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 12th International Congress on Criminology (Seoul, Republic of Korea, 1998) , 36 ANNALES INTERNATIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIE INTERNATIONAL ANNALS OF CRIMINOLOGY ANALES INTERNACIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIA ANNEE 1998 (volume 36-1/2) N ER$/, für Ceimi Institut nelegie 19(423 ANNALES INTERNATIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIE organe officiel de la Société Internationale de Criminologie Président : Hans-Jürgen KERNER (Allemagne) Secrétaire général : Georges PICCA (France) COMITÉ DE REDACTION DES ANNALES Président : Lawrence W. SHERMAN (U.S.A.) Président de la Commission scientifique Secrétaire : Pierre-Henri BOLLE (Suisse) Secrétaire de la Commission scientifique Rédacteur en chef : Georges KELLENS (Belgique) Rédacteurs associés Luis Rodriguez MANZANERA (Amérique Latine) Setsuo MIYAZAWA (Asie), Louise SHELLEY (Amérique du Nord) Table de matières Table of contents Indice Editorial (français, English, Español) G. Picca e e e + < « = + » — e » e e » + » + . » —s —s » e + e . e e » » e < » + « s. » » © « e »s » » e t3 . + … e — « e e < + « e — e e + e « » < + « + + + e « © * + e — © e « « « « à ll Plenary Program Address of the Honorable L. Robinson « + e e + » + e « » e + e + » + e » » < + * + « e * + + . * < » e e » « + e + . + » À 17 The Global Growth of Criminology H.-J. Kerner . . ». e —. + … © —s «s + + » » « + « » e + « e + = « « » » e + + » + « » » + » + — e + = 27 Criminology and Crime Prevention in the 21Ist Century L.W. Sherman . e —. e » e … < « e © e e … e + e © e e e « = e e e — + e e « e e « e e — — = « » 43 L'avenir de la criminologie en Asie et dans le monde. The Future of Criminology in Asia and in the World. El Futuro de la Criminologia en Asia y en el Mundo G. Picca . e » + e e + e < + » e » »s © » =s e « e e — . s + + + « » + + » « + + e + e » e « »s e = « e 53 Politica Victimolôgica, una experiencia latinoamericana (Victimas de Violencia Doméstica) M. de la Luz Lima 65 Politiques criminelles, conflits de cultures et choc des civilisations P.-H. Bolle 85 Global Trends in Corrections U.V. Bondeson e e « « . . + » * + » » » » + * «s e « < « e « s. + + « »* » e . e » + —s ». + » ° » 91 10. Panel sessions e e « + e « » e » » + » < » © « e + à » » + < e »s e » » e e » » » e + e » « e » l17 l1. In Memoriam Marvin Wolfgang F. Adler. G.O.W. Mueller, W. S. Laufer e +. e e e « e » « » e e e e « e « e 175 _— 5$— Editorial Le 12° Congrès mondial de la Société Internationale de Criminolo- gle a eu lieu à Séoul (Korea) du 24 au 29 août 1998. C'était non seule- ment le premier Congrès de notre Société organisé en Asie, mais c'était également la première fois qu'un Congrès de criminologie de cette iImportance se tenait dans la région. Cette double circonstance permet de considérer que, pour la Société Internationale de Criminologie comme pour la criminologie mondiale, ce Congrès est une date que l'on devra considérer comme historique. Elle témoigne en effet, d'une part, d'un élargissement significatif du rayonnement de notre Société dans de nouvelles régions du monde et d'autre part de la réalité et du dynamisme des études criminologiques dans de nombreux pays. En effet notre Congrès a réuni les représentants venus de soixante- dix nations et près de 1500 participants. Ces chiffres qui dépassent ceux atteints lors du 11° Congrès à Budapest en 1993, révèlent par suite la capacité de la Société Internationale de Criminologie de rassembler cri- minologues et responsables de la justice pénale au-delà de nos seuls adhérents. Rappelons en effet que nous ne sommes de manière perma- nente que dans une soixantaine de nations et que le Congrès de Buda- pest avait réuni 1000 participants. Ces résultats n'ont pu être obtenus que grâce à un partenariat effi- cace, dont les bases furent établies dès 1994 par le Secrétariat général avec le Korean Institute of Criminology de Séoul. Le succès du Congrès suffit à porter témoignage de l'importance de la contribution des autorités politiques, universitaires, du Ministre de la Justice, des responsables du Korean Institute dans la réalisation du Congrès. Qu'ils en soient ici solennellement remerciés au nom de la com- munauté internationale des criminologues et, plus particulièrement de la Société Internationale de Criminologie. Le thème choisi pour le 12* Congrès — « Crime et Justice dans un monde en changement : perspectives en Asie et dans le monde » - signi- fiait, à la fois, la volonté de notre Société de se situer dans une perspec- tive d’avenir et de confirmer l’élargissement de son audience internatio- nale dans la région Asie. Il était aussi un hommage rendu à une région qui a jusqu'ici fait preuve d'un développement et d'un dynamisme que l'on doit considérer au-delà de crises conjoncturelles comme porteur d'espoir pour l’avenir de notre monde. Le présent numéro des Annales Internationales de Criminologie ne saurait rendre compte de la richesse des nombreuses contributions qui _ 7— ont nourri les cinq sessions plénières du Congrès et encore moins des nombreuses communications qui ont alimenté les ateliers et tables rondes. À ce titre il ne saurait être identifié à un compte rendu des actes du Congrès difficilement publiable dans un aussi bref délai. Ce numéro « Spécial Congrès » des Annales doit permettre en revanche à tous ceux de nos membres qui n'ont pu participer à ce Congrès d'en apprécier la portée à travers quelques contributions signifi- catives. Georges PICCA Secrétaire Général Editorial The 12th World Congress of the International Society for Criminol- ogy took place in Seoul (Korea) from August 24 to 29, 1998. It was not only the first Congress our Society has organized in Asia, but it was also the first time that a criminology congress of that size had been held in the region. This dual circeumstance allows us to consider that, for the Interna- tional Society for Criminology as for world criminology, this Congress Is a date which can be considered as historic. In fact, it indicates, on the one hand, à significant expansion of our Society's influence into new areas of the world and, on the other, the reality and dynamism of criminological study in a great number of coun- tries. Our Congress assembled representatives from seventy nations and nearly 1,500 participants. These figures, which surpass those reached by the 11th Congress in Budapest in 1993, reveal the International Society for Criminology's capacity to attract criminologists and criminal law professionals in numbers well beyond those of our own members. Let us be reminded that. on a permanent basis, we are present in only sixty countries and that 1,000 people attended the Budapest Congress. These results could only have been achieved through an efficient partnership, the basis for which was established in 1994 by the General Secretariat with the Korean Institute of Criminology in Seoul. The Congress’ success 1s enough to indicate the scope of the con- tribution made by the political and university authorities, the Ministry of Justice and the directors of the Korean Institute. towards the realiza- tion of this Congress. We wish to solemnly thank them on behalf of the international community of criminologists and, more particularly, of the International Society for Criminology. __ 8 - The theme chosen for the 12th Congress — « Crime and Justice in a changing world perspectives In Asia and around the world » - signified both our Society's ambition to position 1tself in a forward look- ing perspective and to confirm the extension of its international audience in the Asian region. It was also homage paid to a region which to now has shown a capacity for development and dynamics which we must consider above and beyond any economic crises as the true bearer of à ray of hope for the future of our world. This issue of the /nternational Annals of Criminology cannot attest to the wealth of the great number of contributions which nourished the Congress’ plenary sessions and even less so to the innumerable messages which enriched the workshops and round table discussions. And because of this, the issue cannot be taken as a report on the Congress decisions which are impossible to publish in such a brief period. This « Special Congress » issue of the Annals should, however, enable those of our members who were unable to attend the Congress to appreciate its scope through a few significant contributions. Georges PICCA General Secretary Editorial El 12° Congreso Mundial de la Sociedad Internacional de Crimino- logia tuvo lugar en Seûl (Corea) del 24 al 29 de agosto de 1998. No sôlo se trataba del primer Congreso de nuestra Sociedad en Asia, sino que era también la primera vez que un Congreso de criminologia de tal iImportancia se celebraba en la regiôn. Esta doble circunstancia permite considerar que, tanto para la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia como para la criminologia mun- d.ial. este Congreso constituye un hito que deberemos considerar histô- TICO Efectivamente, se trata por una parte de una prueba de la amplia- CION significativa de la proyecciôn de nuestra Sociedad en nuevas regiones del mundo y. por otra, de la realidad y el dinamismo de los estudios criminolôgicos en numerosos paises. Nuestro Congreso reuniô en efecto a representantes procedentes de setenta naciones y a cerca de 1500 participantes. Estas cifras, que sobre- pasan las alcanzadas durante el 11° Congreso de Budapest en 1993 revelan pues la capacidad de la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia de reunir a criminôlogos y responsables de la justicia penal y no sélo a nuestros miembros. Cabe señalar que estamos presentes de forma per- — 9 — manente en unas sesenta naciones solamente y que el Congreso de Buda- pest habia reunido a 1000 participantes. La obtenciôn de estos resultados se debe a una asociaciôn eficaz, cuyas bases ya fueron establecidas en 1994 por la Secretaria general con el Korean Institute of Criminology de Seuül. El éxito del Congreso basta como testimonio de la importancia de la contribuciôn de las autoridades politicas, universitarias, del Ministro de Justicia, de los responsables del Korean Instituto en la realizaciôn del Congreso. Deseamos expresar aqui nuestro solemne agradecimiento en nombre de la comunidad internacional de los criminôlogos y, especial- mente, de la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia. El tema elegido para el 12° Congreso — « Crimen y Justicia en un mundo que cambia : perspectivas en Asia y en el mundo » — significaba, a la vez, la voluntad de nuestra Sociedad para situarse en una perspec- tiva de futuro y confirmar la ampliaciôn de su audiencia internacional en la regiôn Asia. Fue también un homenaje brindado a una regiôn que hasta ahora habia demostrado un desarrollo y un dinamismo que puede ser considerado, mäs allà de las crisis coyunturales, como portador de esperanza para el futuro de nuestro planeta. El presente nümero de los Andales Internacionales de Criminologia no pretende dar cuenta de la riqueza de las numerosas contribuciones que han nutrido las cinco sesiones plenarias del Congreso y menos aûn de las numerosas comunicaciones que han alimentado los talleres y mesas redondas. En este sentido, no se debe confundir con un informe de las actas del Congreso, que dificilmente se hubiesen podido publicar en un plazo tan breve. Este nûmero « Especial Congreso » de los Anales debe permitir en cambio a todos nuestros miembros que no han podido participar en este Congreso apreciar su alcance a través de algunas contribuciones signifi- cativas. Georges PICCA Secretario General — 10 — 12th WORLD CONGRESS OF CRIMINOLOGY PLENARY PROGRAM Plenary sessions MONDAY AUGUST 24 4 pm Opening Ceremony (Grand Ballroom, Hotel Intercontinental) Hon. Dae Jung Kim, President, Republic of Korea Prof. Hans-Juergen Kerner, President, International Society of Criminology Hon. Soo Sung Lee, Chairman, National Organizing Committee and Former Prime Minister of Korea Hon. Arlacchi, Deputy Secretary, United Nations Sang Chun Park, Minister of Justice of Korea Young Kyoo Kong. President, Korean Institute of Criminology Master of Ceremonies -— Lawrence W. Sherman President, Scien- tific Commission, ISC 6 pm « Welcome to Seoul» Interest Group Round Tables 7-9 pm Welcome Reception TUESDAY AUGUST 25 Plenary Session I : The Significance of Asian Criminology for Crime and Justice in the 21st Century (Grand Ballroom, Hotel Intercontinental) 9 am Session IA Co-Presidents Haechang Chung, Chairman, Korea Crime Prevention Foundation (Korea) Koichi Miyazawa, Keio University (Japan) Hyung Kook Lee, Yonsei University (Korea) : « The Role of the Family in Criminal Justice in Korea » Setsuo Miyazawa, Kobe University (Japan) « Asian Responses to Common World Problems of Crime » — ll — Suzanne Karstedt, Bielefeld University (Germany) : « Comparing Cultures, Comparing Crime : Challenges, Prospects and Problems for a Global Criminology. » 10 : 30 Breuk 11 : 00 Session IB President : Hans Schneider (Germany) Chuen-Jim Sheu, Central Police University (Taiwan, ROC) : « Ethnic Diversity and Crime in Asia and the World » Hon. Laurie Robinson, Assistant Attorney General (US) : « Integrat- ing Research and Practice in Crime Prevention World-Wide » Pierre-Henr: Bolle, Université de Neuchâtel (Switzerland) Discussant 7-9 pm Gala Banquet WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 26 Plenary Session II : Causes and Prevention of Crime Culture, Community, Family, and Schools (KOEX, Auditorium) 9 am Session IL À Co-Presidents Kumaravu Chockalingam, Madras University (India) Dong Il Kim, Ewha Women's University (Korea) Serge Brochu, University of Montreal (Canada) : « Preventing Drug Abuse » Ross Homel. Griffith University (Australia) « Preventing Crimes Caused by Alcohol » Miklos Levai, University of Miskolc (Hungary) : « Social Change and Rising Crime The Case of Eastern Europe » 10 : 30 Break 11 am Session IL B President : Luis Rodriguez Manzanera (Mexico) _— 12 … Anne-Marie Favard-Drillaud (France) : « Causes and Prevention of mn Research Delinquency Longitudinal À Comparative Analysis » David Farrington, Cambridge University (UK) : « Using Risk Factor Research to Shape Prevention Policy » Uberto Gatti. University of Genoa (Italy) Discussant THURSDAY, AUGUST 27 Plenary Session III : Global Trends in Criminal Justice Police, Prosecution, Courts and Corrections (KOEX, Auditorium) 9 um Session IL A Co-Presidents Anna Repetskaya, Irkutsk University Seung Jin Chung, Kookmin University (Korea) Phyllis McDonald, National Institute of Justice (USA) : « Global Trends in Policing The Applicability of New York's Police Strategies and Zero Tolerance Around the World » Boo Whan Han, Deputy Chief, High Public Prosecutor's Office (Korea) : « À Global View of the Prosecutorial System » Fdmondo Oliviera (Brazil) : « Prosecuting Environmental Crime in Developing Countries The Case of Latin America » 10 : 30 Breuk 11 am Session II B Co-Presidents M. Zeid (Egypt) Menachim Amir (Israel) Maria de la Luz Lima (Mexico) : « Trends in Victim Policy : The Latin American Experience » p 13 — Prathan Watanavanich, Thammsat University (Thailand) : « Global Trends in Victim Policy » Ulla V. Bondeson, University of Copenhagen (Denmark) : « Global Trends in Corrections » ! : 30-7 : 00 pm Field Visits FRIDAY, AUGUST 28 Plenary Session IV : Empirical Criminology and Criminal Policy (KOEX, Auditorium) 9 um Session IV.A Co-Presidents Albert J. Reiss, Jr., Yale University Jong Wha Kim, Vice President, Korean Association of Victimology Leslie Sebba, Hebrew University (Israel) : « Victimology Research and the Reform of Victim Treatment » Imhoe Bae, Soong Sil University (Korea) Junior Scholar Prize Win- ner « Public Acceptance of Restitution : Comparative Research » Gema Varona Martinez, Basque Institute of Criminology (Spain) Jr. Scholar Prize Winner « Culturas Juridicas Y Justicia Restaurativa El Caso De Una Communidad Gitana En Gipuzkoa » 10 : 30 Break !! am Session IV B. President : Elizabeth Stanko, Brunel University (UK) P.-O. Wikstrôm, Swedish National Police College (Sweden) : « Com- munities and Crime Prevention Research and Policy » Xiaowei Zhang, East China University of Law and Politics (China) Junior Scholar Prize Winner « Culture Conflict and Criminality in China » 7-8 pm Farewell Party — 14 — SATURDAY, AUGUST 29 Plenary Session V : The Future of World Criminology (KOEX, Auditorium) 9 um Session V. President : Denis Szabo, University of Montreal (Canada) Hans Kerner, ISC President, University of Tuebingen (Germany) : « The Global Growth of Criminology » Georges Picca, ISC Secretary General, University of Paris (France) « The Future of the ISC in Asia and the World » Lawrence W. Sherman, ISC Scientific Commission President, Univer- sity of Maryland (USA) : « Criminology and Crime Prevention in the 21st Century » Hans Kerner Awards of the ISC Prizes for Distinguished Scholarship 12 Noon General Assembly, International Society of Criminology President Hans-Juergen Kerner, Secretary-General Georges Picca 1-3 pm Farewell Ceremony (KOEX, Auditorium) — 15 — ADDRESS of the Honorable Laurie Robinson (*) Good morning. ! appreciate the opportunity to participate in this World Congress and to address this distinguished audience. | want to thank the International Society for Criminology and the Korean Institute of Criminology for inviting me here and giving me the oppor- tunity to interact with international colleagues, and to /oster the exchange of information and knowledge that can aid in reducing crime woridwide. | want to talk today about the approach the United States 1s taking under the leadership of Attorney General Janet Reno to address crime : the critical role research plays in this strategy ; the importance of form- ing partnerships between research and practice ; and the potential impact our work has for criminal justice in a changing world. The United States recognizes that we cannot confront crime in isola- tion. With criminals’ ability to cross international borders in a few hours, and the advances of our modern age, such as the Internet and telecommunications, crime can no longer be viewed as just a national issue. Ît is clear crime does not respect international boundaries. It is clear crime is global. As recent economic trends demonstrate, what hap- pens in one part of the world impacts all the rest. And crime problems and trends are no different. Although international comparisons of crime are difficult to make, we know, for example, that while gun crimes have largely been associated with high-crime urban areas in the United States, the United Nations’ International Crime Survey has found that rates of serious, violent crime are actually higher - and increasing faster — in countries like India, Indonesia, and Brazil. And although the United States has been faced, until very recently. With increasing rates of youth violence, we know from German research that vouth violence has increased between 50 and 100 percent over the past few years in member states of the European Union. And we know that, particularly in light of the United Nations focus over the last few years on the role of women, that more and more coun- tries around the world are beginning to recognize - and confront — the problem of fumily violence. (*) Assistant Attorney General. Office of Justice programs. U.S. Department of Justice. _— 17 — We also know that drug use and trafficking 1s a concern worldwide, no place more so perhaps than here in Asia, and that organized drug networks are operating from South America, to Africa, to former mem- ber states of the Soviet Union, and certainly in my own country. And we know that no country 1s immune from the horror of terrorism, as recent events In Africa, Japan, France, Northern Ireland, the U.S., and so many other countries demonstrate. And that crime'’s tentacles are becoming more sophisticated and widespread with the evolution of fraud, white-collar. and cybercrime with the vast interna- tional information computer highway. Because we confront common problems, I believe we also must share solutions. There 1s a tremendous need around the world for good infor- mation about what works in reducing crime. And research lays a critical role — in partnership with criminal justice practitioners in identifying effective crime control strategies. Crime and justice in a changing world really demands partnerships between research and practice at a level unprecedented in the past, and, for that reason, at the U.S. Department of Justice, we have made this « priority. THE FEDERAIL ROLE IN CRIME CONTROL To step back for à minute, | should explain that, as you may know, in the United States, there 1s a unique federal role in addressing crime. Although 95 percent of criminal cases are handled at the state and local level in our country, for the past 30 years, our federal government has provided funding to encourage innovation m state and local criminal justice systems, to support research, development, and information-shar- ing in the field of criminal and juvenile justice, and to collect and analyze statistical data on erime. COMMITMENT TO RESEARCH Over the past few years at the U.S. Department of Justice, we have forwarded this important and unique /ederal role to create knowledge and share information by expanding research and development, integrat- research INtO OUF Ing programming, fostering research-practitioner paurtnerships, and ensuring that criminal justice policy and practice 1s based, to the greatest extent possible, on the results of sound research and evaluation. This 1s à high priority for Attorney General Janet Reno. As à former prosecutor for the State of Florida, she believes strongly in using 18 — research findings to inform criminal justice policy and practice and to back up criminal justice decision making. ! cannot remember a time when the top law enforcement official in the United States was so inter- ested in learning about new findings. research under way, and crime control activity in local communities - and so supportive personally of these efforts. We have made research and development « priority at the Depart- ment of Justice, expanding our criminal and juvenile justice research portfolio to more than 500 initiatives totaling more than 8/20 million last year — a four-fold increase in only 3 years. And we are working to make research a critical component of every major effort we support — for example, transferring money from program funds provided by Congress to support evaluation of those efforts to ensure we are supporting approaches that really can help reduce crime or improve criminal justice operations. RESEARCH-DRIVEN PRACTICE Our commitment to research and using research results to drive prac- tice and policy was reinforced by à major report prepared last year at the request of the United States Congress by Professor Lawrence Sherman and his colleagues at the University of Maryland. That report examined federal support for criminal justice over the past 30 years and assessed, as its title indicates. « What Works, What Doesn't. What's Promising ». Âs a result of the Maryland Report team’s work in distilling the vast body of research on what works in addressing crime in the United States, we have seen Increased support in our Congress for research and evalua- tion efforts. and for programs research has identified as effective. The Maryland Report also resulted in focusing attention at the Justice Department even more sharply on using research and evaluation findings to drive criminal justice policy. practice, and spending. | would like, this morning, to describe four areus of major focus for the Department of Justice right now - areas we have identified as priorities based on research and feedback from practitioners on how we can have the greatest impact on crime. And I know that these are issues faced by so many countries around the world. DRUG ABUSE AND CRIME The first major areu 1 want to discuss is the link between drug abuse and crime, and how research has refocused our approach to dealing with — 19 — this problem. I know this issue 1s not unique to our culture, but that t. in fact, strikes a strong chord in so many other countries as well. The link between drug abuse and crime — and what to do about this problem - are of critical importance to the health and safety of com- munities around the world. Historically in the United States, with the passage of each successive new anti-crime and anti-drug law, increased levels of punishment, often including mandatory minimum sentences, have been the criminal jJustice system's response to drug-related crime. But our research has shown that stiffer penalties do not necessarily translate into lower drug use and crime rates. Between 1975 and 1989 sentences for drug-related crimes became substantially harsher, while violent crimes continued to increase. Research also pointed to the