano de la Universitat Ramôn Llull (Barce- lona) que… pone a disposicion de los profesionales y de las organizaciones herramientas para promover los valores éticos clave para la toma de deci- siones ». Esther GIMÉNEZ-SALINAS (2004) : Leccion inaugural del Curso académico 2004-05, Universitat Ramon Llull, Barcelona. Antes de terminar, deseo alertarnos a todos de un peligro y de una victoria. Deseo presagiarnos que encontraremos grandes dificultades. pues la Victimologia, en España y en todos los paises, tropieza con fuertes adversarios (no « enemigos »). También desde nuestra propia «casa » (Derecho penal y Derecho procesal) encontramos obstäculos porque las innovaciones victimolôgicas suscitan oposiciôn en puntos fundamentales del Derecho tradicional; surgen conflictos incluso en per- sonas altruistas que trabajan como « voluntarios » en el campo penal y prisional. Lo desvela la revolucionaria experiencia de Sister Helen PRE- JEAN, en su trato humanistico con Patrick Sonnier, condenado a la pena capital y ejecutado … como nos recuerda la pelicula Pena de muerte (diri- gida por Tim Robbins) -, cuando los familiares y amigos de las victimas le reprocharon que los olvidaba injustamente. Muy similar fue la expe- riencia del jesuita belga Philippe LANDENNE (°*), que desde el 23 de abril hasta el 18 de julio de 1991 interrumpiô su trabajo para vivir, en la car- cel suiza de Bellechasse, cerca de Fribourg (Suiza), como un preso cual- quiera, siguiendo el régimen comün, sin excepciôn alguna. Se dedicaba a los presos, victimarios, pero omitia su deber respecto a las victimas. Nada hacia por ellas. Debia recordar la lecciôn perenne de Auschwitz. Lamentablemente, algunas ediciones españolas del Côdigo penal, en las paâginas de indice analitico, no citan la palabra victima, aunque ésta aparece mâs de veinte veces (°*) en dicho Côdigo ( 66 ). Algunos Tratados de Derecho penal y de Derecho procesal carecen de referencia explicita a la Victimologia. Algunos analizan bien el campo de la « imputaciôn a . la victima » (°7) D otros, lo comentan desde perspectivas excesivamente tradicionales. (°*) Philippe LANDENNE (1999) Résister en prison. Patiences, Passions, Passages,… Lumen vitae, Bruselas, pp. 212-232. (°*) En el Côdigo penal de 1995, el término victima aparece en los articulos siguientes 21.5*; 22.4* y S*; 48: S7; 114; 143.4; 148.3°; 165; 177; 180.3* y 4*; 181.3; 182.1° y 2°; 184: 191.1; 195.3: 197.5; 235.4; 242.2; 250.1.6° y 7°. (°°) Antonio BERISTAIN (1997) « El Côdigo penal de 1995 desde la Victimologia », La Ley, nüms. 4302, 4303, pp. 1-5, 1-7; idem (2004 a) : Protagonismo de las victimas de hoy y mañana ( Evolucion en el campo juridico penal, prisional y ético), Tirant lo Blanch, Valencia. (°) Manuel CANCIO MELIA (1998) : Conduecta de la victima e imputacion objetiva en Dere- cho Penal. Estudio sobre los ambitos de responsabilidad de victima y autor en actividades arries- gadus. Bosch. Barcelona. 112 Importantes personas e instituciones subrayan excesivamente las face- tas polemôgenas de la Victimologia. También muchos juristas como Luigi FERRAJOLI (°*) nos critican cuando proclamamos el principio in dubio pro victimas en determinadas circunstancias, sin excluir el in dubio pro reo. Permitanme que espume ahora un breve comentario final. Podriamos resumirlo en esta frase : Nuestra Sociedad Española de Victimologia rememora y actualiza la ética (el ethos) después de Auschwitz y avanza hacia la justicia restaurativa de los mâs débiles. Esta Sociedad jamäs cotizarà en Bolsa, pero siempre y cada dia mâs cotizarä — (paradôjica cotizacion ! — en la compasiôn samaritana de miradas hacia millones de victimas, y en vuestra propia intima felicidad. Nada y nadie nos la mer- marä. Enhorabuena y gracias, de todo corazôn. Estamos satisfechos y gozosos. Nuestro empeño y compromiso a favor de las victimas darâ sentido altruista a nuestro vivir y morir. 