reason for this dichotomy. Surveys found that most substance abusing offenders serve their sentences and are released back into their com- munities without any kind of treatment for their addiction — that 1s, they go right back to the life they were leading before. Recent research has confirmed, however, the effectiveness of drug treatment for substance-involved offenders — particularly prison-based drug treatment. For example, research by Dr. James Inciardi at the University of Delaware found that in-prison drug treatment programs increased the chance of remaining drug-free and reduced recidivism as long as a year and a half following release. When combined with an after-prison work release program, one-half of offenders remained drug free and more than 70 percent remained arrest-free 18 months after their release. By comparison, only 40 percent of offenders who participated in neither of these programs remained arrest-free and only 75 percent remained drug-free. Research also has found that drug treatment 1s cost-effective. À California study found that for every dollar invested in drug treatment in 1992, taxpayers saved 7 dollurs as a result of decreased use of drugs and alcohol and lower costs related to crime and health care. These research results led to the development of a new federal program that is providing funding to states to establish prison-based substance abuse treatment programs. And as a result of our efforts to educate the United States Congress about these research findings about the clear ability to break cycles of drug use and crime — funding for the Residential Substance Abuse Treatment grant program more than doubled in 1998. to $63 million. Research has also pointed to another effective strategy for reducing drug-related crime — drug courts - that works on the same principle. Drug courts use the coercive, leveraging power of the court to provide intensive sanctions and treatment to help non-violent, low-level — 20 — offenders break the cycle of addiction and crime. Judges work with to prosecutors, defense attorneys, and drug treatment specialists mandate treatment for these offenders, closely monitor their progress through drug testing, apply sanctions for lapses in behavior, and ensure the delivery of other services, such as educational or job skills training to help offenders remain crime and drug-free. The drug court movement began in 1989 with an experiment in Miami's Dade County Circuit Court. With the help of federal funding, there are now 287 drug court programs operating in the United States, with another /6/ in the planning stages. And after seeing some of our preliminary evaluation results, there 1s great interest now in other coun- tries, l know. in replicating this approach. Evaluations of the first U.S. drug court in Miami showed a 33 per- cent reduction in rearrests for drug court graduates compared with other offenders. And the Drug Court Clearinghouse at American University has found recidivism rates continue to be significantly reduced for drug court graduates, as well as for individuals who do not complete the program. Drug courts in the U.S. report recidivism rates of between — e and 20 percent. In addition, we have found that drug courts save money by reducing the use of jail space and probation services, as well as the number of drug-addicted babies born to addict mothers. FAMILY VIOLENCE Another example of how research has informed practice in the United States can be seen in our efforts to improve the criminal justice response to fumily violence. This is also a key priority for the U.S. Department of Justice. It’s clear that unless we do something about violence in the home, we'll never be able to do something about violence in the streets. Family violence, it is clear, contributes to a vicious cycle that 1s repeated generation after generation. We know from research that children who are abused and neglected are 38 percent more likely to later commit a violent crime and 53 percent more likely to be arrested as a Juvenile. With the rise of the victims* and women’s movements over the last two decades, and the growth of many local efforts, increasing attention has focused in our country on the often hidden victims of family violence. And with research pointing the way. we have made substantial progress, 1 think, in the United States over the last few years in beginn- INg to address this serious problem. —" 21 — Every state, for example, now has /aws requiring police, prosecutors, and judges to treat family violence as a crime, rather than a quote «family problem » unquote. And because research has shown that court orders are effective in reducing repeat abuse, we have made it easier now for victims to obtain civil protection or « stay away » orders to keep batterers away from their victims. And we've increased the number of shelters for battered women and children, a result, in part, of funding provided by the U.S. Depart- ment of Justice. We know from research that shelters that provide an array of services for women can reduce occurrences of repeated violence. Another major achievement at the federal level in our country has been the passage of the Violence Against Women Act, which was part of the President's 1994 Crime Bill. It contains important federal legal protections for family violence victims, makes certain crimes against women federal offenses, foughens penalties for sex offenses, and provides funding to support state and local comprehensive approaches to address spouse abuse, sexual assault, and stalking. With these funds, law enforcement, prosecutors, the courts, victim advocates, and service providers are working together in their communities to build comprehensive efforts to protect domestic violence victims, while - at the same time - holding batterers accountable for their abusive behavior. | want to give you one example of a comprehensive family violence program that is serving as a model for other communities in the U.S. Ten years ago, the city of Quincy, Massachusetts developed a family violence program in the wake of a tragic murder-suicide, when police escorted a battered woman home — and then she and her children were murdered by her abusive husband, who then committed suicide. The Quincy program combines criminal justice efforts with victim services and batterer intervention programs to protect victims of abuse through a rwo-pronged strategy of victtim empowerment and offender control. Quincy has created training packages, for example, for police to use In responding to family violence cases, established a specially trained prosecution unit that has successfully prosecuted the vast majority of these cases brought to court, and developed a protocol for sentencing and supervising offenders in these cases. The program also provides shelter and freatment for children of battered mothers, and fransitional housing. The Quincy Court Program has virtually eliminated family violence- related homicide in the city. In the program's first 6 years, there was not __ 22 __ a single family violence-related homicide of a court-involved woman in Quincy, while a neighboring county had fifteen such homicides in only one year. And the Justice Department 1s now helping other communities learn how to develop this kind of comprehensive approach to reducing family violence. YOUTH GUN VIOLENCE Research also has helped to shape our response to gun violence — par- ticularly by juveniles and young adults. Regrettably. the popular image of the U.S. is too often of « Wild West » shootouts, machine-gunning gangsters of the 1920s and 30%, or Uzi wielding drive-by gang shootings. And while this presents a distorted view of U.S. culture, within the past 10 or 15 years, we have — sadly — seen a very disturbing and dramatic increase in the use of guns by young people, as evidenced, for example, by the recent series of school shootings. Juvenile and young adult arrest rates for weapons Vviolations increased over 100 percent in the U.S. between 1985 and 1994, and the number of young homicide offenders almost tripled. And although more recent data show juvenile arrests for all violent crimes have /allen, arrest rates are still much higher than they were a decade ago, including arrest rates for homicide. But research has identified some effective approaches to reducing youth gun violence — like the Boston experience. Between 1991 and 1996. Boston experienced 155 youth homicides — most involving guns. But With funding from our National Institute of Justice. a unique coalition has helped to dramatically reduce youth gun violence in Boston by using research and data analysis to identify the core problems and shape inter- vention strategies. The coalition includes researchers from Harvard University ; representatives from federal, state, and local law enforce- ment, prosecution, and probation agencies ; and city-employed gang outreach and mediation specialists. The project's unique approach focused on, first, analyzing the supply and demand for guns, and then using federal gun traces and other Innovative methods both to disrupt illegal firearms markets and deter serious youth violence. Researchers found that a high percentage of youth gun violence in the city could be attributed to gang « shooting Wars ». Practitioners announced a «no tolerance » policy in gang nelghborhoods. Gang members were told that unless they gave up their &uns and the shooting stopped, they would be targeted by law enforce- ment, including federal officers, and even minor offenses like drinking in public would be pursued. When one gang member with a 15-year history of violent felonies was found with a single bullet in his possession, he was arrested. Because of his prior convictions, he was indicted on federal charges as an armed career criminal and sentenced to nearly 20 years in prison. Many other gang members soon turned in their handguns, and gun-related youth violence in the area has virtually ceased. COLLABORATIVE. COMMUNITY-BASED INITIATIVES We are now working to help ofher U.S. communities follow Boston's example and develop research-driven and data-driven approaches to reducing crime. Under a new Justice Department pilot project called Strategic Approaches to Community Safety -- building on the lessons learned from Boston - we are working with five U.S. cities to help them collaboratively and systematically analyze crime and other data, and then use trend information and problem-solving techniques to develop strategic interventions and to inform decisions on spending and resource allocation. The United States Attorney the lead federal law enforcement officer in major U.S. cities - 1s providing leadership to the projects in each site in coordination with other federal. state, and local eriminal justice agen- cies. But what 1s most innovative about this approach 1s the critical role the research component plays in this initiative. In addition to routinely analyzing crime and other local data, the researchers are helping to develop rfargeted intervention strategies based on the nexus between the local crime data, crime control theory, organizational capacities, and promising strategies that have been used elsewhere. Researchers also will conduct an ongoing evaluation of the intervention as the project progresses. In addition, the research community 1s assisting in the development of cutting edge, easy-to-use information systems that will link agencies at each of the 5 sites. These « Community Safety Information Systems » will integrate data from the various partners and allow them to analyze information in map. graph. chart, and database formats. So sites will have the capacity to identify and predict emerging crime patterns as they design their crime reduction strategies. Our National Institute of Justice's Crime Mapping Research Center 1s assisting in this effort by sending teams into each site to conduct a needs assessment and to help develop an implementation plan for the new information systems. The goal of our Strategic Approaches initiative 1s to put Information about local crime problems into the hands of the decisionmakers who shape policy, so that criminal justice policy, practice, and spending 1s driven by sound data and information — and not by anecdote or quick reactions to the latest headlines, as so often happens in the United States. INFORMING THE CRIME DEBATE It is from experiences like these that I strongly believe this goal of integrating research and practice into criminal justice policy 1s essential, not just for the future of crime control in the U.S., but wor/dwide. For that reason, at the Department of Justice we recently established a new International Center within our National Institute of Justice to coor- dinate our international activities. Professor James Finkenauer from Rutgers University will soon jJoin us as director of the center. which will work on stimulating comparative research and information sharing among criminal justice research institutes around the world. One of the critical challenges I see for the international research com- munity is to help refocus the debate on crime in legislatures and other policy-making institutions worldwide. As researchers and professionals in criminal justice, we have a responsibility to help ensure that the crime policies, laws, and programs in our countries are based on what we know from research, evaluation, or experience 1s effective — and not based on symbols or overly abstract philosophies from any part of the political spectrum. As Lawrence Sherman observed in a recent article, « The mythic power of subjective and unstructured wisdom holds back every field and keeps it from systematically discovering and implementing what works best in repeated tasks. » Our responsibility is to use our work, our research. our practice, and our voices to ensure that criminal justice policies around the world do not fall victim to « subjective and unstructured wisdom », but are based on sound, scientific data and knowledge, and documented experience. The United States Department of Justice looks forward to working With all of you toward this goal. Thank you. _— 25 — THE GLOBAL GROWTH OF CRIMINOLOGY Hans-Jürgen Kerner (') (*) INTRODUCTION When the planning committee of the 12th International Congress on Criminology assigned me the task to take the floor at the final plenary session and to speak to the audience about the global growth of criminology the members surely had in mind that I should or would concentrate on the possible ways of development of criminological theory, research, policy, and practice in the immediate future. I actually thought myself that this may be the most appropriate way to deal with the matter. Some further reflections, however, and some additional experiences I gained through the manyfold personal contacts during this Congress in Seoul, led me to another solution. ! thought I should rather take the opportunity of having before me participants from so many dif- ferent mental traditions and so diverse scholarly backgrounds to address a couple of historically oriented and structurally shaped remarks. These remarks aim at providing us with some understanding in what way criminological knowledge emerged out of the process of modernization in the 18th and 19th centuries, how it was and to a certain extent still 1s embedded in the notion of scientific progress and the hope of eventual lasting improvement of the « conditio humana », and why in the late 20st century those expectations tend to fade away. Criminology and Criminal Justice Policy no doubt still deserve to get more recognition and to receive more resources than they did till now in most countries of our world. However, the lessons to be drawn from other scientific disciplines tell us to become more cautious than before in terms of reaching (in the field of crime) a full causal understanding of complex and interrelated macrolevel and mesolevel social structures, In terms of overcoming (in the field of criminality) deeply ingrained human personal weaknesses and interpersonal conflict tactics causing harm to one another, and finally in terms of mastering the side effects (") Institute of Criminology, University of Tübingen, Germany. (7) This article is à slightly modified version of à speech originally presented at the clos- Ing session of the 12th International Congress on Criminology. Seoul. Republic of Korea. 24- 29 August 1998. | was acting there in my capacity as President of the International Society for Criminology. The oral form is mostly retained. References to the works | was referring to are added here for the sake of convenience. _ 27 — and unintended negative consequences of the progress in general (in the field of crime control), and of the professional treatment measures 1n particular (in the field of penology and corrections). Of course, this presentation can draw nothing but a picture at large. Already if I would only deal sufficiently with the epistemiological problems of «crime », « criminality », and «crime control» I would have to spend much more time and space than available for all my con- siderations, let alone matters of substance. The history of criminology and its pioneers can also not sufficiently be depicted in a few lines (for more detailed infomation sce e.g. Adler/Mueller/Laufer 1998 : Mannheim 1960 ; Schneider 1987 ; with regard to penology see in addi- tion Eriksson 1976). All remarks therefore remain inherently sketchy to a certain extent which has to be borne in mind. INDUSTRIALIZATION, THE IDEA OF PROGRESS, AND THE ROOTS OF MODERN CRIMINOLOGY In the 19th century, when the second phase of industrialization came to flourish, the dominant classes or circles in the population of the already developed countries were firmly convinced that economie and technological progress would lead to an even greater substantial improvement. This improvement was thought to pertain not only to the material conditions of human life. It was considered to relate also to the «human condition » itself, including personality and behavior of the people. in particular as the plethora of so to speak « weaknesses » were concerned. Consequently, many modern sciences and different branches of the sometimes so-called « humanities » have their origins in this 19th century or, if those origins can be traced back to the 18th century 1f not further down the history, they at least have reached the decisive point of « take off » in the 19th century. The idea of ever ongoing progress caused a kind of universal optimism. The « World », along this line of thinking, could be brought eventually to perfection. Optimal material well-being, good health, no plague or other infectuous mass diseases any more, no war, no other chronic or structural conflict, no crime. There were of course quite divergent modes of conceiving the correct way to the ultimate solution of the problems of mankind. Marxism as the probably most radical of all came to a sheer end in our days, at least in its political figuration as «real socialism » or pre-communism. However, in the late 20th century the idea of progress 1tself became questionable. Increasingly, people, societies, and states have to realize 28 — that the benefits of progress are inevitably linked to costs, direct and obvious ones on the one hand. indirect and hidden ones on the other hand. Let me just mention environmental pollution (including environ- mental crimes) as one obvious telling example. Nuclear power plants symbolize like in a nutshell that the term «risk society » coined by Ulrich Beck (1986) 1s pointing to real challenges for the survival of late modern societies, and not just to lofty imaginations (see also Nassehi 1997). Why am I referring to those questions respectively problems ? The reason 1s. that they are also significant for what criminology was and still is considered to be respectively what it 1s thought to serve for. In terms of its criminal policy aspects, criminology has deep roots in history. All ancient societies that left some kind of linguistically inter- pretable material behind them (and for us) when disappearing, provide us with documents showing that some harmful acts or « misdeeds » (we like to call them «crimes » nowadays) caused common concern, and that the authorities sought to establish firm rules to contain such behavior, including rules against overreaction on the part of the vic- timized _individuals, families or clans. Many of you will surely have heard of the famous Babylonian Code of Hammurabi (about 1750 B.C.) or the Roman Laws of the 12 Tablets (about 450 B.C.). However, the birth of the modern criminal policy was in the so-called age of enlightenment. Its most significant document is the booklet Cesare Beccaria published in 1764 in the Italian city of Livorno. Tuscany, under the title « Dei Delittt e Delle Pene » (On Crimes and Punishments). Beccaria argued in favor of à rational approach for crime control. in favor of the proportionality principle in metering out punish- ment for crimes. And he shaped the basic structure of a concept of criminal policy that might lead eventually to the abolishment of the death penalty all over the world. His book became one of the most influential texts in the late 18th century, it was immediatly translated into many foreign languages, and still today is worthwhile to study, inter alia as an antidote against all kinds of sheer technocratic conceptions to deal with crime in a war-like manner. The idea of progress seems there to be an indirect one. State authorities and societal institutions should begin with getting rid of brutal modes of truth finding in penal proce- dures (like the torture), and with crual and inhuman punishments (like dismembering). and the eventual enlightened way of dealing with offenders should and would have repercussions in the society as a whole. E.g. IN terms of contributing to à sociopsychological climate where causes of crime would be diminished. — 29 — Âs far as the more practical idea of direct crime control in modern states and societies 1s concerned, one may remember that it was the French State bureaucracy which created the first real worthwhile crime statistics in the early 19th century. These statistics « on the administra- tion of penal jJustice » were part of a larger program. The leading idea behind 1t was to systematically collect data on manyfold aspects of the State, the economy, the society, and the citizenry in order to be able to plan the future development, in particular with the aim to prevent any deterioration of the basic conditions for a further smooth development as far as possible. For that root of modern criminology the name of the Belgian astronomer and social policy maker Adolphe Quetelet seems to be the most significant one. His book on « Physique Sociale » (Social Physies) which was published in two volumes in 1836 represents very aptly the idea that there are laws that govern men and social life in a very strict and cogent way comparable to the so-called laws of nature. If we would come to fully understand these laws. we would, along this idea, be enabled to govern society and the citizenry in a stringent and perfect manner. Here the concept of progress 1s openly discussed ; the author. his contemporary André Michel Guerry (1833) in France, and all his successors who partly contributed to the development of what was widely to become known as « moral statistics » (e.g. von Oettingen 1874) trusted in the power of systematic mass observations. Quantitative large scale analyses were seen as the leading way to the ultimate reform. Cesare Lombroso's book on « L'Uomo Delinquente » (The Criminal Man) published in 1876 marks the birth of the more offender oriented (respectively clinically oriented) root of modern criminology. Also here we find the partly hidden, partly outspoken optimism of the technolog!- cal mind. If we come to understand fully, by administering empirical reasearch methods to criminals and other troublesome (human) beings. all the determinants of human character (or personality) and of the deviances from the normal condition, we - along this line of thinking - will eventually reach the optimal solution, 1.e. the rooting out of the true causes of « criminality » of that particular kind of (human) « animal ». The concept of progress in the Lombrosian tradition seeks to filter out the so to speak genuine evil persons by means of qualitative case studies in the beginning, later on perhaps to be followed by mass screenings of the population as soon as easily identifiable « markers » are certified. Born criminals have to be selected and neutralized by suitable measures of social defense (i.e. incapacitated by physical treatment or long term internment, not to mention other solutions). The large majority of nor- mal people may then still commit offenses here and there. But since the causes of those offenses are uniquely rooted in outer conditions of life social sanitary and social welfare programs are needed, and sufficient, to do fully away with crime in due course of time and social progress. Lombroso himself was already well in line with those thoughts in later phases of his scholarly life, and one has to recall this when looking at late modern developments of biologically oriented research on the causes of criminality or when evaluating late modern criminal policy concepts of incapacitation of so-called career criminals. Already the contemporaries of Lombroso were often objecting to his work. Some questionned his theoretical approach of the true criminal as a representative of survivors of « atavistic beings » at all, others were more referring to his methodological shortcomings. However, Lom- broso’s focal concern in his research practice, 1.e. the very concrete and detailed study of (deviant or criminal) individuals, found rather broad acceptance in the scholarly community. Among those who tried to integrate those bioanthropological with — inter alia — sociological perspectives, and to develop out of this integra- tion a new direction of penal law and policy was the German professor of penal law and also early criminologist Franz von Liszt. He became one of the most influential scholars in his discipline in the late 19th cen- tury, even in the international realm. Some long term effects of his activities are still recognizable today. Von Liszt gave the trumpet signal for the turn from the classical penal law thinking to a modern so-called criminal sociological thinking with his famous inaugural lecture at the university of Marburg, later on called the « Marburger Programm » (1882). On the one hand, he was well aware of the dangers that might arise when the strict principles of substantive and procedural criminal law would be weakened. This demonstrates his dictum of the penal law as the « magna charta of the criminal ». On the other hand, he attacked the juridico-doctrinal approach of the classical school that was almost fully concentrating on the system of offenses as such, and on abstract deductions. He coined so far the dictum of penal law’s duty to consider « not the offense. but the offender ». In March 1881 Franz von Liszt founded the « Zeitschrift für die gesamte Strafrechtswissenschaft » literally translated the « Journal for the Whole Science of Penal Law ». Together with his co-founder Adolf Dochow he aimed at bringing together all disciplines which dealt with aspects of crime, criminality, crime control, criminal policy and crime prevention. Criminal law (in the doctrinal sense) and criminology (in the sense of experiential and empirical analysis of criminal phenomena) were to become related to each other under an integrative meta-perspective. He aimed, in addition. at a wide international audience. with clear Immediate success, and with long lasting effects : In 1998 the Zeitschrift für die gesamte Strafrechtswissenschaft has reached volume 110, and it is disseminated to libraries and individuals in all continents. On the basis of the contacts von Liszt made during the first years of the editorship of the Journal « ZstW » he became acquainted with other penal law reformers. With two of them, Adolphe Prins (professor at Brussels, Belgium). and G.A. van Hamel (professor at Amsterdam, Netherlands) he founded, at the 17th of November 1888, the bilingual association « Internationale Kriminalistische Vereinigung / Union Inter- nationale de Droit Pénal » (see v. Liszt 1914), the forerunner of the pre- sent « Association Internationale de Droit Pénal » (AIDP) / « Interna- tional Association of Penal Law » (IAPL). Charles R. Henderson, professor at the university of Chicago, describes in his article on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the IK V/UIDP in 1914, that the founders of the then (1909) newly created American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology (under the leadership of professor J.H. Wigmore) hold close contact with Adolphe Prins and others. In the year 1910, at the VIIIth International Prison Congress at Washington, an arrangement was made for the organization of the « International Union of Criminal Law » in the United States. À national group was formed, and officers were chosen. The American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology passed a resolution to encourage co-operation. But the American Branch of the IKV did not come off the ground. As Henderson said in 1914 : « (The) organization Is limited to correspondence and co-operation as occasion arises « (Hen- derson 1914, p. 119). However, seen from the perspective of our time, it comes very clear that there were strong similarities in what v. Liszt and his European collaborators thought respectively tried to achieve, and the American preoccupations and concepts. The concept of interdisciplinarity was pre-eminent. This comes quite clear with the following quotation from Henderson’s report about the American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology : «The founders of this association were called together from various special and professional groups — jurists, statesmen, psy- chologists, physicians, economists, educators, sociologists, prison administrators and persons engaged in various related forms of community enterprises. It was believed that criminality has many aspects, each of which 1s best seen and interpreted by a specialist acquainted with some particular set of phenomena ; that the per- sonal equation and professional bias can best be corrected by comparison and exchange of views ; and that, in a country with democratic institutions, no reform can go far without the intelligent sympathy of an instructed public » (Henderson 1914, p. 118). In the substance of the new scholarly and criminal policy approach the American side stressed. like von Liszt an his European colleagues did, the necessity to overcome the narrrow definition of (only) punish- ment for offenders. and to conceive of a kind of social defense apparatus capable of « neutralizing » or «1incapacitating » the recidivist offender who was considered to be a genuine danger for the public, and someone beyond the reach of the regular mental impact of punishment stricto sensu. To quote Henderson again « For other reason public opinion has been concentrated on the purpose of social protection rather than retribution as the con- trolling principle of dealing with offenders. Even after criminals ‘expiated ‘ their crimes, according to the penal code, they might be still dangerous to the public order and unfit for freedom, and the law was powerless to afford defense of the interests of life, property and peace ; professional criminals continued in freedom to prey on society. Social protection was a simple and intelligible purpose which all could understand and appreciate. Success of protective measures could be tested by their efficiency. Gradually, under this general aim several specific measures have been worked out : deterrence by deprivation of liberty 1s retained, reformation and rehabilitation where this is possible 1s urged, and segregation under control for persistent offenders, whether weaklings or professional criminals 1s now strongly advocated. It would be a great mistake to suppose that this purpose 1s easy-going, lax and morally indifferent to criminal conduct ; on the contrary it implies stern, unrelaxing control, and the infliction of any amount of pain which may be necessary to make the treatment effective » (Hen- derson 1914, p. 119-120). The idea of progress was so to speak materializing in the belief of gaining, in the long term, a true scientific basis for criminal policy. Per- fect knowledge of the criminal personality, detailed understanding of the causal processes leading to delinquency and crime. sharp instruments to select the « incorrigible » from those offenders that deserve and need resocialisation (and to select both of them from the well adapted citizens failing occasionally and therefore deserving but some admonition or punishment). perfect prediction methods, and efficient tretment Measures AII this and further criteria taken together should allow for à fully rational but by the same token « decisive fight against the criminals » (« zielbewufte Bekämpfung des Verbrechertums » ; von Liszt 1914, p 6) The penal measure of « preventive detention » (Sicherungsverwahrung, German law of 1933, reshaped again quite _— 33 — recently by the so-called 6th Law on the Reform of the Penal Code, 1998), and the new legislative American movement towards incapacitative punishments of the «three strikes and you're out »-type are, structurally speaking, late offsprings of the same conceptual ancestors. The times and again ongoing scholarly debate on « false positives » and «false negatives » in the prediction of criminality (recidivism, criminal career etc.) tells us how far that instrumental understanding of crime control still 1s from reaching 1ts goal. Fundamen- tal doubts are growing, in addition, whether the underlying set of assumptions about causes and conditions of criminality are valid at all. There were important currents of criminological thinking, however, that avoided deliberately the immersion into amelioration, improvement, saving etc. « movements » and the immediate policy orientation. Their most famous representative in the late I9th century was seemingly the French sociologist and criminologist Emile Durkheim. He laid the cor- ner stones of modern sociological analysis of the crises of moderniza- tion, of the understanding of crime and other mass phenomena as « pure social facts », and of the anomic repercussions of rapid social change. with his master works « De la Division du Travail Social » (1893), « Les Règles de la Méthode Sociologique » (1895), and « Le Suicide. Etude de Sociologie » (1897). THE END OF UNIVERSAL OPTIMISMS, BUT NOT THE END OF HOPE FOR IMPROVEMENT Durkheim's scepticism, and his far reaching statement of the « nor- mality » of crime as an inevitable « structural fact » in any given social fabric deserves to be re-assessed under present conditions of « post- industrial » societal uncertainties (see e.g. Eikelpasch / Rademacher 1997). In our late modern societies we are faced with the end of technological and social-technocratical optimism. IlInesses are still there, crime 1s still there, and most of all other difficulties of life mankind has been confronted with for ages still exist as well. Why, then. nevertheless talk about «The Global Growth of Criminology » ? Let me point to the not substantially but structurally parallel situa- tion in the field of medical science. Mainstream medicine has been following for decades, if not for whole centuries, the path to become à real « hard » science like physics or chemistry. Obviously the « human factor » on the part of both the (potential) patients and the doctors was always and will ever remain involved in the affairs in many intricate ways, even in research, not to speak of practical treatment. But for the — 34 _ moment we may leave that away and ask ourselves whether the scientific approach paved at least in principle a permanent road to ultimate suc- cess in wiping out human frailty and illness. If not, we may conclude then that we have the more reason to remain or become again modest in our attempts to improve the conditions in those fields that are charac- terized by «soft » facts and hypercomplex interactive, recursive, and nonlinear systems like already human beings as such and even more their groupings and societies. Medical science has made enormous progress since the last century. Billlons over billlons of dollars have been spent for experiments, fundamental research and applied research. Doctors can now rather effectively and efficiently treat a lot of particular diseases people have been chronically suffering from (or dying of) only just à couple of decades ago. This is surely good news for all of us who fear to fall 1ll somewhere in the future. But we are also all aware of the fact that modern economic, social and other developments as well as world travelling were and still are inducing new diseases (like AIDS). In part, those modern conditions of living are at least inducing the re-birth of diseases authorities thought to have wiped out successfully in all modern industrial states (like tuber- culosis). And then, you also know Medical progress had some additional unintended consequences. For example : Since people now live substan- tially longer than ever before they catch or develop 1llnesses most of them would not have experienced in the past, not even in the last cen- tury. They simply would have died earlier due to other reasons. Or just to point to the problem of overpopulation If one cuts down the early infant death rate without getting people to practise birth control, than one will eventually be confronted with a sharp rise in population figures. AIl these different conditions together contribute to the well-known explosion of the cost of the health care systems in the developed coun- tries. To put in à short phrase, that may sound for some of you at least à little bit paradoxical : We have never had so many physicians in the world, and we have never had so many ill people. Did and do then physicians « cause » the illness, so the best solution May eventually be to get rid of medicine ? Of course not, neither in scientific nor in practical terms. In a broader socio-political perspective. however, the institutions of medicine, and the physicians working in such environments are embedded in a larger structure of modern world that creates particular conditions causing their particular problem areas quite distinct from those in former times. —- 35 — So far medical science 1s as well a genuine part of the problems of diseases as it is part of the solution, 1.e. the treatment of diseases. Without modern medicine we would have no modern societies at all. With that medicine on the one hand, in science and professional prac- tice, many more people than ever before can live a decent life, and they can get at least some basic relief of many of the remaining ills. With that medicine on the other hand, however, new forms of harm emerge, some kind of suffering 1s prolonged, and hitherto unknown 1llness syndroms are detected. The best. 1f not the maximum. that can be done 1s seemingly to try to reach a fluid balance between the need to react in suitable cases, and the growing necessity to refrain from intervention 1n other cases. Of course, a host of delicate ethical dilemmata 1s implicated here. The message basically remains : The progress of knowledge, and the progress of skills to treat problems does not represent a vector pointing unidirectional towards ultimate improvement. The faster the general progress of « our world » the more the special progress in particular flelds may get hampered by the fact that their underlying conditions change rapidly and constantly, and so far tend to pose always new or at least newly configured problems. Due to the accumulation of knowledge, and due to the ever more enhanced capacity of modern science to combine facets of knowledge out of sometimes widely diverg- ing fields, there 1s hope, however, that science and scientifically guided practice and policy will hold pace with the change. So in the eventual result societal and individual life could remain worth living, and in some aspects even gain in quality for large parts of the population even in countries where this 1s definitely not the case yet nowadays. THE BASIC SITUATION IN CRIMINOLOGY Turning back again specifically to criminology and criminal justice policy, one may ask whether at all there are some parallels to the situa- tion as [ have sketched it for medical science. On the surface. one real big difference seems immediatly evident : AIl criminologists all over the world, I guess, will till now not have received as much research money and personnel as did the scholarly physicians and their reseach institu- tions in just one of the modern states like for instance Germany. Money alone does not guarantee useful progress and success, of course. Ît could contribute effectively, however, to instigate among researchers and funding agencies alike a mentality of daring to « repeat the same ». In medicine like in any other modern science one 1s used to replicate experiments many times or to repeat important research __ 36 — studies at least a few times in order to make sure that research results published with the claim to represent new discoveries are representing real facts, and not just artifacts of the concrete conditions of the scholars’ research arrangement or measurement techniques. Criminologists rarely have the opportunity to act in that way. Therefore many of our results are all but « hard » facts, they are rather not much more than preliminary approaches to the establishment of à consented way to eventual firmly established facts. In addition. there is the circumstance that « crime » is not d naturalistic respectively ontogenetic entity of our material world. It 1s. as everyone of you 1s well aware of, a so-called social construct, created by social-psychological processes of establishing norms and fixing sanc- tions for the breach of those norms. In present-day societies crimes are authoritatively defined by law, be it through written codes like in the countries of the so-called civil law tradition, be it through court deci- sions as it still is the case to a large extent in the countries of the so- called common law tradition. Since law represents the whole culture and tradition of any given society, particular laws In different countries, aim- ing at the same real life phenomenon, may accordingly differ in the way they define the problem and determine possible solutions. So when try- Ing to understand what « crime » 1s all about one 1s already confronted with a plethora of subtle influences in one given society respectively State, and the complexity yet augments when it comes to compare dif- ferent societies or States. Of course, behind the socio-legal categories and their determinants ly So to speak enduring quasi-natural « facts of life » of persons. groups of persons, small traditional societies, and large-scale modern societies. Criminologists can try to concentrate on what is really the core content of the « forces » that cause harmful behavior among and between those Persons, groups etc. Homicide, rape and causing bodily harm to another person surely belong to the age-old misbehaviors that societies have tried to control. Às far as the « human causes » of such types of behavior are concerned It is still worthwile to study so to speak all-human emotions and motives like rage, jealousy, and revengeful resentment. The more we learn about the common causes of deviant human behavior the more we can try to develop individualized schemes of prevention, effective sanctioning and treatment measures. However, since every society (and State) has par- ticular characteristics of its own in terms of living conditions, dominant modes of formal versus informal social control, and mentalities or other cultural determinants and constraints, one has to assume also that the dMount and the quality of problem behavior of à certain kind as shown ON the macro level will be decisively influenced by those societal « for- _— 37 — ces ». Therefore by concentrating on the comparison of societies and States with regard to crime in general or to particular forms of crime criminologists may eventually detect what the structural conditions are that guarantee a low crime rate in one society, but unleash a crime wave in another society. Family violence is a phenomenon you will find in any given society of our days. And there are sources indicating that family violence was widespread as well in past centuries. One aspect of this belongs to violencebreeding conditions of intimacy. This could be researched by scholars not at all interested in the social conditions families are faced with today. But if we wish to understand whether and under what spe- clal circumstances the « naturally given » family violence will grow or can be diminished, than we need to take into consideration comparative social or socio-psychological factors. Criminologists then may look at family conditions say in the United States or Korea in the 19th century as compared to those conditions in our time in order to check whether the amount of violence in families does really respond to social change. [t may well come out that in the past century many acts as committed by husbands against their wives or as committed by parents against their children were informally and even officially defined as being nothing but « deserved acts of education or correction », and thus not considered to be inacceptable « violence » like this 1s the case in our days. On the other hand, when comparing present-day States and societies, criminologists may come to detect substantive factors that are responsible for the rise of family violence in a given society, as compared to factors that are causing low rates of family violence in another society. Then they could develop schemes to help authorities in the countries that are being worse off to tackle the problems efficiently and effectively. The same applies to violence in schools. We see. however, that modern societies are still crime-ridden. And we even see that in a State like the United States of America, where probably more criminologists are living and working today than in any other State, the violent crime rate is among the highest in the world. So : Do criminologists contribute to the crime situation ? Of course not ! Are they probably helpless in getting suitable knowledge of the causes of crime and the means of its treatment and control ? They are, | think, so far definitely not helpless ! But the available basic knowledge needs to be « translated » into operational concepts fitting real life situa- tions where always much more than only « criminology » is implied. Apart from other considerations like being cut off from policy makers who do not wish to listen to scholarly advice the subject matter of criminology itself is becoming less static than it happened to be a few generations ago. Crime phenomena are but a part of a larger structure _— 38 _ of late modernity where societies, economies, and States are embedded in constantly ongoing and evolving processes of social change. In those processes the myriad of factors shaping social life will continuoulsy be re-configured to a certain degree. That means, inter alia, that one has constantly and repeatedly the task of adapting theoretical and practical knowledge to ever changing conditions and « environments ». Even the relative large number of criminologists in the U.S.