3.3. — « Busquemos al hermano », no sôlo en España y Latinoamérica « El hombre no es inmutable, sino que siempre puede cambiar » Viktor E. FRANKL, El hombre doliente, p. 75. La Sociedad Española de Victimologia cultiva el « Principio Espe- ranza » (E. BLOCH) y la evoluciôn (TEILHARD DE CHARDIN, S.J.). Se com- promete a colmar los deseos mâs optimistas en los cambios juridicos y en la reforma penal, aunque sabe que todavia « la reforma penal no ha alcanzado la extensiôn necesaria desde la perspectiva del sistema penal en su conjunto, dadas las carencias existentes en aspectos tan esenciales como el Derecho procesal penal y el Derecho penal de menores » (“°). Nuestros programas brotan desde la victimaciôn, desde el huma- nismo y el humus de nuestra tierra e historia española y latinoameri- cana. Deben dirigirse y enriquecer especialmente a España y Latinoamé- rica, con mensajes cosmopolitas, como el de Braulio Ortiz Poole, en los ultimos versos de su poesia « Los lagos », premiada por la Fundacion Alberto Jiménez-Becerril, de Sevilla « … Abandonemos la casa de Cain y escondamos los fôsforos que prenden este odio. No podemos vararnos donde haya una riada… Vayamos donde tanta historia convulsa halle su reposo. (°*) Luigi FERRAJOLI (2001) : « Prefacio », en Ana Messuti y Julio Sampedro (Comps.), La Administraciôn de Justicia en los albores del tercer milenio, Editorial Universidad, Buenos Aires, p. 14. (°°) Josep M. TAMARIT (1998) : La victima en el Derecho penal, Aranzadi, Pamplona, p 228. — 113 — Donde lo humano y lo divino se entremezclen. Donde la justicia y el afecto arreglen cada arista del mundo… Busquemos al hermano ». Si, busquemos al hermano, con la justicia restaurativa y recreativa, con nuestra ciencia victimolôgica de mäximos, después de Auschwitz… que al rememorar aquellas muertes las transforma en vida regeneradora, y aquellos odios en compasiôn gozosa ( 7())…. , que (con pupila victimolô- gico-mistica) en la cruz y la agonia de la noche oscura ve /ux in tenebris, ve y alcanza realmente la gozosa y extâtica uniôn con el Amado (”") : jOh noche que guiaste, oh noche, amable mâäs que el alborada, oh noche que juntaste amado con amada, amada en el amado transformada ! 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RODRIGUEZ MANZANERA, Luis (2003) : Victimologia. Estudio de la vic- tima, 8* ed., Porrüa, México. — 119 — RUIZ VADILLO, Enrique (1991) : San Ignacio de Loyola. La presencia actual de su doctrina en la justicia y en el derecho, en J. CARO BAROJA (Dir.), À. BERISTAIN (Comp.), /gnacio de Loyola, Magister Artium en Paris 1528-1535, Kutxa, San Sebastian, pp. 575-582. SOLÉ RIERA, Jaime (1997) : La tutela de la victima en el proceso penal, Bosch, Barcelona. WALKER, Nigel (1980) : Punishment, Danger & Stigma. The Morality of Criminal Justice, Basil Blackwell, Oxford, pp. 175 ss. SUMMARY In this text presented at the closing session of the !* Spanish Congress on Victimology, the author expresses his satisfaction about the creation of the Spanish Society of Victimology and suggests some direc- tions that to be followed in the teaching of Victimology in Spain. RESUMEN En este texto presentado en la sesiôn de clausura del Primer Congreso Español de Victimologia, el autor se congratula de la creacion de la Sociedad Española de Victimologia e indica las orientaciones a seguir en los cursos de victimologia impartidos en España. RESUMÉ Dans ce texte, présenté à la séance de clôture du !°’ congrès espagnol de victimologie, l'auteur se réjouit de la création d’une Société espagnole de victimologie et indique dans quelles directions devraient s’orienter les enseignements de victimologie en Espagne. 120