À. as compared to the rest of the world seems by far not numerous enough yet to accomplish that complex and complicated task. And 1f we look, on the other hand, at some social problems where at least the main structures seem to remain basically comparable over time. like e.g. with violence by firearms, no discipline can offer simple and quick fixes : The level of violence in à given society, and its predominant forms of expression, are rooted in what socio-historians call «long waves » of collective men- talities, collective habits, and folk customs as immune against attempts of change as 1f they were natural laws. That means In the short range only incremental improvements are to be expected. THE NEED FOR A FUTURE (GLOBAL) GROWTH OF CRIMINOLOGY The best we could hope for, taking all considerations together, is not to eradicate crime, but just to moderate and modify it. By doing so in a careful manner the eventual amount of social and individual harm caused by « crimes » (as manifestations of a conceptual instead of an ontological unit) may be, in the long range, minimized as far as possible. Criminologists need to continue to study, by way of basic research, what the patterned conditions of those manifestations are all about, and how the patterns respond to different modes of directed or naturally occuring influences. There 1s still a lack of adequate knowledge in many fields. As applied research is concerned, those criminologists actually Interested in it need substantially more time and resources than were usually available until now in order to administer suitable research methods (including controlled experiments) and strict measures of scien- tific evaluation (cf. for crime prevention the exemplary documentation by Sherman et al. 1997). Even if criminological knowledge will, as it is often the case, not be developed enough for elaborating concrete programs that can guarantee « success », there is often some kind of elaborated information available that may help practitioners and policy makers to overhaul existing programs which fell behind any modern approach. Criminologists could so far act as information brokers. _— 39 _ Criminology can not fulfill those tasks, and not provide the needed services, unless it will be firmly established as a discipline of its own right at universities, as a powerful source of continuous empirical endeavours at independent or government research centers, and as an independent professional practice in every state and society. Up to now this state of affairs is fully developed only in the United States of America (for a recent evaluative look at the American « scene » from a German point of view see Kaiser 1998). The other countries are more or less in the stage of development ; in Europe England, some Scandinavian States, Belgium and the Netherlands came ahead of the other countries partly in terms of academic undergraduate and graduate programs, partly with regard to stable research bodies outside the academia. To some extent, the difficulties criminology was and at many places still is confronted with when trying to establish itself firmly in the « concert » of disciplines, are partly due to 1ts interdisciplinary character, and due to its divergent roots in the history of science. The more power- ful in a country the « old disciplines » are with respect to historically and structurally established power at the universities and among professional associations and with respect to « collective mentality », the more « new disciplines » like criminology have to struggle to get acknowledged, 1f not to survive. | hope that in due course of time the independence of teaching, research and practice in criminology will be a fully and well acknow- ledged fact all over the globe. International bodies and associations may effectively help to broaden the acceptance of criminological work. The United Nations World Crime Surveys, and the International Victimiza- tion Surveys (UNICRI et al.) are but prominent examples of manifold good developments in that direction. Victim-Offender-Reconciliation programs, the movement toward Restorative Justice, and International Instruments for the Improvement of Criminal Justice Matters (like the Conventions of the Council of Europe) do help in addition to bring theory, research, policy, and practice closer together. Meanwihle I would already be content and happy if in those states where criminology 1s rather modestly represented up to now at least one aspect or facet of its rich potentiality would soon get the chance of à firm and constant establishment. REFERENCES ADLER, F., MUELLER, G.O.W., LAUFER, W.S. : Criminology. Third Edi- tion, Boston et al. 1998 (Chapter 3 : Schools of Thought Throughout History, pp. 46-65. — 40 — BECCARIA, C. Dei Delitti e delle Pene, Livorno, 1764. DURKHEIM. E.. De la Division du Travail Social, Paris, 1893. DURKHEIM, E.. Les Règles de la Méthode Sociologique, Paris, 1895. DURKHEM, E., Le Suicide. Etude de Sociologie, Paris, 1897. ÉIKELPASCH. R.,. RADEMACHER. e « Postindustrielle Gesellschaft », Soriologische Gesellschaftsbegriffe, Hrsg. von Kneer / Nassehi / Schroer, München, 1997, pp. 205-227. ERIKSSON, T. The Reformers : An Historical of Pioncer Experiments in the Treatment of Criminals, New York, 1976. GUERRY, ÀA.M., Essay sur la Statistique Morale de la France, Paris, 1833. HENDERSON, C.R.…. « Penology in the United States. Outline of a Progressive Programme », Mitteilungen cler Internationalen Kriminalistischen Vereinigung, Band 21, Heft 1, Berlin, 1914, pp. 117 ff KAISER. G. «Stand und Perspektiven gegenwärtiger Kriminologie in den Vereinigten Staaten und in GroBbritannien », Zeitschrift für die gesamte Strafrechtswissenschaft, Band 110, Heft 3, 1998, pp. 674 ff. LISZT, F. von. « Der Zweckgedanke im Strafrecht [Marburg 1882] », Ders. Strafrechtliche Aufsätze und Vorträge, Band 1. Berlin, 1905, pp. 126-179. LISZT. F. von, « Die Entstehung der Internationalen Kriminalistischen der Internationalen Kriminalistischen Vereinigung ». Mitteilungen V’ereinigung,. Band 21, Heft 1. Berlin, 1914, pp. ! ff. LoMBROSO, C.…, « L'Uomo Delinquente », Rapporto all'Anthropologia, alla giurisprudenza e dalle discicpline carcerarie, Torino, 1876. MANNHEIM. H. (Ed.), Pioneers in Criminologv, London 1960 (Re-Ed. Montclair. New Jersey, 1972). NASSFHI. À, « Risikogesellschaft », Soziologische Gesellschaftsbegriffe, Hrsg. von Kneer / Nassehi / Schroer, München, 1997, pp. 252-279. OETTINGEN. À. von, Die Moralstatistik in ihrer Bedeutung für ecine christliche Socialethik, 2. Auflage, Erlangen, 1874. QUETELET, A.. Sur l'Homme et le Développement de ses Facultés ou Essai de Physique Sociale, Bruxelles, 2 Vol., 1836. SCHNEIDER, H.J.. Kriminologie, Berlin, New York, 1987 (pp. 920 ff. : Pioniere der Kriminologie). SHERMAN, L.W.. GOTTFREDSON, D.C., MACKENZIE, D.L.. ECK, J. REUTER, P., BusHway, S.D., Preventing Crime What Works, What Doesn't, What's Promising, Washington, NIJ, 1997. The main issues — 4} — and findings are summarized (same authors and same title) in the following 20 pages brochure National Institute of Justice, Research in Brief, July 1998 (NCI 1716676). Updated information can be found on the following Web site : http://www.preventingerime.org. 42 CRIMINOLOGY AND CRIME PREVENTION IN THE 21st CENTURY Lawrence W. Sherman (*) Last night | had a dream. In my dream ! was landing at an airport. | could not tell what country I was in, but the date on a newspaper was August 29, 2098. Somehow I had traveled ahead in time for 100 years, to the end of the 21st Century. When ! got off the plane ! was greeted by several graduate students who drove me to a district police station in a big city. They escorted me into the station and up the stairs to an office marked « District Criminologist ». As | walked into the office l was met by a middle-aged woman who said, « Welcome. You are just in time for my staff meet- ing ». She led me to a conference room where the walls were lined with maps of the district and many charts and graphs. There were three other criminologists in the room. The woman convened the meeting and called on the first of her assistants to present his agenda for the week. RESTORATIVE JUSTICE « I have four restorative community justice conferences », he said. « The one today is a burglary. The others are for an armed robbery, an auto theft, and an arson. l am ready to present to each meeting the most recent findings on the average recidivism rates following each of the most common options for the offender to pay back the victim. » The district criminologist asked her assistant whether he expects any problems in these four cases. The assistant replied that the police officer leading today's conference was a little angry about the latest police officer effectiveness rankings that the District Criminologist's Office had compiled. « According to th at report », said the assistant, the cases handled by this officer had a repeat offending rate that was fifty percent higher than predicted from the average risk factor score of his caseload. based on the prior offending histories of the offenders. This result put him at the bottom of the effectiveness ranking of the list of all the restorative community justice officers. The woman said, « ! have been meaning to ask you what your data shows about why this officer is producing such bad results from his (*) University of Maryland. _— 43 — restorative justice conferences. » Her assistant replied that « My observa- tional data show that this officer spends much more time than average during the conferences lecturing to the offender. He does not encourage the offender’s family to speak up about their feelings, and does not even give the victims much chance to speak about the harm they have suf- fered. As you know, our research shows that these practices result 1n higher repeat offending rates, as well as lower completion rates for vic- tim compensation paid by the offenders. » The District Criminologist replies that she will be meeting with the district police commander to discuss the latest rankings, and would con- sult with her about whether this officer should be retrained or trans- ferred out of restorative justice duties. STATISTICAL CRIME DETECTION Then the woman turned to second assistant to ask him what major crimes had come in on the weekend. The assistant replied that there had been a murder during a home invasion robbery of an immigrant busi- ness entrepreneur. The District Criminologist asked him what statistical profiles he had been analyzing for possible suspects. « The detectives wanted to check only for recent arrests of suspects who were of the same ethnic group as the victim, » her replied. « But I have also checked for anyone arrested for home invasion crimes in the past twenty years. When I cross-checked that list against the list of convicts released from prison in the past six months, I found three matches. None of them was from the same ethnic group as the victim. But one of them had a history of hate crimes against members of the victim's ethnic group. So the detectives are out looking for him now. » The woman complimented her assistant for his good work, and then turned to the third criminologist. CRIME PATTERNS AND TACFICAL EVALUATIONS « AÂre we ready for tomorrow's crime patterns meeting at Headquar- ters, » she asked. « No, » the assistant replied. « ! want the district commander to pre- sent a new hot spot of jJuvenile assaults based on our latest annual telephone survey of unreported crimes in the district. But the com- mander wants to place more emphasis on reported crimes over the past three months. So I have to remove this hot spot, which 1s à park nea the high school, from the new list of locations for extra directed patrol. » 44 — The District Criminologist then asks her assistant a series of quick questions. Question: How many unreported fights did the survey find occurred in the park over one year? Answer: fifty-three Question: How many fights resulted in serious injury? Answer: 3 cases taken to the hospital, one with a broken jaw. Question: What 1s the relative risk of murder at a location with this profile of both reported and unreported crime, based on the past ten years of citywide data? Answer: Fifty times higher than the average location, or about a 10 percent risk of murder at the location over the coming year. Question: What days of the week and times have the most fights? Answer: Over two thirds of the fights happen on Friday and Satur- day nights between 8 and 12 pm, mostly from May through September. The District Criminologist tells her assistant to leave the park on the map of hot spots for the Headquarters Meeting. « [ will raise the issue with the commander, » she says. If he still disagrees I will just have to raise it at the headquarters meeting in front of the Police Commissioner. Ît scems clear that we might prevent a murder by some extra patrols on weekend nights during warm weather. I know that the Commander has trouble getting the patrol officers to work on weekend evenings. but that's nothing new. The assistant then raised another problem. « The tactics we have been using against pickpockets near the central train station are not working. We identified and registered that crime pattern six months ago. and assigned a surveillance team to catch the pickpockets in the act. But they have only made ten arrests, and the number of pickpocket crime reports each month has doubled from 150 to 300. The detective com- mander has asked me to recommend something else that they could do. But I can’t find any journal articles reporting an effective tactic against large-crowd pickpockets. » One of the other assistants then spoke up. « I heard that the National Institute of Criminology has almost completed an experiment in the Capital city on pickpocket control. The results have not been published yet since they are still preliminary. But it looks like undercover police decoys with radio transmitters hidden in their wallets produces 500 per- cent more arrests than surveillance teams, and an average 80% reduc- tlon in reported pickpocket crimes. The radio beam from the decoy's Wallet after it is stolen just makes the pickpockets very easy to find. » __ 45 — « Good. » said the District Criminologist. « We should recommend that tactic to the district detective commander, and hope that he get enough micro-transmitters to fit in the decoy wallets. With the same number of detectives, she says, he might be able to prevent a lot morc crime. » Then she stood up and shook my hand. « Thanks for your visit, » she says. « There is a car waiting downstairs to take you to the Prosecutor's Office ». EVIDENCE-BASED PROSECUTION My dream continued as I walked into the Prosecutor's building. ! was greeted by à silver-haired man in an elegant pinstriped suit. He led me to a door marked « Chief Criminologist. » He offered me coffee and handed me three graphs. The first graph showed the average repeat offending rates for all cases handled by each proseeutor in the entire office. The rates were all risk-adjusted, computing the difference between predicted recidivism based upon prior offenses, and actual recidivism based on two years of arrest records after cach case was adjudicated. The graph showed a bar for the recidivism rate associated with each prosecutor. At the top of the bar was the amount of salary bonus each prosecutor earned for achieving a lower than predicted recidivism rate for their caseload. For prosecutors with recidivism averages at least 200 percent higher than the rate predicted from risk factors, the bat graph showed the date that they were fired. [ looked up at the chief criminologist and asked him this question: « Are your staff criminologists ever tempted to cheat when they compile these evaluations of the prosecutors? » « Oh yes, » he replied. « Just last year we prosecuted one of My own staff criminologists for accepting a bribe from a prosecutor to report à lower recidivism rate than the data actually showed. We discovered the fraud in a random scientific integrity audit done by the National Institute for which monitors the work of staff Criminology, criminologists in criminal jJustice agencies. » The Proseeutor's Chief Criminologist then pointed to the second graph. This one looked much like the first,. except the unit of analysis was jJudges rather than prosecutors. This one had no salary bonus foi the judges whose cases had lower than expected repeat offending rates. But it did show the average sentence of incarceration for each judge. | noticed immediately that judges who imposed shorter sentences to time In prison or jJail produced lower recidivism rates than judges who 46 imposed /onger sentences. « What did you do with these findings, I asked the Chief Criminologist. » In response, he pointed out the third graph. It showed the results of à two-year controlled experiment in sentencing. For each of the ten offense types, there were two bars. One showed the recidivism rates for cases assigned to short terms in jail. The other showed recidivism rates for similar cases given /ong terms in jail. The results were striking. For property offenses, the recidivism rates were lower with l/onger average jail terms. But for violent offenses, including assault and robbery, the recidivism rates were lower with shorter average jail terms. Once again [ asked a question: « How do you explain that finding? » « Restorative justice, » the Chief Criminologist replied, « The judges using less jail time in violent cases used a lot of restorative Justice con- ferences as an alternative to jail. The violent offenders who paid com- pensation to their victims had much lower repeat offending rates than the ones who were sent to jail, even for a short jail term. The jailed offenders came out of jail looking for revenge, and some of them stalked the same victim. The restorative Justice conferences, in contrast. anticipated that problem and made specific arrangements to keep the offender away from the victims. » « How did the judges react to the experimental results, » I asked ? « Well. » the Chief Criminologist replied, « ! suppose that back in the Twentieth Century judges might have ignored a study like this one. But with evidence-based sentencing and each judge being held accountable for their own caseload’s average recidivism rates, judges depend a lot more on criminological research results. So when we showed them the results of this experiment, almost all of them converted to restorative justice policies for most violent crimes ». | thanked him for the coffee and went on to my next appointment. SCHOOL-BASED CRIME PREVENTION In my dream I drove up to a modest office building, where I saw à sign saying « Matthias Kerner, PhD, Licensed School Criminologist. » ! Was greeted warmly by Dr. Kerner, who looked just like his grandfather. He asked me to sit down and look at his morning’s work with him. « This is a consulting project | am doing for four of my client schools serving children aged 10 to 14 years. The table shows the number of reported bullying incidents for each student who has ever been reported by teachers for bullying other students. It is restricted to a group of 12 year-olds based on three years of data. Out of 2.000 children, 50 of them have more than one bullying incident. Ten of those fifty have had _— 47 — over 20 incidents each. and have been suspended from school repeatedly. » « What can you do with these data, » [ asked him. He told me that the data gave him legal access to police records of the bullies with five or more incidents in a year. Once he saw how often they had been arrested for crimes outside of schools and for what types of crimes, he matched their statistical profiles to a national data base. « And what does that tell you, » l asked. He told me that the profiles could tell him whether there was a high or low risk of the student caus- ing serious violence with injury. If the risk was high, the state authorized a very high level of expenditure for positive preventive programs. This included family counseling therapy. for which the parents’ employers were reimbursed for the time taken away from work to participate in the family sessions. He told me that this therapy had been demonstrated to reduce the risk of serious violence among the high-risk children by over 60 percent. « What else are you working on, » l asked him. He told me that he was evaluating a new program of family and community support for kids reported before age 12 as using drugs, drinking alcohol, or truancy from school. À sample of 200 children with such problems had been ran- domly assigned to two groups. One group had received the standard stay-after-school classes on the evils of drugs and drink. The other group had been referred to à specially convened group of family and concerned adults close to the child. This group had undertaken monthly meetings in a group circle. with the child present. The meectings had allowed everyone to talk about the child’s misbehavior and the ways 1t could be prevented. The child was asked to participate, and propose solutions of his own. Very often the parents were quite angry. and the other adults present in the group had to stress the inherent worth of the child. « What results do you have so far.» I asked. He told me that the groups which had gone beyond the meetings and done home visits had achieved lower repeat offending rates. The children in those groups had half the arrest rates of the children whose groups only held meetings. But of all the children treated with these special groups, the arrest rate was 30 percent lower than the children sent to the stay-after school classes. ] thanked Dr. Kerner for his time, and drove off to my next appoint- ment. _— 48 _ DEVELOPMENTAL CRIMINOLOGY In my dream I pulled up to a building marked « Department of Health ». [ was greeted by à woman in a white laboratory coat who led me to her office, marked « Medical Criminologist ». She sat me down and handed me some results of her day's work. « This 1s the latest monthly list, » she said, « off all the newborn children with criminological risk factors identified during birth and the initial home visit by a Health Department nurse within two weeks after birth. Those risk factors are validated on 30-year follow up studies of a sample of 100,000 infants. We are just pulling the case reports on each one of them to combine the risk factors into a statistical profile. » | asked her what she could do with those profiles. « We have a wide variety of possible interventions, » she said. « For example, if the child has jaundice, we have a drug that blocks the brain wave abnormality that jaundice can cause. We discovered in the early 2020s that infants with jaundice-related problems had higher rates of property crime when they grew older. While we still have not been able to find a way to pre- vent jaudice, we have mapped the neurological damage jaundice causes and tested several ways of blocking that damage. The side effects are minimal, and the child needs only to take the drug for the first two months after the jJaundice disappears. » « What other risk factors can you target based on evidence of effec- tive results? » [ asked. « The biggest risk factor we have found is parents not picking up their children when they cried, at last before 6 months. Back in the 20th Century, many physicians thought you might spoil infants 1f you always picked them up when they cried. But in 2068 we conducted à randomized experiment in always picking up children when they cried-or not. We found a lot of variability in response in short-run response to these treatments. But over 2,000 cases followed up for 30 years showed a striking effect. The children who had been picked up more were less likely to commit violent crimes against their friends and family. There was no effect on stranger violence, such as robbery. But there was a huge effect on domestic or acquaintance attacks in explo- sions of anger. » «So how did you build a policy around that experiment, » I asked. She told me that the visiting nurses all train the parents to pick up children quickly. If the child started to cry during the visit, the nurse would pick up the child himself and show the parents how to try to calm the child down. À controlled experiment in the effects of that training showed that it substantially increased parent compliance with the recom- mended practice, and reduced aggression by children up through age 15. —. 49 _ « Suppose the parents do not want to allow the nurse to visit?» I asked. She told me that they had once made the visits legally coerced. like à court subpena. But research showed less cooperation with coercive than with voluntary visits. Since the year 2070, that law was repealed. Instead, they have used the positive incentive approach: offering eight hours of free babysitting by the nurse for every hour the parents would let the nurse meet with them and the baby to show the parents how the baby should be treated. « What has been the compliance rate, » [ asked. About 90 percent, she replied. « When the law coerced the visits, com- pliance was only 75 percent, The results confirmed the prediction from the earlier research. » | thanked her and headed to my last appointment. CRIMINOLOGY AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT In my dream the car pulled up in front of The Department of Economic Development. ! was greeted at the door by a man who led me to the office marked « Economie Criminology ». On the walls of this office were maps with brightly shaded colors showing every small neighborhood in the city. I looked at the maps and found that the bright red hot spots showed neighborhoods with over 50 percent unemploy- ment of the residents, while the colors shaded steadily lighter as the unemployment rates fell away to under 5 percent. On another set ofmaps | found pinpoint bar graphs on the locations of businesses with repeated violent crimes. One of th em was a 24-hour convenience store, which showed 15 robberies during the past month. It was located on a commercial avenue in one ofthe brightest red areas of high unemployment in the city. « What do you do with these maps? » ! asked the criminologist. He told me that he took them to the planning meetings for job development programs, where he reported the results of his evaluations. « Back in 2083, » he said, « we discovered a paradox about jobs and crime. If the unemployment rate fell from 50 percent to 25 percent. the robbery rate in the neighborhood actually went up. People coming home from Jobs outside the neighborhood were easy targets for the local resi- dent offenders, including even some who had obtained jobs themselves. Ît was only after the neighborhood unemployment rate dropped below 15 percent that the robbery and domestic violence rates started to drop. So we have been testing many ideas since then for creating a major and rapid reduction in unemployment on almost a block-by block basis. rather than investing in city-wide programs which reduce unemployment but increase the robbery rate. » 50 | wanted to stay longer but ! had to leave for the Thirty-Second International Congress on Crime Prevention being held in Seoul, Korea. When ! arrived in Seoul I found that the entire exhibition center was full of criminologists. some 50,000 in number. I arrived just in time for the awards ceremony. The Prix Durkheim was being awarded for a lifetime of distinguished contributions to science. This 1s what the presenter of the award said: « Professor Kim has worked through over half of the Twenty-First Century to find scientific evidence about improving public safety. She has designed and carried out many critically important experiments, including the landmark test of the effect of capital punishment. Her research has led to the abolition of capital punishment in every nation on earth. Her later work on the voluntary use of neurotransmitters to prevent domestic violence has been a Godsend to battered women. Her research in these two areas alone has been estimated to have saved over 500,000 lives world wide. The International Society of Criminology 1s truly honored to recognize her work with the Prix Durkheim. » Then [ woke up. [ realized I was still in the 21st Century, and that none of the work [ dreamed about had been done yet. But I had a smile on my face. Just imagine, I thought. if even one-tenth of that work actually comes to pass. My dream might well be someone else’s nightmare. But it was my dream. And I liked it à lot. Thank you. BIBLIOGRAPHY BRAITHWAITE, J (1998), « Restorative Justice », In TONRY, M.. ed Oxford Handbook of crime and punishment. N.Y.: Oxford University Press. SHERMAN, L.W. and WEISBURD, D.A. (1995), « The General Deterrent Effects of Police Patrol in Crime Hot Spots A Randomized, Con- trolled Trial ». Justice Quarterly, 12 : 625-648. SHERMAN, L.W. (1998), « Evidence-Based Policing », Ideas in American Policing Lecture, Washington, DC : Police Foundation. SHERMAN, L.W.. GOTTFREDSON, D., MACKENZIE, D., EcK, J, REUTER, P. and BusHway, S.D. (1998). Preventing crime What works, what doesn't, what's promising. Washington, DC : National Institute of Justice. Http://www.preventingcerime.org _— 51 — STRANG, H. and SHERMAN, L.W. (1997), « Victims Fare Better by Con- fronting Offenders. ». The RISE Working Paupers. Australian National Law University,. Research School of Social Sciences, Program. Http://Wwww.aic.gov.au/links (look for« RISE ») __ 52 — L’AVENIR DE LA CRIMINOLOGIE EN ASIE ET DANS LE MONDE Georges Picca (*) Ce 12° Congrès est déjà une date historique pour la Société Interna- tionale de Criminologie, 1l le sera pour la Criminologie mondiale. C'est en Asie que, pour la première fois, criminologues et praticiens de la justice pénale de toutes les nations ont choisi, à notre invitation, de se rencontrer pour confronter leurs recherches et offrir, des perspec- tives nouvelles pour un monde en changement. Le choix de cette région du monde est par lui-mème significatif. Il témoigne de son dynamisme et de son développement. Il signifie, aussi, qu'il est nécessaire, pour les criminologues et, ceux qui sont en charge de la justice d'orienter leur réflexion au-delà de leurs cadres habituels, dans une dimension résolument mondiale. Ce Congrès est enfin une opportunité particulière pour définir des objectifs pour la criminologie des prochaines années. Ces objectifs devraient s'orienter dans trois directions. — Prendre en compte les réalités des sociétés d'aujourd'hui, — adapter nos stratégies de recherches et politiques de prévention aux enjeux de demain, — agir dans un esprit de coopération mondiale. [. Prendre en compte les réalités des Sociétés d'aujourd'hui c'est, d'abord, accepter le fait que la criminalité est, depuis plusieurs décen- nies, une préoccupation désormais prioritaire pour la majorité des peuples, mais aussi des gouvernements. Les problèmes qui se posent aux différentes nations dans les domaines de la sécurité des personnes et des biens, de l'assistance aux victimes, de l’adaptation de la jeunesse à une meilleure intégration sociale, justifient le thème que nous avons choisi pour ce 12° Congrès « Crime et Justice dans un Monde en changement… ». Le changement est une donnée inévitable dans la vie des sociétés humaines. Mais il est nécessaire que les hommes et les institutions soient (*) Secrétaire Général de la Société Internationale de Criminologte (LS.C.). aptes à le maîtriser dans le respect de valeurs fondamentales ; dont la protection doit être assurée par la justice. Si la délinquance revêt aujourd'hui une dimension transnationale, elle n'a pas pour autant abandonné ses variations régionales ou culturelles. Délinquance financière et corruption, trafic international de stupéfiants coexistent, en effet, avec les violences aux enfants et aux femmes. Quant à l'insécurité urbaine elle est présente un peu partout dans les grandes villes du monde et. les taux de victimisation s’élèvent. Face à ces faits sociaux, beaucoup de pays — notamment en voie de développement — ont des difficultés à assurer des réponses crédibles à des formes de délinquance de plus en plus sophistiquées. Ils souhaitent aussi une assistance pour améliorer leur législation pénale. Mais élever le niveau d'expertise des systèmes de justice exige souvent des ressources qui font défaut à de nombreux pays. S1 l’on doit tenir compte des différences culturelles et socio-politiques de chaque pays ou région, 1l est souhaitable de promouvoir une coopéra- tion internationale plus efficace. Des initiatives, telles que celles qui nous réunissent aujourd'hui, vont dans ce sens. Au cours des deux dernières décennies une attention croissante a été portée à une évaluation des mesures propres à prévenir la criminalité et, à assurer une meilleure prise en compte des problèmes des victimes. Cependant beaucoup de questions demeurent encore sans réponse. Dans quelle mesure la mondialisation des échanges commerciaux n'a t'elle pas favorisé certaines formes de criminalité ? Dans quelle mesure les migrations de populations ont-elles influé sur les conflits ethniques ? Dans quelle mesure, enfin, les nouveaux apports de la technologie et de la biologie ont-ils vraiment modernisé les méthodes des services de police ” Il est ainsi nombre d'interrogations qui plaident en faveur d'un deuxième objectif : adapter nos stratégies de recherche et les politiques de prévention aux enjeux de demain. IT. L'approche criminologique renouvelée de la criminalité et de la jus- tice pénale demeure plus que jamais nécessaire. C’est dans la compréhen- sion du monde d'aujourd'hui que réside l’explication de la criminalité de demain. Evoluant entre les sciences sociales et les sciences juridiques, les crimi- nologues ont à parcourir un chemin souvent étroit et difficile. Au-delà des controverses scientifiques, trop souvent stériles, ils doivent, par suite, — 54 _ faire la démonstration de l’utilité sociale de leur expertise. Pour cela 1l faut adapter nos stratégies de recherche aux nécessités sociales. À cet égard la criminologie empirique apparaît la plus opération nelle. En effet ces nécessités sont le plus souvent différentes selon les régions. les cultures, l'importance des valeurs essentielles que les sociétés entendent protéger, ainsi que la portée du contrôle social. Par voie de conséquence les politiques de prévention et les systèmes juridiques sont très divers. Cependant, s’'agissant de l'atteinte aux droits essentiels de l'individu, et au respect des valeurs fondamentales, des stra- tégies de recherche communes doivent pouvoir s'élaborer, par delà les frontières. L'extension de la criminalité transnationale, qui revêt de nouvelles caractéristiques, en particulier dans le domaine de la criminalité organi- sée, offre un exemple de proposition de stratégies communes. Elle offre également une illustration de la nécessité d’une interaction entre d'une part. l'université et la recherche, et d'autre part, les institutions respon- sables des actions dans le domaine de la prévention et les responsables de la justice pénale. I. Il est, enfin. un troisième objectif qu'il importe de souligner c'est celui de la nécessité d'une coopération mondiale. Coopération dans le domaine de la recherche scientifique, dans celui de la communication et de l'information, coopération, aussi, dans l’action. Ce Congrès est à cet égard une remarquable opportunité. La ren- contre de décideurs et d'experts de différentes nations est propice à un échange de points de vue dans ces différents domaines. L'action de la Société Internationale de Criminologie est depuis plus d'un demi-siècle, inspirée par un tel objectif au niveau qui est le sien d'une organisation non gouvernementale. Représentée dans plus de soixante nations et présente dans les diverses régions du monde, notre organisation a réuni à ce jour cin- quante-cinq Cours internationaux de criminologie en Afrique, Amérique et Europe. Dès 1990 nous étions présents en République populaire de Chine. En 1992 nous étions également présents à Tokyo, en 1994 à Séoul et 1996 à Macao et voici qu’aujourd’hui, ce grand rassemblement de respon- sables et chercheurs dans les domaines qui sont les nôtres, ouvrent de nouveaux horizons à une coopération mondiale. __ 55 — Les champs d'investigations qui s'offrent aujourd'hui à la recherche en criminologie sont immenses. Beaucoup d'espoirs de nos lointains pré- décesseurs, les fondateurs de la criminologie du 19° siècle ont été déçus. La croyance au progrès, facteur de bonheur et de réduction de la crimi- nalité, a été démentie par l'histoire. Contrairement à une idée généralement partagée en son temps, la science n'a pas apporté le bonheur. Ses acquis sont incontestables dans la durée de la vie, la santé des individus mais ses bienfaits ne sont pas égaux pour tous les peuples. Quant à la criminalité, elle à pris des formes nouvelles. On ne doit pas s'en étonner car l'histoire des hommes et des femmes continue et se transforme. C'est la loi suprème de l'humanité. Mais face à ces transformations et dans les domaines qui sont les nôtres, criminologie et justice pénale doivent s'adapter pour aider à construire pour demain un monde dans lequel les valeurs essentielles de nos cultures diverses seront garanties. La criminologie a démontré, depuis bientôt deux siècles que, bien que née en Europe et, malgré la diversité des systèmes juridiques, elle pouvait transposer sa dimension éthique et scientifique par delà les frontières. Ce 125 Congrès mondial en sera, j'en suis convaineu une nouvelle illustration. THE FUTURE OF CRIMINOLOGY IN ASIA AND IN THE WORLD This 12th Congress 1s already a historical date for the International Society for Criminology and it will be one for world criminology. It was in Asia that, for the first time, criminologists and criminal law practitioners of all nations chose, upon our invitation, to meet to con- front their research and to offer new perspectives for a changing world. The choice of this region of the world 1s in itself significant. It 1s an indication of the region’s dynamism and development. It signifies, as well, that it is necessary for criminologists and those in charge of justice to orient their thinking beyond their usual framework, towards a resolutely international dimension. Lastly, this Congress 1s a particular opportunity to define the objec- tives for criminology in the years to come. These objectives should be oriented in three directions. - To take into account the realities of today's societies, — to adapt our research strategies and prevention policies to tomorrow's ISSUES, 56 — — to act in the spirit of international cooperation. Taking into account the realities of today's societies 1s first accepting the fact that criminality 1s, and has been for decades, now a priority con- cern for the majority of citizens as well as governments. The problems encountered by the various nations in the areas of the safety of persons and property, assistance to victims and the adaptation of youth for better social integration, justify the theme we have chosen for this 12th Congress « Crime and Justice in a changing world…. ». Change is an inevitable fact in the life of human societies. But it 1s necessary that people and institutions be able to control it in the respect of fundamental values, whose protection must be ensured by the judicial system. If criminality today 1s taking on a transnational dimension, it has not abandoned its regional or cultural variations. Financial crime and corruption and international drug traffic coexist with violence towards women and children. As for urban insecurity, it 1s present nearly everywhere in cities across the world and the levels of victimization are on the rise. Confronted with these social phenomena, many countries — in par- ticular developing countries —- have difficulty providing credible respon- ses to the increasingly sophisticated forms of crime. They are also seek- Ing assistance in improving their criminal legislation. But raising the level of expertise in judicial systems often requires resources which are lacking n many countries. If we want to consider the cultural and socio-political differences in each country or region, it is important to promote more effective inter- national cooperation. Initiatives such as the one which brings us here today are moving in this direction. To what extent has the globalization in commercial exchanges promoted certain forms of criminality ? To what extent have population migrations influenced ethnic conflicts ? To what extent, finally, have new discoveries in technology and biology truly modernized police methods ? These are questions which plead in favor of a second objective adapting our research strategies and prevention policies to tomorrow's ISSUES. _— 57 — Il À renewed criminological approach to crime and criminal justice 1s more than ever a necessity. The explanation of tomorrow's criminality lies in the understanding of today's world. Working between social sciences and legal science, criminologists tread a narrow and difficult road. Beyond the too often sterile scientific controversy, we must demonstrate the social utility of their expertise. To do so, we must adapt our research strategies to social necessities. In this light, empirical criminology appears more operational. These necessities most often differ among regions, cultures, the importance of the essential values which societies wish to protect, as well as the extent of social control. Consequently, prevention policies and legal systems are extremely diverse. However, as it Is a question of a breach of the essential rights of the individual and of the respect of fundamental values, common research strategies must be able to be pursued across national borders. The extension of transnational crime, which 1s taking on new charac- teristics, in particular in the field of organized crime, offers an example of common strategic proposals. It also offers an illustration of the necessity for interaction between, on the one hand, universities and research and, on the other, the institutions responsible for actions in the field of prevention and those responsible for criminal law. IM There 1s, finally, a third objective which should be highlighted : that of the necessity for worldwide cooperation. Cooperation in the field of scientific research, in the field of communication and information and, cooperation as well, in action. This Congress is in this respect a remarkable opportunity. The encounter of decision makers and experts from different nations 1s highly conducive to an exchange of viewpoints in these various fields. The International Society for Criminology's action has, for over a half century, been inspired by this objective, in its capacity as a non gov- ernmental organization. Represented in over sixty nations and present in various regions throughout the world, our organization has to date assembled fifty-five International Courts of criminology in Africa, America and Europe. Starting in 1990, we were present in the People’s Republic of China. In 1992, we were also present in Tokyo, in 1994 in Seoul and in 1996 __ 58 — in Macao and now, today, this great assembly of researchers in the fields which are ours, 1Ss opening new horizons for worldwide cooperation. The fields of investigation which are offering themselves today to criminological research are immense. Many of the hopes of our distant predecessors. the founders of criminology of the 19th century, were frustrated. Belief in progress. a factor of happiness and reduction of crime. has been proven false by history. Contrary to an idea generally shared in its time, science has not brought happiness. Its benefits are undeniable in extending life, in improving individual health, but they are not equal among all peoples. As for crime. it has taken on new forms. We should not be surprised, because the history of men and women continues and 1s transformed. This 1s the supreme law of humanity. But faced with these transforma- tions In our fields of endeavor. criminology and criminal law must adapt to help to build à world of tomorrow in which the essential values of our diverse cultures are guaranteed. For nearly two centuries, criminology has shown that, although 1t was born in Europe and in spite of the diversity of legal systems, it can transpose 1ts ethical and scientific dimension well beyond national bor- ders. This 12th world Congress will be, l am certain, a new 1llustration ot this. EL FUTURO DE LA CRIMINOLOGIA EN ASIA Y EN EL MUNDO Este 12° Congreso constituye ya una fecha histôrica para la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia y va a serlo para la Criminologia mun- dial. Ha sido en Asia donde, por vez primera y como respuesta a nuestra invitaciôn, los criminôlogos y expertos de la justicia penal de todas las naciones han optado por reunirse para confrontar sus investigaciones y ofrecer nuevas perspectivas para un mundo que cambia. La elecciôn de esta region del mundo es en si misma significativa. Constituye una prueba de su dinamismo y de su desarrollo. Significa también que es necesario para los criminôlogos y para los que se encar- gan de la justicia orientar su reflexiôn mäs allà de sus marcos habituales, con una dimensiôon decididamente mundial. __ 59 _ Este Congreso es por ültimo una oportunidad especial para definir varios objetivos de la criminologia en los prôximos años. Estos objetivos deberian orientarse en tres direcciones. - Tener en cuenta las realidades de las sociedades de hoy. — adaptar nuestras estrategias de investigaciones y las politicas de pre- venciôn a los aspectos en juego del futuro, — actuar con una ôptica de cooperaciôn mundial. [. Tener en cuenta las realidades de las Sociedades de hoy corresponde, primeramente, a aceptar el hecho de que la criminalidad es, desde hace varlas décadas, una preocupaciôn prioritaria para la mayoria de los pue- blos, asi como para los gobiernos. Los problemas que se plantean a las diferentes naciones en los ambi- tos de la seguridad de las personas y de los bienes, de la asistencia a las victimas, de la adaptaciôn de la juventud a una mejor integraciôn social, justifican el tema que hemos elegido para este 12° Congreso « Crimen y Justicia en un Mundo que cambia… ». El cambio es un dato inevitable en la vida de las sociedades humanas. Pero es necesario que los hombres y las instituciones sean aptos para controlarlo respetando los valores fundamentales, la protecciôn de los cuales debe verse garantizada por la justicia. Aunque la delincuencia reviste hoy una dimensiôn transnacional, ello no implica que haya por ello abandonado sus variaciones regionales o culturales. Efectivamente, delincuencia financiera y corrupciôn, asi como el träfico internacional de estupefacientes coexisten con las violencias a mujeres y niños. Por lo que a la inseguridad urbana se refiere, ésta se encuentra presente präcticamente en todas las grandes ciudades del mundo y las tasas de victimizaciôn se elevan. Frente à estos hechos sociales, muchos paises — especialmente en vias de desarrollo tienen dificultades para ofrecer unas respuestas convin- centes a unas formas de delincuencia cada vez mâs sofisticadas. Desean también una asistencia para mejorar su legislaciôn penal. Pero conseguir que los sistemas de justicia eleven el nivel como expertos exige a menudo unos recursos que resultan inexistentes en numerosos paises. Para tener en cuenta las diferencias culturales y sociopoliticas de cada pais o regiôn, es conveniente promover una cooperaciôn internacional mâs eficaz. Iniciativas tales como las que nos reûnen hoy se encaminan en esta direcciôn. — 660 — Durante las dos ültimas décadas, se ha dado una creciente atenciôn a una evoluciôn de las medidas propias para prevenir la criminalidad y para garantizar que se tengan mâäs en cuenta los problemas de las victi- mas. No obstante, numerosas cuestiones siguen todavia sin respuesta. En qué medida la mundializaciôn de los intercambios comerciales no ha favorecido mäs bien ciertas formas de criminalidad ? ; En qué medida las migraciones de poblaciones han influido en los conflictos étnicos ? ; En qué medida, por ültimo, los nuevos aportes de la tecnolo- gia y de la biologia han modernizado verdaderamente los métodos de los servicios de policia ? Son pues numerosas las interrogaciones que apuntan hacia la conve- niencia de un segundo objetivo : adaptar nuestras estrategias de investi- gaciôn y las politicas de prevenciôn a los aspectos en juego del futuro. IT. El enfoque criminolôgico renovado de la criminalidad y de la justicia penal sigue siendo mâs que nunca necesario. La explicacion de la crimi- nalidad del mañana reside en la comprensiôn del mundo actual. Los criminôlogos, que se mueven entre las ciencias sociales y las cien- cias juridicas, tienen que recorrer un camino a menudo estrecho y dificil. Mâs allà de las controversias cientificas, estériles con demasiada frecuen- cia, deben por tanto demostrar su utilidad social como expertos. Para ello es necesario adaptar nuestras estrategias de investigacion a las nece- sidades sociales. À este respecto, la criminologia empirica parece ser la mâs operativa. Efectivamente, lo mäs habitual es que estas necesidades sean dife- rentes segûn las regiones, las culturas, la importancia de los valores esen- ciales que las sociedades desean proteger, asi como el alcance del control social. Por consiguiente. las politicas de prevenciôn y los sistemas jJuridicos son muy diversos. No obstante. dado que se trata del perjuicio a los daños esenciales del individuo y al respeto de los valores fundamentales, debe ser posible elaborar unas estrategias de investigacion comunes, mas allà de las fronteras. La extension de la criminalidad transnacional, que reviste nuevas caracteristicas, en particular en el ambito de la criminalidad organizada, ofrece un ejemplo de propuesta de estrategias comunes. Ésta ofrece asir- nismo una ilustraciôn de la necesidad de una interacciôn entre, por una parte. la universidad y la investigaciôn y, por otra, las instituciones res- — 61 — ponsables de las acciones en el ambito de la prevenciôn y los respon- sables de la justicia penal. IIT. Por ültimo, existe un tercer objetivo que resulta importante señalar es el de la necesidad de la cooperaciôn mundial. Cooperaciôn en el ambito de la investigaciôn cientifica, en el de la comunicaciôon y de la informaciôn, cooperaciôn también en la acciôn. Este Congreso constituye a este respecto una oportunidad notable. El encuentro de los responsables de la toma de decisiones y de expertos de diferentes naciones es propicio a un intercambio de puntos de vista en estos diferentes ambitos. La acciôn de la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia se ve inspi- rada, desde hace mäs de medio siglo, por un objetivo asi al nivel que la caracteriza, que es el de una organizaciôn no gubernamental. Representada en mâs de sesenta naciones y presente en las diversas regiones del mundo, nuestra organizaciôon ha reunido hasta la fecha cin- cuenta y cinco Cursos Internacionales de Criminologia en Africa, Amé- rica y Europa. Ya en 1990 nos enconträbamos presentes en la Repüblica Popular de China. En 1992 estuvimos también presentes en Tokio, en 1994 en Seul y en 1996 en Macao. Y en la actualidad esta gran concentraciôn de res- ponsables e investigadores en los ambitos que nos atañen abre nuevos horizontes para una cooperaciôn mundial. Los campos de investigaciones que se ofrecen hoy a la investigaciôn en criminologia son inmensos. Muchas esperanzas de nuestros lejanos predecesores, los fundadores de la criminologia del siglo XIX, se han visto frustradas. La creencia en el progreso, factor de felicidad y de reducciôn de la criminalidad, se ha visto desmentida por la historia. Contrariamente a una idea generalmente aprobada en su tiempo, la ciencia no ha traido la felicidad. Sus logros son incontestables en la duraciôn de la vida o la salud de los individuos, pero sus favores no son iguales para todos los pueblos. En cuanto a la criminalidad, ésta ha revestido nuevas formas. Ello no debe sorprendernos, ya que la historia de los hombres y de las mujeres continüa y se transforma. Es la ley suprema de la humanidad. Pero frente a estas transformaciones y en los ambitos que nos incumben, criminologia y jJusticia penal deben adap- tarse para ayudar a construir para el mañana un mundo en el que los valores esenciales de nuestras diversas culturas se vean garantizados. — 62 — La criminologia ha demostrado. desde harä pronto dos siglos. que aunque hava nacido en Europa y à pesar de la diversidad de los sistemas juridicos podia transponer su dimensiôn ética y cientifica mäs allà de las fronteras. Estov convenceido de que este 12° Congreso Mundial serd una nueva tlustracion de ello. —- 63 POLITICA VICTIMOLOGICA, UNE EXPERIENCIA LATINOAMERICANA (VICTIMAS DE VIOLENCIA DOMÉSTICA) Maria de la Luz Lima (*) [. — INTRODUCCIÔON Para hablar de este tema que hoy por hoy es de discusion püblica, debemos partir de distintas perspectivas analiticas a fin de comprender mejor el fenômeno y determinar una efectiva intervenciôn que nos per- mita prevenir y atender a las victimas. Nuestros puntos de partida seraän resaltar e/ valor que tendra la fami- lia para el siglo XXI. sus antecedentes e influencia actual ; los derechos de los niños ; la dinamica familiar y sus implicaciones, abuso en la fami- lia : nuevas leves v las expectativas de las victimas ; lus politicas publicas y la prevenciôn. Resulta irônico que al acolar los principales problemas del mundo. en la Comisiôn de Prevenciôn del Delito y Justicia Penal de la ONU celebrada en Viena en este año, se haya determinado que uno de ellos es la Violencia Doméstica. Estamos practicamente iniciando un nuevo milenio, en el que se ha dado la conquista del espacio. hemos constituido toda clase de tecnologia. se diseña la lucha contra el crimen organizado no hemos sido capaces de resolver lo fundamental : que haya armonia î calidad en la comunicaciôon en nuestras familias. Son muchos los autores contemporancés que estän dedicando parte importante de sus investigaciones a la familia, afirmando que para resol- ver los conflictos resulta vital establecer modelos acompasados por gru- pos familiares. Es en ésta donde surgirän las bases del nuevo modelo res- taurativo. capaz de modificar y rescatar el sistema de jJusticia. En la colonizacion de nuestros pueblos. se desprestigiaron las institu- ciones informales mediante edictos y leyes que criminalizaron nuestras costumbres (Lima. M 1995), fortaleciendo procedimientos formales a través de nuevas instituciones que, aunque resulta irônico, son las que ahora generan la crisis en el sistema de justicia de todo el hemisferio. Los sistemas legales de nuestros paises enfrentan grandes desafios, por el bajo nivel de confianza ciudadana en el sistema de justicia (Davis, (*) Vicepresidenta de la Sociedad Mexicana de Criminologia. — 65 W. 1996), lo cual se debe en mucho al alejamiento de la victima en la resoluciôn de los conflictos, requiriendose cada vez mäs respuestas ren- tables espectaculares qui en muchas ocasiones no se tienen. El volumen cada vez mayor de casos agrava su eficiencia, y se han convertido los tribunales en cortes de los milagros, de quienes no se esperan sino fracasos. Por otro lado, el rol histôrico en el que el Estado es el proveedor omnipotente de todos los servicios en América Latina, esta cambiando, ya que cada vez mâs se siente la presencia de los ciudadanos, quienes desean ser mäs autosuficientes y menos dependientes. Es por ello que algunos Estados han tratado de reducir su tamaño intentando reestruc- turarse, siendo menos dominantes en la vida de los ciudadanos. Ésto ha generado una necesidad de actualizar nuestra forma de resolver los conflictos. La grave percepciôn que se tiene de los mecanismos formales que ori- ginan la ineficacia del sistema, ha propiciado reformas represivas por un lado y la apertura de algunas figuras hibridas de conciliaciôn y arbitraje, pero sin el personal adecuado, generando experiencias frustrantes, inaca- badas, que poco van a resolver la situaciôn, ademäs de acarrear el peli- gro de exacerbar los sentimientos de rechazo. Es el caso de algunas leyes para resolver el problema de la violencia doméstica. Para los ciudadanos de las grandes urbes, los tribunales son una espe- cie en extinciôn, porque son instituciones incapaces de adaptarse a las exigencias para dar una soluciôn humana de los conflictos interperso- nales (Diaz, 1997). Por lo antes planteado, muchos han puesto sus ojos en soluciones tales como la mediaciôn, gracias a la metamorfosis que tiene y por la posibilidad de adecuarla a distintos conflictos (San Martin, 1997). Es por ello indispensable tomar en cuenta cuäl puede ses su alcance y sus ventajas al retomar esquemas cuyas raices sociales son tradicionales, que les ahorrarian angustia, personal, tiempo y dinero (Diaz, 1997). « La violencia doméstica comprende las acciones u omisiones que tienen por objeto o como fin, causar intencionalmente un daño total a parcial à bienes juridicamente protegidos en el entorno familiar ». Las acciones u ominisiones deben ser intencionales, de ahi deriva la idea de considerar tales agresiones como violaciones a los derechos humanos, entendidos como conductas que ponen en peligro o afectan el reconocimiento, el goce y el ejercicio de los mismos. Mucho se refexiona sobre cômo a través de los primeros procesos de socializaciôn se van introyectando valores y mensajes parentales, por los que las miembros de la familia reconocen los derechos de los padres y los propios. Diriamos que en este juego de relacion se marcan los limites — 66 — de su ejercicio, que pasan de generaciôn en generaciôn con pequeñas variantes. las que se relacionan con otros acontecimientos externos que pueden poner en peligro la estabilidad de una persona o un grupo y que son facilmente 1dentificables. La falta de razonamiento de esta dinämica y la ausencia de reforza- miento pueden modificar los modelos, traspolando ajenos que harän ceri- sis entre las partes. Por ello, es indispensable el estudio de las formas de control social, informal y formal, entendiéndolo como un conjunto de medios, 6rganos y estrategias, o respuestas que pretenden ajustar el comportamiento del individuo à las normas comunitarias (San Martin, 1997). II. — ANTECEDENTES EN MESOAMÉRICA Seria imposible comenzar la reflexiôn del tema s1 eliminamos como herramienta analitica e/ estudio retrospectivo histôrico Latinoamericano de la familias, que nos permita comprender por qué hoy nuestros pue- blos siguen determinados modelos de conducta, como es su entorno, su forma de resolver conflictos, el significado de la comunicaciôn humana, su percepciôn del mundo, el por qué persisten costumbres arraigadas que a nuestra vista son ahora consideradas violaciones a los derechos humanos, qué experiencias los condujeron a establecer el sistema de jus- ticla que actualmente tenemos. Las culturas mesoamericanas tenian una concepciôn filosôfica que descansaba bâäsicamente en el orden côsmico generador de una colabora- ciôn con el educativo, sino trascendia al orden juridico al seguir ese ideal que perfeccionaban las instituciones. En mesoamérica los valores que se trasmitian eran fortaleza y control de si mismos. À los hijos se les adiestraba sobre los oficios de los padres, quienes aceptaban a sus progenitores como sus maestros. Los roles y participaciôn del hombre y la mujer estaban perfecta- mente definidos, là madre aducaba a las hijas y el padre a los hijos. Se determinaban las labores demésticas de cado uno para ir logrando el sentido de pertenencia al grupo. La familia se formaba a través de mecanismos de comunicaciôn que se privilegiaban sermones, plâäticas, penitencias, como se puedoe consultar en los côdices Mendocino, Codex Telleriano, Codex Vatica- nus, Aubin, Florentino (Lima, 1989). Todos estos mensajes servian fundamentalmente para controlarse à si mismos. Por ejemplo, en la cultura Azteca los padres sometian a los hijos _— 67 — desde muy pequeños al frio y à una serie de ayunos para que jamäs fue- Ssen VOTAaCES. El papel esencial de los padres era amonestar y enseñar. En Tenochti- tlan esta educaciôn familiar se dividia en varias etapas, en las cuales se les transmitian medidas preventivas de enseñanza, atemorizando al menor, mosträndole püas con las que seria punzado de no ser obediente y dôcil. Se le daban consejos y se reforzaba su conducta dändole « tor- tilla » que es hasta ahora uno de los principales alimentos del pueblo, hecha de maiz, planta sagrada para nuestras culturas. Después de los quince años, el sustento de la disciplina y la forma- ciôn se recibia en la escuela, que contaba con un estricto sistema que reforzaba valores y el autocontrol con esfuerzos fisicos. Al varon le pedian que como sacrificio para forjar su voluntad se perforara el pene con espinas de una planta (maguey). I. — LA FAMILIA, PUNTO DE PARTIDA EN ESTA REFLEXION La familia es e/ espacio fundamental para la transiciôn de valores, sen- timentos, costumbres y creencias que mantienen la identidad, elementos que fijan nuestra posiciôn especifica en cualquier situaciôn o evento social. El entorno nos permite determinar la imagen de la persona que queremos ser, donde se forja el valor de cada vida humana : la del niño, el viejo, el joven, el discapacitado. La familia se alimenta de actitudes, percepciones, experiencias, pun- tos de convergencia, diälogos, estableciendo las bases de lo que debe ser la comunicaciôn y el autocontrol ; o abriendo brechas, generando rupturas, aislamientos, abuso de poder, destrucciôn y crimen. La familia es el nücleo bâsico de educaciôn y unidad de cultura, porque es en la relaciôn con el otro como descubro y construyo la realidad, en ella se aprende la manera de hablar, se asimila una manera de pensar y por tanto, una manera de actuar. Los factores externos trasmiten nuevas codificaciones normativas que varian los modelos parentales introyectados en un proceso de integracion, pero siempre hay un sustrato que permanece. Hablar de la violencia doméstica haciendo de lado el anâlisis de la familia es partir de una visiôn unidireccional poco afortunada, que lleva- ria al error de ubicar su anâlisis sôlo bajo una fijaciôn demogräfica sôlo dentro de la violencia contra la mujer como una comunidad de trabajo como uno de los elementos para medir el aumento del pro- ducto interno bruto o como el conjunio de bienes instrumentales y de consumo disponibles en donde los padres son unicamente instrumentos — 68 — de asistencia olvidando a la familia como un bien en si misma. fuente de dignidad espiritual, ética y social. La familia, a través de su « sistema de valores » como cuerpo organi- zado de principios y reglas. funciona como elemento fundamental en los procesos de selecciôn de alternativas, soluciôn de conflictos y toma de decisiones. Para lograr la convivencia necesaria, los actores establecen reglas y una division del trabajo. Pero cuando ésto se deja a la decision unilate- ral, se generan violaciones a los derechos humanos y conflictos, que seran fuentes de violencia. La socializaciôn primaria sin violencia en la familia, genera hombres y mujeres capaces de trabajor en la sociedad sin repeticiones de esque- mas de control y discriminaciôn. i Cômo podrian sostener hombres y mujeres politicos sus postulados democräticos, si son promotores en sus familias de sistemas de control ? Cômo defender postulados de participaciôn, si no somos capaces de generarlos en nuestra propia familia ? « Cômo garantizariamos coherencia si somos intolerantes y ejercemos la violencia cotidiana en nuestras familias ? Cuando veumos campañas de exterminio, recordemos que son ôrdenes que provienen de hombres autoritarios, que temen perder poder y traducen su frustracion abusando del mismo ; son personas que se socializaron en circulos de violencia y control que contaminan las rela- ciones humanas. dejando a un lado el valor de la vida y de la familia. Quien no experimenta la autoridad paterna de manera auténtica, ten- drà siempre dificultad para reconocer formas de autoridad en el Estado y en la sociedad civil. En México no ha disminuido el valor que dan los ciudadanos a su familia, no obstante los cambios que se han vivido, segûn un estudio explorativo del campo valoral, realizado por Alduncin, en 1934, 1950, 1981, 1987 y 1989 (Lima, 1995). El autor investigô cuâl es el principal motor que guiô la vida de los mexicanos encontrando en todos esos años que lo mads importante fue «Îlevar una mejor vida familiar ». En segundo fugar, «dar mejores oportunidades a sus hijos » y en tercero, el vivir tranquilo. Encontrando ademäs que el valor familiar se releva en tiempos dificiles. Las cambios significativos en las distinitas épocas estudiadas, fueron los realacionados a la posiciôn que tiene la mujer y su papel en la fami- lia. Siendo notaria la revalorizaciôn de la mujer ant si misma y los demäs ; detectändose un cambio en sus patrones de comportamiento, _ 69 — haciendose visibles ademas en las Üûltimas encuestas las condiciones de dominaciôn y explotaciôn en que viven. Los ciudadanos, segûn la encuesta, expresaron que les preocupa la violencia y la delincuencia que provienen desde fuera del hogar, no reco- nociendo la que se gesta dentro. Estos estudios u otros similares nos deben dar en América Latina los perfiles de qué clase de ciudadanos queremos para el siglo XXI, en el que fortalecer a la familia serä nuestro reto. ya que su vincudo con el Estado le permite poseer un destino comün existiendo por tanto una conexiôn estrecha entre vida püblica y vida privada. Ambas exigen una transformaciôn de mentalidades y actitudes. Es obligaciôn del Estado facilitar un minimo de condiciones para que pueda la familila, al igual que otras entidades de la sociedad civil, subsis- tir. Debe permitirsele un desarrollo autônomo como centro de decisiones libres e independientes, para alcanzar su estabilidad y bienastar. La familia es una realidad social y politica, como lo marca la Decla- racion Universal de los Derechos Humanos es el elemento natural y fundamental de la comunidad y tiene derecho a la protecciôn de la socie- dad y del Estado (articulo 16, numeral 3). Las familias se enfrentaran a fin de siglo con paradojas caracteriza- das por la tendencia mundial a la globalizaciôn y las necesidades concre- tas a nivel particular : la intensidad y rapidez con la que se produce la informaciôn y Îlega a los hogares, teniendo poco tiempo las familias para analizarla y asimilarla ; el efecto pernicioso de la television y su apologia de la violencia ; las aspiraciones de participaciôn ciudadana, democracia, libertad y las posibilidades reales de que estas präcticas y valores formen parte de lo colidiano en el nûcleo familiar ; la necesidad de contar con la participaciôn de la mujer fuera de la casa, para tener una mejor calidad de vida en la familia, y la angustia diaria por atender cualitativamente el desarrollo de los hijos (Millän, 1994). Los movimientos de poblaciôn, los fenômenos migratorios, los pro- blemas ecolôgicos, el hacinamiento en zonas marginales urbanas, las actitudes racistas y xenofôbicas frente a los indocumentados : los indige- nas expulsados por problemas de intolerancia religiosa la crisis econé- mica y los conflictos armados internos, son entre otros los fenômenos que afectan hoy por hoy a muchas familias latinoamericanas y del mundo, las que deben tener respuestas prontas para evitar crisis fami- liares, violencia y serios problemas de sobrevivencia. Las normas que establece la Convenciôn de los Derechos del Niño, deben ser el fundamento para el diseño de los programas de accion de diversas dependencias de la Administraciôn Püblica en nuestros paises, — 70 — varias nos permitirän cruzar ese limite tan fino de la intervenciôn del Estado en asuntos de orden familiar, ya que nadie tiene potestad. aûn por ser el padre o la madre del niño o niña de cometer abuso fisico o mental. invocando el « derecho de corregir ». En el 100‘% de los casos del abuso à menores en el hogar. la falta es del abusador, no responsabilidad de la victima. Ya que el contravenir una opiniôn, el discrepar y equivocarse, no justifica la conducta abusiva. IV. — ABUSO EN LA FAMILIA El abuso de derechos puede ser fisico, psicolôgico y sexual. pero puede tambien expresarse mediante actos sistemâticos de control. como son : romper o dañar cosas, aventones, Jalones, sarcasmos, evitar el des- plazamiento de lugar sosteniendo a la victima sin movimientos, ence- rrarla en un cuarto, forzarla a no dormir, aventarle objetos, jalarle el cabello, imponerle trabajo excesivo e inadecuado para la edad y condi- cIôn fisica (Bolivia), y abuso de medios correctivos o disciplinarios. En ocasiones el abusador usa manipulaciones verbales, aparentes jue- gos de control, realiza conductas impredecibles para sorprender ; todo para mantener a la victima con miedo y fuera de balance. Muchas de estas formas sutiles de abuso, hacen a la victima sentirse enferma, con gran malestar, y no se encuentran adecuadamente recono- cidas por los sistemas existentes. Formas de abuso que no deben minimi- zarse con el pretexto de no tener consecuencias aparentemente graves, las que merecen estudios transculturales para diseñar adecuados progra- mas de prevencion (ONU, 1990. A/CONF-144/17). Algunos autores han manifestado que la violencia en el hogar se ha centrado en el estudio de agresiones fisicas contra la mujer y los niños, pero existen tambien contra los discapacitados, los ancianos, entre her- manos, de los adolescentes contra sus padres, entre parejas homo- sexuales, o familias poligamas o poliändricas, grupos que reflejan una iImprecisiôn garantista en el ramo de los derechos humanos. À pesar de que existe diversidad de instrumentos internacionales y definiciones axiolôgicas en cuerpos legislativos, constitucionales y secun- darios, los derechos y las libertades plasmados en ellàs son aûn utopia ; ya que dentro del hogar a la mujer y a los hijos se les vulneran las mâs elementales garantias, como son la vida, lhibertad de locomociôn, inte- gridad fisica y libertad sexual. entre otras. Por ello debemos comenzar por reconocer que la violencia doméstica y el abuso en la familia son fenômenos seculures, de los que no debe guar- darse silencio. El reconocimiento gradual de sa existencia ha orillado — — 71 diversas reacciones de la sociedad. Estas no sôlo abarcan las necesidades de las victimas, sino necesidades que deben promover politicas püblicas para fortalecer a la familia, prevenir la violencia y reestructurar la socie- dad. Muchos paises aûn no declaran en forma abierta la existencia de estos fenômenos, ya que tienen para evidenciarse serios problemas como son los metodolôgicos, el no contar con datos exactos, dispersändose o confundiéndose. En la Repüblica Dominicana se emitiô un Côdigo para proteccion de niños y niñas (Ley 14-94, 1994). La ley de Bolivia dedica un importante lugar a la violencia en la familia. Ademas de los derechos que este tipo de legislaciones promueven, se requiere de una recapacitacion sobre los derechos del niño en el seno de su hogar, donde muy frecuentemente son abusados y corregidos con exagerada violencia, causändoles un gran dolor, angustia y desolaciôn. Casos en los que como lo establece el Articulo 19, 1, de la Convencion mencionada, los Estados deben adoptar todas las medidas legislativas. administrativas, sociales y educativas apropiados para proteger al niño contra toda forma de perjuicio o abuso fisico o mental, malos tratos 0 explotaciôn, incluido el abuso sexual, Ilevadas a cabo bajo la custodia de los padres, de un representante legal o de cualquier otra persona que lo tenga à su cargo. Esas medidas de protecciôn deben comprender, segûn corresponda. procedimientos eficaces para el establecimiento de programas sociales. con objeto de proporcionar la asistencia necesaria al niño y a quienes cuidan de él, asi como para otras formas de prevenciôn e identificaciôn, notificaciôon y remision a una instituciôn, Iinvestigaciôn, tratamiento y observacion ulterior de las causas antes descritas de malos tratos al niño y, seguûn corresponda, la intervenciôn judicial. V. — CONTROL INFORMAL, MEDIACION FAMILIAIR O COMUNITARIA El conflicto es un fenômeno propio de la sociedad que implica, al decir de Diaz, una ruptura del ciclo de experiencia y un ajuste de fuer- zas, lo que genera la necesidad de contar con herramientas para diri- mirlo, dinämica en la que puede usarse la negociaciôn, la büsqueda del consenso, el compromiso y la reparaciôn de daños causadas, o bien elige el sometimiento mediante abuso de poder. Esta dinämica se repite en la familia y se elige la palabra o violencia (San Martin, 1997), decisiôn en la que puede colaborar el mediador socialmente instituido en donde los _N — lazos comunitarios son suficientemente fuertes para vincular a las perso- nas en conflicto y sugerir soluciones. Un mediador de la familia o la comunidad puede ser el instrumento para lograr un equilibrio en la reconstruccion de un conflicto doméstico, en el que se concreta el reconocimiento de la posiciôn de la otra parte. lo que conlleva un germen de paz, de tolerancia y concordia. Sôlo que cuando va hubo delitos y violaciones a derechos humanos, se debe indis- cutiblemente proceder conforme lo establezca la ley penal. En los pueblos Latinoamericanos la verdadera mediaciôn se da desde la familia extendida, en la que a pesar de la teoria del machismo, la que manda y dirime es la madre o la abuela, en quien recae el peso de la estabilidad familiar, capaz de comprender las estrategias de pensar y emocionarse de las partes en conflicto : quien generalmente procede con flexibilidad oralidad, oportunidad, inmediatez, accesibilidad, lo que se lleva a cabo conforme a las costumbres. La ley de Bolivia establece al respecto en su Articulo 16 que : en las comunidades indigenas y campesinas serän las autoridades comunitarias y naturales quienes resuelvan las controversias de violencia en la familia, de conformidad a sus costumbres y usos, siempre que no se opongan a la Constituciôn Politica y al espiritu de la ley antes mencionada. Cualquier mediaciôn requiere simetria de poder entre los que se van a conciliar. metas comunes ya que el poner frente a frente a desiguales para negociar, aumenta el poder de control del dominante. La media- ciôn debe ser una präctica bilateral, en la que un tercero sugiere alterna- tivas, favorece el ambiente, reconstruye imparcialmente los sucesos, repite hechos, resume. traduce, evita actitudes destructivas, busca acuer- dos, de preferencia debe conocer a los que dirimen el conflicto, facilita procesos : es un professional de la comunicaciôn y un facilitador (Diaz, 1997). Toda mediaciôn debe tener limites, no debe protagonizarse la actua- ciôn de quien la conduce ya que si su ejercicio se torna en presiôn para las partes serà rechazada y percibida como una extensiôn de la autori- dad formal : debe ser un proceso en el que éstas se apropian del conflicto y toman una decisiôn racional sobre el asunto litigioso. En casos donde ya se realizaron delitos no puede operar ni la media- clôn ni el arbitraje en asuntos familiares, ya que la primera sigue una lôgica distinta de los procedimientos judiciales. En tanto que en la mediaciôn se busca retornar a un equilibrio que ayude a llegar a un acuerdo voluntario, renegociar una relaciôn, construir nuevas, establecer lazos de comunicaciôn que estaban ausentes o no eran los correctos y buscar una aproximaciôn ; en los casos de delitos la victima pide y exige Justicia, demada le reacciôn del Estado en contra del que ha afectado sus _ 73 — derechos humanos y su dignidad. Recordemos, la dignidad no se nego- Cla. Es ahi donde capacitar a un miembro de la familia como mediador podria evitar que los conflictos en el seno de la familia se traduzcan en una violaciôon de los derechos humanos. La mediaciôn ha empezado a desarrollarse poco a poco en América Latina (David, 1969). En 1988, en Argentinu, se nstalaron 7 centros vecinales à traves de la Secretaria de Justicia (Posteriormente Ministerio), con énfasis en dere- chos humanos y acceso a la justicla. Asimismo següûn la ley adoptada à fines de 1995, entrada en vigor en 1996, se establecid mediaciôon para ciertos asuntos legales antes del inicio de un juicio civil. En Bolivia, como ya mencionamos, la comunidad emplea mecanismos de mediaciôn comunitaria en asuntos relativos a problemas familiares y de vivienda. En una nueva disposiciôn del gobierno se requiere que éste valide € incorpore sistemas de justicia tradicional haciéndolos compa- tibles con el sistema formal (David, 1969). Asi mismo, el Ministerio de Justicia està financiando un sistema de justicla comunitario multidisciplinario, para 1dentificar iniciativas de resoluciôn de conflictos indigenas en areas rurales y urbanas margina- das. En Brasil, se establecieron mecanismos de procesamiento para casos civiles y algunos criminales, en donde son utilizados abogados volunta- rios conciliadores, estableciéndose recientemente la Cämara de Arbitraje y mediaciôn para casos civiles. En Chile, en el Ministerio de Justicia de Santiago, se estableciô un sis- tema de asesoria a través de trabajadores sociales y abogados, para ayu- dar a resolver conflictos y se integrô la curriceula para que las escuelas de leyes implementen los conocimientos de la resoluciôn de conflictos à sus alumnos. Colombia, à principios de los 90, fue el primero que impuso una estrategia para la implementaciôn de la resoluciôn alterna de conflictos, creada a raiz de la gran desconfianza de la poblaciôn en el sistema. Exis- ten en este pais mas de 100 centros de conciliaciôn y arbitraje. En Costa Rica, se explorô desde la Corte Suprema el por qué las reformas promovidas en materia civil no dieron los resultados deseados : asi que se realizô una investigaciôn para saber la opiniôn de la poblaciôn sobre el sistema judicial. Un gran nûmero de habitantes expresô que era lento, burocrätico, corrupto, y que preferia que una persona que no fuera un jJuez le ayudara a resolver sus problemas. Inclinändose por la medicaciôn para resolver controversias familiares. Se constituyô asi S 74 _ una Comisiôn Nacional para el impulso de la resoluciôn alterna de conflictos en todos los campos. En Ecuador, se ha rescatado la mediaciôon comunitaria, especialmente en casos de indigenas. retomando sus conceptos de equidad y justicia. En El Salvador, se implementé un proyecto después de la guerra para que. respetando los intereses comunitarios, se ayudara al regreso e inte- gracion de los ciudadanos, actuando con instituciones paralelas à las ya existentes, especialmente para lograr la coexistencia civil. En Perü, existe una tradiciôn en el uso de estos mecanismos por las comunidades indigenas, por lo que se busca su potenciaciôn. Los nuevos procedimientos han mostrado su inflexibilidad, rigidez y fracaso ; orga- nizaciones civiles estan promoviendo este movimiento. En Uruguay, la Constituciôn ordena la conciliaciôon como primera etapa. antes de la litigaciôn para asuntos civiles. El Côdigo Civil esta- blece la fase conciliatoria y el uso de juicios orales. La Universidad y la Corte estän realizando las tareas de capacitaciôn. Todos estos canales creados en Latinoamérica demuestran la preocu- paciôn de que el monopolio ejercido por el sistema jJudicial, Hlevo al desuso y desprestigio las formas comunitarias tradicionales de resolver conflictos. por ello se requieren estrategias audaces, determinando espe- cificamente en qué casos es conveniente retomarlas. VI. — CONTROL FORMAL A. —- Mediacion arbitral La tendencia en algunos sistemas legales de América Latina, tratan- dose de la violencia familar, ha sido crear formulas burocräticas en las que se confunde al individuo con su conflicto (Diaz, 1997). estableciendo « procedimientos arbitrales » o « conciliaciones penales ». El arbitraje es una figura en donde la « soluciôn » queda fuera de la competencia de las partes, cuya dinämica consiste en someterse a la reso- luciôn que determina un tercero. Es una fôrmula de heterocomposiciôn en la que el arbitro hace las veces de « juez », quien puede ser privado, no profesional. fungiendo como un amigable componedor, quien celebra un juicio de equidad, o un « juicio » en el que se Îlega a un « convenio Judical ». En ocasiones al arbitro se le nombra en funciôn del conocimiento de la materia : civil, penal, victimal, etc. Se trata de un arreglo dirigido del conflicto. porque el aärbitro de hecho juega. Esta figura impide a las partes reapropiarse del mismo, generando nuevamente « procesos en que se decide por ellas ». __ 75 — El arbitro resolverà segûn su instinto, intuiciôn y razôn, que no nece- sariamiente su opiniôn se adecûa a las necesidades de la victima y de la familia. Lo peor en un asunto familiar es adivinar lo que los otros son, quieren a necesitan, y el remedio puede resultar peor que la enfermedad (Diaz. 1997). Por ello estas legislaciones evitan la reapropiaciôn de las normas por las victimas, obstaculizando la verdadera resoluciôn de los conflictos. Otra figura que han incluido las recientes legislaciones es la concilia- ciôn, la que desnaturalizan dando otro sentido a dicha acepciôn : ya que originalmente esta figura dinamiza una acciôn y un resultado de manera simultänea, y presupone que las partes desean darse reciprocamente lo justo, lo cual no existe en violencia doméstica, en donde de manera dolosa se busca o realiza daño a las personas. La conciliaciôn es una forma de autocomposiciôn que puede suponer una acciôn unilateral por la que una de las partes renuncia a un derecho, o reconoce que la otra tiene razôn, o bien puede dirimirse el conflicto de manera bilateral por acuerdo entre las partes. Estas formas de dirimir conflictos en violencia intrafamiliar, resultan herramientas retôricas para responder a la Justicia que demandan las Victimas, no atienden sus necesidades. Agraväandose la situaciôn, ya que frente a violanciones de derechos humanos anteponen mecanismos dis- crecionales (México, 1995). En estudios de seguimiento se ha visto que estas nuevas figuras pro- vocan mâs discrecionalidad en las decisiones en torno al problema, siendo muchas de ellas violatorias de las garantias de la victima, desvir- tuando la funciôn de la mediaciôn y del derecho penal, presuponiendo situaciones de igualdad o equilibrio entre las partes, respondiendo los servicios, quizàs a intereses oficiales mäs que a los de las victimas. La Ley de Chile establece un procedimiento de conciliaciôn, mediante el que se celebra una audiencia que intenta lograr la « debida conviven- cia del nucleo familiar y la integridad fisica y psiquica del ofendido ». También El Salvador establece la audiencia de conciliaciôn pero incluso determina la comparecencia obligatoria de la victimas y denunciados, estableciendo multa al o a los que desobedezcan y no asistan (arti- cula 33). Es decir. adivina la necesidad de un procedimiento que resulta contraproducente a las partes con resoluciones vinculantes, pudiendo incluso aplicarles sanciones frente a « desobediencias » realizadas tanto por el agresor como por la victima tratandolas de manera indistinta como si se tratara de partes igunales, rompiendo totalmente los presu- puestos esenciales de la mediaciôn, desnaturalizändola, especialmente por lo que hace a la libertad. — 76 — Algunas de estas legislaciones han resultado dudosas copias de proce- diemientos para dirimir otra clase de conflictos que no reducen sino aumentan tensiones, y que en la präctica, aun cuando no lo tengan contemplado, envian a las victimas a que primero agoten el procedi- miento de conciliaciôn o arbitraje antes de proceder penalmente. Convir- tiéndose esa präctica en un circuito mäs del sistema que lo engrosa y deteriora. Incluso se ha comprobado el aumento de ansiedad en victimas de violencia doméstica que se han sometido a estas praäcticas. Estas legislaciones provocaran en generaciones de personas maltrata- das una sensaciôon de traiciôon (San Martin, 1997), al no ver resuelto su problema sino empeorado. Es por ello indispensable, cuando se piensa en el tema de la violencia en el hogar, analizar primero a los actores, el uso que hay en ese microespacio del poder, los excesos en su ejercecio, las condiciones de subordinaciôn que existen y los mitos y costumbres, e intentar retomar las raices, con mediaciones familiares o comunitarias, en los casos donde no se han cometido delitos. Deben ser evaluados de manera consistente estas leyes, sus conse- cuencias y el cambio en la perception del problema. Sin lugar a dudas para incluir nuevos mecanismos que cambien el sis- tema de justicia, debemos aceptar, como diria el Profesor Ermar (1997), que no nos funcionarän mäs nuestros antiguos conceptos, ya que para crear nuevos paradigmas requerimos una nueva forma de percibir el evento criminal. B. — Mediacion Penal La mediaciôn es una figura que puede emplearse en la fase preproce- sal. procesal, incluso después del juicio, antes de dictar sentencia y durante su ejecuciôn, como herramienta que distinga entre el ser humano y el conflicto que presenta, separando el mismo de las necesi- dades de la victima. escuchäandola, ya que el poder de la palabra y el poder de la presencia fisica son insustituibles (Diaz, 1997). No debe des- vincularse la responsabilidad del presunto con sus deberes para con la familia : la autoridad debe preguntar a la victima como podrian resolver algunos asuntos a fin de afectarla lo menos posible. En Argentina, segûn la ley 94.417 de Protecciôn contra la Violencia Familiar, en su articulo 5 establece que dentro de las 48 horas, ya adop- tadas las medidas precautorias, se convocaràä o las partes a una audien- cla de mediaciôn. Algunos paises han experimentado la mediaciôn vicaria para trata- mientos de agresores. Esta es una dinämica en la que una victima — 77 — comenta a los agresores, sus sentimientos, efectos y consecuencias del delito. Prâctica que diluye mucho los efectos al no tratarse de su victima. Esta técnica también se utiliza para desmitificar al autor y desdramatizar el hecho delictivo. En caso de utilizarse la mediaciôn en asuntos penales, debe darse adecuada capacitaciôn a los mediadores. ya que no pueden los mismos fiscales entrenados para la persecuciôn de los delitos, convertirse en conciliadores. VIIT. — CRIMINALIZACION DE LA VIOLENCIA DOMESTICA El uso del Derecho Penal es la piedra angular para dar respuesta a la violencia doméstica, recordemos que la fuerza simbôlica de la ley es ünica. Esto debe generar cambios de valores y actitudes, para reflejar en ello mensajes inequivocos, eficaces, de protecciôn para las victimas y todos los miembros de la sociedad, condenando al agresor a sufrir las consecuencias de la conducta que perpetuo. Para lograr una adecuada reforma penal, primero es necesario que se revise el concepto de discriminaciôn, ya que tanto mujeres como menores son las victimas mâs frecuentes de violencia doméstica, debido a que en muchas legislaciones éstos aûn poseen un sfatus desigual, lo que debe ser modificado y considerado. Es necesario que la sociedad esté consciente de que si, frente à conductas dolosas que pongan en peligro o dañen la vida, la seguridad y el patrimonio de une persona, hay una inmediata e inequivoca reaccion penal : debe haberla igualmente eficiente cuando existe un lazo de afini- dad o relaciôn familiar entre victima y victimario. La Ley de Seguridad Ciudadana de Uruguay, publicada el 19 de Julio de 1995, establece en su articulo 18 que se incorpore al Côdigo Penal un tipo especifico de violencia doméstica, que se enuncia correspondera al articulo 321bhis. La ley n° 27 de la Repüblica de Panamä de 1995, criminalizô el mal- trato de menores y la violencia doméstica, de manera especifica con tipos autônomos. Llama la atenciôn lo amplio del tipo de maltrato ya que incluye los verbos tipicos : causar, permitir, hacer… cometer, inducir o ayudar… uti- lizar o incurrir… emplear… imponer trato negligente…. verbos que amplian la proteccion del menor. En el Côdigo Penal de Brasil, en el articulo 60, se establece como cir- cunstancia agravante que el crimen se realice contra el ascendiente, des- — 78 — cendiente o cônyuge, asi como el abuso de autoridad aprovechando las relaciones domésticas, de cohabitaciôn o de hospitalidad. La fuerza immediata que proporciona la criminalizaciôn ofrece una proteciôn potencial à corto plazo en favor de las victimas. El desterrar la violencia doméstica a nivel individual, se obtiene por el directo significado de lo que implica une detenciôn. un arresto, la per- secuciôn, sentencia y tratamiento del agresor (prevenciôn especial). La criminalizaciôn enviarä a nivel simbôlico un mensaje de preven- cIon presentando la violencia como una prâctica inadecuada, logrän- dose la funciôn de prevenciôn general. La necesidad de castigar esta clase de violencia nos debe conducir a la creaciôn de tipos penales que la describan de manera especifica, evi- tando aplicar criterios discresionales que generan corrupciôn e impuni- dad Es importante en esta reforma incluir medidas para terminar con la cifra negra que hay en estos delitos y prevenirlos, obligando a efectuar la denuncia a los trabajadores de los servicos asistenciales, sociales. 0 educativos, püblicos o privados, profesionistas de la salud y todo funcio- nario publico en razôn de su labor, cuando los damnificados hayan sido menores o Incapaces, ancianos o discapacitados (Argentina). facultando al Ministerio Püblico, en caso de menores o incapaces, à realizarla direc- tamente. Prevision que establece ya la ley de Argentina en su articulo 2, ademas de Boliva. Resulta de suma importancia el que la autoridad proceda de oficio, de manera immediata, a dictar medidas, o mandatos que protejan la seguridad de làas victimas, pero debe estar facultada asi mismo para en cualquier momento del procedimiento de oficio o a peticion de parte, ampliar, modificar, sustituir o dejar sin efecto médico : cautelares (Boli- via, Costa Rica). En algunas legislaciones el determinarlas es competen- cia del juez de familia o civil (Argentina), mismas que pueden consistir en la exclusion del autor de la vivienda donde habita el nûcleo familiar o de lugares de trabajo o estudio, asi como ordenar el reintegro al domi- cilio de quien saliô por razones de seguridad, no tratändose por supuesto del autor. Estas medidas han sido muy criticadas, ya que se dice que pueden afectar derechos humanos de los presuntos antes de probar su responsa- bilidad en el proceso. Otra consiste en determinar provisoriamente alimentos, tenencia o derechos de comunicaciôn con los hijos. La Ley de Costa Rica en la materia establece en su articulo 5, la facultad de efectuar allanamiento de morada cuando en razôn de una situaciôon de violencia doméstica se ponga en grave peligro la integridad — 79 — fisica, sexual, patrimonial o psicolôgica de cualquiera de sus habitantes. Asimismo agrega prohibir la introducciôn o mantenimiento de armas en la casa-habitaciôn, cuando éstas fueren utilizadas para intimidar, amena- zar o causar daño a las personas a que se refiere la ley. y la orden de realizar el inventario de bienes muebles existentes en el nûcleo habitacio- nal (Costa Rica). El algunos lugares el mandato va acompañado con inicio de cargas contra et agresor con arresto ya que si sôlo se retira al agresor de lugar donde ejercia violencia puede signifcar un riesgo para las victimas. En Bolivia se establece en la ley especial de la materia que « En todos los casos se mantendrä en estricta reserva el nombre de la vic- tima ». Algunas legislaciones determinan como pena el someter al agresor a un tratamiento terapéutico, que indudablemente es también una medida que darä seguridad a la victima. En Chile es especialmente novedosa la prohibicion al agresor para celebrar actos o contratos sobre determina- dos bienes (articulo 3). VIIL. — PROTECCION DE LOS DERECHOS DE LAS VICTIMAS Y ESTRATEGIAS A. — Garantias Criminalizar significa no sôlo una nueva legislaciôn represiva o san- cionadora, sino también desarrollar politicas, programas y un cambio de actitud. Quedando claro que, ademäs, dentro del sistema deben surgir paralelamente los apoyos de salud, servicios sociales, educativos, com- plementarios, para abarcar una adecuada defensa y atenciôn integral de las victimas. Por ello deben coordinarse los diversos servicios para que todos los que laboren en problemâticas similares, persigan objetivos iguales. En esta tarea resultan de vital importancia las aportaciones y trabajo de las organizaciones civiles (Argentina, Ley, 1994). Una clave en el proceso de criminalizaciôn lo es, sin duda, el hecho del reconocimiento y protecciôn de los derechos de las victimas, de sus necesidades e intereses, estableciendo asimismo la obligaciôn de valorar el impacto de la victimizaciôn al aplicar y realizar las diligencias y al determinar la sanciôn. En la ley de materia de Chile se establece que, segûn los terminos del Côdigo de Procedimiento Civil, deberä el tribunal pronunciarse sobre la ocurrencia del hecho constitutivo de violencia doméstica, si afecta o no la salud fiscia o psiquica del ofendido (arti- culo 3, Chile). — 80 … Debe asegurarse que en estas leyes de justicia para las victimas de violencia doméstica, se Incluyan recomendaciones y criterios contenidos en los principales instrumentos internacionales relacionnados con esta materia la Declaraciôon de los Derechos Humanos (1948), la Declara- ciôn de los Derechos del Niño (1959), la Convenciôn de Eliminaciôn de la Discriminaciôn contra la Mujer (1979). la articulaciôn de los Prinei- pios Fundamentales para las Victimas del Delito y Abuso del Poder (1985). la Convenciôn de los Derechos de los Niños (1989), las Reco- mendaciones de la Reuniôn de Expertos en Violencia Doméstica (Van- couver. 1992). la Convenciôn Interamericana para Prevenir, Sancionar y Erradicar la Violencia contra la Mujer (Belem Do Para, Brasil, 1994), y los documentos de la Cuarta Conferencia Mundial de la Mujer (Beijin, China. 1995). Deben reforzarse los canales institucionalizados de atenciôn de los derechos de las victimas, en el sistema informal, prejudicial, procesal y ejecutivo penal. si se desea realmente un cambio sustancial que nos Îleve del paradigma de la justicia retributiva a la restitutiva. Las reformas y politicas de integraciôn deben ser para : definir el sta- tus de la victima, posiciôn del conflicto. aumentar la proteccion ofrecida por el sistema de jJusticia, asi como para su participaciôn activa y repre- sentaciôn en el proceso. Los derechos del delincuente son importantes y deben protegerse, pero no a costa de sacrificar los derechos de las victimas. B. — Algunas präcticas exitosas La policia, al ser por lo general el primer contacto de las victimas, requiere estar facultada para realizar las intervenciones oportunas en problemas de violencia doméstica. En Bolivia la Ley establece que la Policia Nacional destacarä patrullas môviles de control hacia los centros de mayor incidencia de violencia doméstica (articulo 3). Deben estructurarse guias de trabajo policiaco en donde los agentes comprendan cual es el problema y se les enseñe i Como conducirse ? Cuando pueden arrestar o detener a una persona en estos casos ? En Bolivia se establece que en la capacitaciôn de la policia serà asignatura curricular el estudio de la Ley contra la Violencia por lo que solicita la colaboracion de todos las organizaciones o entidades püblicas à privadas dedicadas a la proteccion de menores, mujeres y personas de la tercera edad. Fl Gobierno del Distrito Federal de Brasil. ha establecido delega- ciones de la Mujer. las que tienen como funciôn primordial atender a las mujeres victimas de violencia doméstica, paralelamente en casi todo el pais se han creado instancias semejantes. — 8 — La Corte y Juzgados especializados han sido de gran utilidad, inclu- sive bien equipadas con personal idôneo, permiten implementar estrate- glas para una adecuada investigaciôn criminal y mejores resultados ope- rativos. En la Ley n° 16707 de Seguridad Ciudadana de Uruguay se establece, en el articulo 38, que se encomienda al Poder Ejecutivo y al Judicial, en el ambito de sus respectivas competencias, la implementaciôn de progra- mas especificos para la asistencia integral a personas y sus familiares, victimas del delito y del abuso de poder. El servicio telefônico emergente es un programa de atenciôn funda- mental, que funciona con trabajadoras sociales o voluntarias de la comunidad, previamente capacitadas. Parte del sistema detenciôn que debe existir es el Registro Nacional de casas, en Chile es el Servicio del Registro Civil e identificion el que lo integra, relativo a personas que han sido condenadas como autores de casos de violencia doméstica. En Puerto Rico se creô, el 24 de marzo de 1994, el Comité Interge- rencial para el Estudio de la Violencia Doméstica, que sera el organo encargado de vigilar que el Estado cumpla su compromiso de velar por la estabilidad de la familia, dändole protecciôn adecuada y garantizan- dole su seguridad. En Perü, segûn lo establecido por la Ley n° 26260, se creô La Politica del Estado y de la Sociedad frente a la Violencia Familiar asi como las medidas de protecciôn que correpondan. Se impulsaron asimismo las Comisarias de Mujeres, con personal especializado para recibir estos casos. La Ley hace menciôn especial a la importancia que en esta tarea tienen las organizaciones civiles (articulo 3). Al igual que en Perû, la Asamblea Legislativa de El Salvador estable- ciô en 1995 sus Politicas de Estado para la prevenciôn de la violencia familiar, creando, segûn lo marca el articulo 6, inciso f). dentro de la Policia Nacional Civil, las dependencias necesarias, con personal espe- clalizado en la atenciôon de casos de violencia familiar. Pero no debemos crear servicios engañäandonos y so pretexto de ayu- dar a las victimas establecer tramites complejos, engorrosos, largos, que no obstante intentar un cambio de actitud, someten a las victimas a interminables procedimientos, cuasinformales, que son en realidad hibri- dos sin direcciôn victimolôgica correcta. Bien dice el profesor Ezzat Fatta (1997), que la historia de la aten- ciôn à las victimas estä resultando ser la narraciôn de la negligencia, la revictimizaciôn, una politica de manipulaciôn, una expertencia de pro- mesas incumplidas e iInsatisfechas, expectativas inciertas con enormes frustraciones que produce su alienaciôn. _—n -— BIBLIOGRAFIA ABELENDA. M. et al. (1995). Provecto de Lev. Defensoria Nacional de la Victima de Violencia Sexual y Doméstica, Camara de Representantes. Repüblica Oriental del Uruguay. ALDUCIN, E. (1989), Los valores de los mexicanos, Fomento C'ultural Banamex, A.C. México. ALDUCIN. È. (1991), Los valores de los mexicanos, Fomento Cultural Banamax, A.C. México. Anteprovecto de lev contra la violencia intrafamiliar o doméstica (1994), Repuüblica del Salvador. Carrera interdisciplinaria en especializacion en violencia familiar (1991), Universidad de Buenos Aires, Facultad de Psicologia, Argentina. Davis. W.E. et al. (1996), Lecciones aprendidas : Experiencias con resolu- cion alternativa de disputas, Estados Unidos. DE OLIVEIRA, J. Decreto n” 849 (1995), Côdigo Penal, Editorial Saraiva, Brasil. Declaraciôn de Puebla por la justicia a lus victimas del delito y abuso de poder, Res 1/97, Vic. Puebla. Decreto n° 2.537, Côdigo del Menor (1992), Instituto Colombiano de Bienestar Familiar. Ministerio de Salud, Colombia. Decreto n 10.000, Delegacia Especial de Atendimento a Mulher (1989). Brasilia. Decreto n° 17.354, que crea el Centro de Atenciôn para las Victimas del Delito y que contiene la ley que lo regula (1998), Jalisco. Diaz, L.M. (1997), « Privatizaciôn de Conflictos », E/ Foro, Organo de la Barra Mexicana, Colegio de Abogados, À.C. I 55-96. FATTAH. E. (1997), From a Handful of Dollars to Tea and Sympathy. JAVATE, D.D. (1998), Aprobaciôn del informe del comité para lu elimina- cion de la discriminacion contra la mujer, 18 Periodo de Sesiones CEDAWC 1998-I/LL/Add. 7. LEON, M. (1994). La filosofia nahuatl, Instituto de Investigaciones Histô- ricas, México. Ley n° 24417, Ley para la Prevenciôn e Intervenciôn con la Violencia Doméstica (1994), Argentina. Ley n” 1674, Ley contra la Violencia Intrafamiliar y Doméstica (1995), Bolivia. Lev n° 11507, Ley de Violencia Doméstica (1995), Costa Rica. Lev de asistencia v prevencion de la violencia intrafamiliar (1997). México. _ 83 — Ley n° 150, Ley de Reformas al Côdigo Penal (1993), Nicaragua. Ley n° 27, Por la cual se tipifican los delitos de violencia intrafamiliar y maltrato de menores, se ordena el establecimiento de dependencias especlalizadas para la atenciôn de victimas de estos delitos, se refor- man y adicionan los articulos al Côdigo Penal y Judicial y adoptan otras medidas (1995), Repüblica de Panama. Ley para la proteccion a victimas de delitos (1996), Ley que crea el fondo para el mejoramiento de justicia en el Estado de Puebla, Puebla. Ley n° 54, Ley para la Prevenciôn e Intervenciôn con la Violencia Doméstica (1989), Puerto Rico. LIMA, M. (1989), « Control social en México - Tenochtitlan ». Crimina- lia, 1 : 12, México. LIMA, M. (1993), « Agencias especializadas en delitos sexuales ». Centro de Asistencia a la Victima de Delitos, Ministerio de Gobierno, Argen- tina. LIMA, M. (1995), « La violencia en contra la mujer en la agenda interna- cional ». Revista Mexicana de Politica Exterior, México. LIMA, M. (1995), Violencia contra la mujer, IV Conferencia Mundial sobre la Mujer, 9. Pequin. LIMA, M. (1996), Resolucion Alternativa de Conflictos, Procuraduria General de Justicia de Puebla, Puebla. MILLAN, J.F. (1994), « Los derechos de la familia en los umbrales del siglo XXI », in Los derechos de la familia en los umbrales del tercet milenio, Provive Publicaciones. Caracas. PETERS, T. (1994), Justicia Reparadora, Facultad de Derecho, Las Pal- Mmas. Resolucion 44 25 (1989), México depositô su ratificaciôn en 1990. RODRIGUEZ, L. (1998), Victimologia, Editorial Porrüa, Méexico. SAN MARTIN, M. (1997), La mediacion como respuesta a algunos proble- mas juridico-criminolôgicos, Departamento de Justicia, Gobierno Vasco. WEITEKAMP, E. (1997), The Paradigm of Restorative Justice. Potentials. Possibilities and Pitfalls, Amsterdam. The Netherlands. — 84 POLITIQUES CRIMINELLES, CONFLITS DE CULTURES ET CHOC DES CIVILISATIONS Pierre-Henri Bolle (*) Mème s1 cela ne paraît pas nécessaire, j'aimerais rappeler le thème de notre Congrès Crime et justice dans un monde en évolution : perspectives en Asie et dans la communauté internationale, et insister sur ce qui en La double constitue la seconde partie, et non pas le sous-titre approche. régionale et internationale (« Global », en anglais). Ce thème est tout à la fois un avertissement à ceux qui, au risque de négliger les particularités régionales, pourraient croire que le crime, comme l'économie, est, quantitativement et qualitativement, un phéno- mène en passe de mondialisation inexorable. du moins pour ses manifes- tations les plus typiques ; mais ce thème est aussi l'affirmation d'une évolution de la criminologie, de plus en plus poussée à distinguer ce qui peut être appréhendé au plan mondial (cf. Ugo Leone, Criminologia internazionale. Rome, UNICRI, 1993, not. pp. 187 et s.), et ce qui doit être appréhendé au plan régional. voire national. En cela — et le thème de notre Congrès le montre bien —, la criminolo- gle s'inscrit dans le grand mouvement des sciences sociales qui, par delà la théorie pure et la dogmatique, favorisent la recherche appliquée, d'abord par souci d'efficacité. Cette tendance, pour la criminologie, à été confortée par le fait que les législateurs nationaux et les administrateurs des systèmes de justice pénale ont de plus en plus recours aux services de la criminologie, au point qu'aujourd'hui, plus aucun responsable digne de ce nom ne peut élaborer et/ou appliquer une politique crimi- nelle digne de ce nom, sans recourir à la collaboration des criminolo- gues, donc à leurs lumières. D'ailleurs, les gouvernements n'hésitent pas à se doter d'instituts, de services, d'entités, de cellules de criminologues, dont la réputation et l'importance dépassent parfois celles de leurs homologues universitaires, comme au Royaume-Uni, où à été institué auprès du Home Office, un Research and Planning Unit, qualifié par les connaisseurs de « gigantic concentration » de chercheurs et de moyens (cf. Paul Rock, « The Social Organization of British Criminology », in (*) Professeur de législations pénales. Université de Neuchâtel. Suisse. _— 85 - The Oxford Handbook of Criminology, éd. par M. Maguire, R. Morgan et R. Reiner, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1994, pp. 125 et s., 139). En outre, la politique criminelle s'intègre de plus en plus aux politi- ques sociales, sociojuridiques, voire socio-culturelles nationales, si bien que cette politique criminelle est enfin reconnue partout comme tribu- taire des conditions socio-historico-culturelles des différents Etats. D'ail- leurs, ceux parmi les criminologues qui se sont penchés sur l'étiologie criminelle, ont beaucoup insisté sur ce point (cf par exemple Raymond Gassin, Criminologie, 3° éd., Paris, Dalloz, 1994, not. pp. 223 et 371 et s.). Du même coup, elle échappe à la tyrannie des 1déologies politiques, qui l’ont dévoyée, notamment dans les années soixante-dix et quatre- vingts, comme elles ont d'ailleurs dévoyé la criminologie elle-même, utili- sée à des fins politiques partisanes. Or, toute 1déologie est réductionniste, comme le dénonce Denis Szabo, dans toute son œuvre. Dans cette optique, l'idée même d'une politique criminelle vriverselle, uniforme, uniformisée, fondée sur une base commune de valeurs parta- gées, peut être qualifiée aujourd'hui d'utopique. Ce fut le rêve — et comme tous les rèves, en grande partie inconscient de bien des crimino- logues, et des responsables des premiers Congrès des Nations Unies sur la prévention du crime et le traitement des délinquants, avant que ces manifestations ne deviennent de pseudo-conférences diplomatiques - dont elles n'ont pas les pouvoirs — à partir, définitivement, du Congrès de Caracas. au Venezuela, en 1980. Comme la meilleure façon de réaliser ses rêves, c'est de se réveiller, les criminologues et les responsables de la politique criminelle, se sont rabattus sur une conception plus éclatée de leurs champs respectifs d'ac- tion, et à part quelques domaines très spécifiques du crime (par exemple, les crimes contre l'humanité et les crimes de guerre) et de la justice pénale (par exemple, l'institution d'une Cour internationale contre ce type de criminalité, Rome, juillet 1998), 1ls ont abandonné l'idée d'une unification, pour celle d'une /farmonisation de pans entiers de leurs champs d'action ; et ils ont laissé aux Etats, le soin d'organiser la lutte contre certains actes délictueux, notamment les infractions d'ordre, les contraventions, à l’aide de moyens qui leur sont propres et susceptibles de tenir mieux compte des spécificités nationales, qu'elles soient histor1- ques, sociales, culturelles, voire morales. Par exemple, citons le plea bar- gaining américain, considéré en Europe comme incompatible avec la morale dont doit s'inspirer la justice pénale, et avec la nature de l'aveu qui, sur le Vieux-Continent, n'a pas valeur de preuve ; ce qui ne signifie pas qu'il faille exclure absolument de la justice pénale toute idée de négociation (cf. André Kuhn, « Le ‘plea bargaining' américain est-il — 86 — 116, propre à inspirer le législateur suisse ? », Revue pénale suisse, T 1998, pp. 73 et s.) : par exemple aussi le quadrillage policier urbain prati- qué au Japon, sous forme des fameux Kobans (cf. Tadashi Morishita, « La modernisation de la police au Japon », Revue internationale de cri- minologie et de police technique, 1986, pp. 447 et s, 451), difficile à concevoir pour ceux qui sont partisans des libertés individuelles et de la protection de la sphère privée, ou bien encore la pratique chinoise des exécutions publiques de condamnés à mort, considérée comme incompa- tible avec la notion des droits de l'homme, tels qu'ils sont reconnus dans la majorité des systèmes juridiques contemporains ; citons enfin, de façon plus générale, les institutions du droit pénal islamique traditionnel, tels que les châtiments corporels ou les amputations. Le fait que jJe cite ces exemples ne doit pas être mal compris d'une part, cela ne signifie pas que j'approuve, voire que je promeuve ces insti- tutions et ces pratiques, qui sont, bien évidemment, contraires à mes propres conceptions ; mais cela ne signifie pas non plus que je les juge. voire que je les condamne, en tant qu'instruments nationaux de politique criminelle. Simplement, cela signifie que ces spécificités nationales — ou spécificités régionales, si l'on songe aux règles de la Chariah — doivent rester ce qu'elles sont : des principes et des pratiques propres à des poli- tiques socio-culturelles et à des politiques criminelles adaptées à des contingences nationales particulières. Or, confrontés à la lente intégra- tion mondiale, ces principes et pratiques vont évoluer selon un processus d'harmonisation universelle des politiques, plus que selon un processus d'harmonisation des institutions elles-mêmes. On n'emprunte plus à l'étranger des institutions, mais des modèles. Les échanges se font au niveau des 1dées. Il serait aujourd'hui impossible de déclarer qu'un code pénal étranger est, en bloc, applicable dans un autre pays, comme le fit Atatürk en Turquie, avec le Code pénal 1talien, avant la deuxième Guerre Mondiale. Enfin, le temps est révolu où, au nom d’'une idéologie, ou d'une puis- sance militaire et/ou économique, le monde occidental ou l'empire soclalo-soviétique pouvaient imposer au reste du monde leurs propres conceptions à incorporer telles quelles dans les politiques sociojuridiques et criminelles, au mépris des spécificités nationales. En cela, la thèse de Samuel P. Huntington sur : Le choc des civilisa- tions (Paris, Ed. Odile Jacob, 1997) garde tout son intérêt et toute sa valeur. Précisons que le titre anglais de cet ouvrage magistral est meil- leur : The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New York, Simon & Schuster, 1996). L'analyse globale de Huntington est tout aussi pertinente au plan sectoriel de la politique criminelle et doit convaincre à davantage de clairvoyance et d'humilité, les spécialistes de la politique criminelle internationale, régionale ou nationale. Deux derniers exemples, relatifs au Japon, suffiront, je l'espère, à illustrer mes propos, que certains ont certainement trouvés trop aériens, trop peu concrets. Tout d’abord, jJ'évoquerai le domaine des homicides, et tout particu- lièrement l’assistance au suicide et le meurtre sur la demande de la vic- time, des incriminations qui existent au Japon ($202 du Code pénal japonais ; $ 320 de l’ancien Code pénal japonais de 1880), comme dans l'immense majorité des législations pénales, mais des incriminations dont l’application est spécifique et dépend bien évidemment de la conception morale du suicide, conception propre aux Japonais, une conception bien connue des moralistes et des spécialistes de la théologie comparée, au sens de laquelle le suicide, dans certains cas, non seulement est dépourvu de toute immoralité, mais est au contraire un acte particulièrement honorable, seule façon de sauver son honneur et celui des siens, de faire oublier là commission d’'une faute. voire d’un crime. Cette reconnais- sance morale du suicide (en japonais sappuku, ce que les étrangers appellent harakiri) est enfin conforme à une règle éthique d'inspiration bouddhiste exprimée dans le proverbe japonais répandu suivant, que Je traduis ainsi « Nul n’a le droit de fouetter un mort » (cf Haruo Nish1- hara « Die Rechtfertigung der Sterbehilfe in Japan », in Dus Erste deutsch-japanisch-polnische Strafrechtskolloquium der Stipendiaten der Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung, A.J. Szwarc et À. Wasek (éd.), Poz- nan, Wydawnictwo Poznanskie, 1998, p. 51). Si, jusqu'à aujourd’hui, la jurisprudence japonaise n’a Jamais légitimé l’assistance au suicide ou le meurtre à la demande de la victime, ce qui, manifestement, violerait de plein fouet le $ 202 du Code pénal, certains jugements ouvrent la voie à faire d'un tel comportement un acte justifi- catif (cf. pour la première fois. un arrêt de la Cour suprême de Nagoya, du 22 décembre 1962 (op. cit. p. 54). Sur cette base, toute une pratique s'est développée. jusqu'à un jugement de la Cour de Yokohama, du 28 mars 1995, dans lequel, sous couvert de motivation jJuridique, trans- paraît de toute évidence la conception socio-culturelle spécifique du sui- cide, donc de la vie et de la mort, que les Japonais partagent depuis la nuit des temps, une conception qui ne sera jamais reconnue nulle part ailleurs. J'évoquerai enfin les travaux très récents de la Fondation Internatio- nale Pénale et Pénitentiaire qui, en collaboration avec les autorités jJapo- naises et l'UNAFEI, à consacré son Colloque international (Tokyo, jJan- vier 1998) aux régimes pénitentiaires et au travail dans les prisons. Les actes de cette manifestation seront publiés dans quelques mois. Au cours de ces travaux 1llustrés par une visite à l’établissement pénitentiaire fermé de Fuchu, les participants étrangers ont tous, ou presque, défendu une conception des régimes et du travail pénitentiaires fondée sur la 38 notion occidentale des droits de l'homme, une conception ayant aussi pour objectif la réintégration sociale des détenus, obtenue grâce à la favorisation en prison des contacts entre détenus et grâce à une vie car- cérale la plus proche possible de la vie professionnelle en milieu libre. De leur côté. les experts jJaponais ont défendu le régime existant notamment à Fuchu, qui se traduit pour les détenus par une discipline de vie plus sévère, s'exprimant notamment par l'imposition de la règle du silence pendant le travail, l'interdiction de fumer, et de strictes restric- tions dans l'organisation des loisirs et l'accès aux médias. Or. 1l est apparu que ces règles japonaises n'étaient pas toutes, loin de là. inspirées par des considérations de sécurité ou par une politique délibérée de répression et de châtiment, mais bien par la conception même que les Japonais se font du travail, de son organisation, et plus généralement, inspirées de leur conception de la vie en société (Way of life, ou encore Weltanschauung). Si bien que dans le préambule aux recommandations du Colloque sur le travail en prison, la Fondation Internationale Pénale et Pénitentiaire a mentionné ce qui est bien plus qu'une précaution oratoire, ou encore une politesse à l'égard du pays hôte du Colloque. Je cite « Etant rappelées les différences notables subsistant entre pays pauvres et riches, en voie de développement ou développés, et compte tenu des données historiques, culturelles, juridiques et administratives de leurs systèmes respectifs, qui doivent être respectées si l'on veut faire œuvre utile de politique criminelle, les participants au Colloque de la FIPP... ont constaté ce qui suit : «) Le travail a une importance telle dans la société en général qu'il est partie intégrante de l'histoire, de la culture et de la mentalité sociale spécifiques à chacun des pays, ou, en tous les cas, spécifiques à cha- cune des régions du monde. b) Ainsi, 1l n'est pas étonnant que le travail, paramètre du monde carcé- ral et pénitentiaire, n'ait pas la même signification partout, même s'il a partout la mème importance. » C) Je tirerai de cette citation ma conclusion. S1 l'on veut faire œuvre utile de politique criminelle, 11 faut garder à l’esprit, donc 1l faut considérer, donc 1l faut respecter les données histori- ques, culturelles, juridiques et administratives des systèmes respectifs des divers Etats, qu'ils soient pauvres ou riches, en voie de développement ou développés. Et cela est particulièrement vrai en Asie (du Sud-Est), ou les Etats ne connaissent pas encore, et ne connaîtront peut-être Jamais, le degré d'intégration socio-juridico-politique atteint dans d'autres par- ties du monde. — 89 — Une manifestation telle que le XII* Congrès de la Société internatio- nale de criminologie, doit être l'occasion de mieux connaître nos institu- tions, pratiques et politiques respectives, et puisque nous les connaitrons mieux, de mieux les estimer, et puisque nous les estimerons davantage. de mieux les respecter. Profitons-en ! 90 GLOBAL TRENDS IN CORRECTIONS Ulla V. Bondeson (*) THE OBJECTIVE OF CRIMINAL POLICY Why do we punish ? What 1s the objective of criminal policy ? We often assume that criminal policy 1s governed by rationality. À rational policy identifies the means by which a given objective is to be reached at the minimum of costs. The objective itself cannot be determined by scientific means. It 1s usually taken for granted that the goal of criminal policy is simply to reduce crime rates. The Finnish criminologist Tôr- nudd (1996) has proposed a more specific formulation the goal of criminal policy is to minimize the cost and suffering caused by crime and by crime control. and to allocate this cost and suffering in à just manner. THEORIES OF PUNISHMENT In Scandinavian jurisprudence the so-called relative theories of punishment constitute responses to the demand for rationality 1n criminal policy. Sanctions are here regarded as means to reduce crime. According to the theory of individual or special prevention this should be accomplished by way of treatment. deterrence, or incapacitation of criminals. As for the theory of general prevention reduction should be achieved by deterring or morally educating potential criminals. While the relative theories refer to a preventive function, in the so- called absolute theories punishment 1s seen as an end in itself. Revenge by « lex talionis » (an eye for an eye) 1s one variant of this doctrine. Other versions are just retribution as formulated foremost in German philosophy and « atonement » based on concepts from Christianity. In European jurisprudence the relative or preventive penal theories can be traced back to Plato more than 2,400 years ago. Likewise in the 18th century the Italian philosopher Beccaria (1764) claimed that prevention is more important than punishment, and that punishment 1s justified only if it contributes to the prevention of criminal behaviour. (*) ! would like to thank the Director of HEUNI. Dr Matti Joutsen, for giving valuable comments on this paper. and for giving me access to the Fifth UNCIS which is not yet pub- lished. T also wish to thank Christopher Rumble for his assistance in revising the English language of this paper. — 91 — Similarly, Bentham (1780) developed utilitarian penal theories under which the ultimate aim of punishment 1s social welfare. In the same century the German philosopher Kant conversely presen- ted his foundation of the metaphysics and criticism of practical rationality (1785 ; 1788), where he stated that retaliative punishment 1s a categorical imperative. The criminal must be punished because he has committed a crime, for the guilt he has brought upon himself, and all other justifications for punishment were said to be immoral, if not directly criminal. The Scandinavian criminal codes of this century have mainly been based upon the preventive theories of punishment. Individual or spectal prevention has been particularly dominant within Swedish criminal policy. THE TREATMENT IDEOLOGY AND [Ts DOWNFALI Treatment ideas within corrections can be traced back to « tuchthuisen » in the Netherlands and «les hôpitaux généraux » in France in the 17th century. From the descriptions of these total institu- tions by Sellin (1944) and Foucault (1961 ; cf. 1975) one can conclude that many so-called new reforms within prisons are, in fact, very old. Also scepticism about corrections dates back as far as the enlighten- ment. Most concern with the demoralizing effects of prisons can be traced back to the penal reformers of the I8th century. In 1777 John Howard said prisons were « seats and seminaries of idleness and every vice » (p. 21) and Bentham asserted « Weariness, revenge and want preside over these academies of crime » (1891, pp. 351-352). Likewise the Russian scientist Kropotkin who in part involuntarily had rich oppor- tunity to study Siberian, English and French prisons from the inside wrote «Our model and modern penitentiaries (are) a hundred times more corrupting than the dungeons of the Middle-Ages ». By studying French criminal statistics he concluded : « Figures tell us loudly enough that the supposed double influence of prisons - the deterring and the moralizing - exists only in the imagination of lawyers. » While scientific descriptions of prisons exist only in some countries, biographical documents of inmates can be found from a much greater number. And here the similarities are striking as regards the brutalizing and demoralizing effects of imprisonment. - 92 _ TREATMENT RESEARCH Treatment studies of the individual preventive effects of punishment. often euphemistically referred to as treatment, date back only a few decades. Treatment research can roughly be broken down into effect studies. in which the results of treatment are measured by recidivism rates. and institutional or impact studies, where analyses are made of the content of the treatment. À famous survey of evaluations of correctional treatment programs using only effect studies with strict methodological criteria was carried out by Martinson and others, reported in the com- mittee Investigation The Effectiveness of Correctional Treatment (Lipton et al. 1975), and summarized in his renowned article « What Works ? » (Martinson 1974), with the conclusion « nothing works ». In a report to the same American committee I reviewed correspond- ing Scandinavian evaluation studies, using the same selection criteria (Bondeson 1975). l here made a distinction between program research and sanction research, and pointed out that in most of the American evaluation studies one usually measures relatively isolated treatment components within a penalty system. for instance studying group therapy within a prison. In the Scandinavian studies more often radi- cally different modes of social interventions have been compared, for example. comparing probation with imprisonment. While the American studies often showed no effect of treatment within a sanction, comparing different sanctions in Scandinavia did more often produce different results. One example is Bôrjeson's (1966) meticulously designed ex post fucto experiment showing that custodial penalties produce significantly higher recidivism rates than non-custodial ones. Using a similar predic- tive Instrument I found in a comparative and longitudinal study that probation combined with a short institutional treatment produced higher recidivism rates than probation without institutionalization and that probation yielded higher recidivism than did conditional sentence without supervision (Bondeson 1994). It should further be observed that surveys of this kind exclude on methodological grounds studies using a structural-funetional approach. This means that studies such as Clemmer's The Prison Community (1958) are not included. His observations of prisonization, signifying that the longer the inmate stays in prison the more he learns of norms and customs that characterize the prison community, which has an anti- social culture, can obviously not be summarized as a no-effect result. Instead of the expected positive effect of treatment we here find negative, 1.e. destructive effects of correctional treatment. In a comparative and longitudinal investigation of all kinds of corree- tional institutions in Sweden — training schools, youth prisons, prisons, _— 93 — and preventive detention institutions for both men and women — I found ample evidence of prisonization prevailing in all 13 institutions studied. While the official objective of these institutions was individual preven- tion, the result was the opposite — what I have called negative individual prevention — measuring inter alia extensive criminalization in all types of institutions using panel and multivariate analysis (Bondeson 1974). In a follow-up study over ten years for all the inmates I found very high recidivism rates, and in a statistical survival analysis there was a signifi- cant relationship between criminalization in the institution and later recidivism (Bondeson 1989). It should be noted that these studies have been carried out in a correctional system that is usually characterized as being one of the most progressive in the world. Some later, more optimistic studies of treatment in corrections such as the meta-analyses of Lipton (1995) and Lôsel (1995) have indicated on the average a 12 per cent reduction in recidivism by focused treat- ment programs, mainly on juvenile offenders. Last year the Home Office (1997) produced à critical analysis of these studies and Lipsey & Wilson (1998) have this year published a synthesis of research. Recently Sher- man et al (1998) in « Preventing Crime What Works, What Doesn't, What's Promising » have demonstrated that rehabilitation programs can be effective 1f they are highly structured and focused, particularly as regards drug treatment. POLITICAL EFFECTS OF TREATMENT RESEARCH In Scandinavia several committees have declared that since imprison- ment does not produce any individual preventive effect but on the con- trary negative results, it should be used to the least possible extent. Ît should be used as a last resort meaning that we confine as few criminals as possible and for the shortest time possible. In Sweden there has more recently also been somewhat of a shift in the official penal philosophy. speaking of « the penal value of punishment » instead of treatment, but still retaining the goal of minimal use of imprisonment. This neo-classi- cal philosophy in Scandinavia originated in Finland which anyhow never had experienced much treatment in correction. In the US with the downfall of treatment ideology we saw a philosophy emerging of « just deserts », Inspired by Kantian metaphysi- cal justification (Walker 1991). In the preface to the book « Doing Justice » von Hirsch (1976) stated that imprisonment should be used as a last resort. My prediction at the time though was that this penal philosophy would expand the use of confinement and, unfortunately, these predictions have come only too true. _— 94 _— We are thus today witnessing a development in penal policy — at least in the Western world — that 1s in sharp contradiction both to most scien- tific research on corrections and to many political declarations. INCARCERATION RATES Despite repeated official declarations to reduce deprivation of liberty. especially in Europe, incarceration rates have been increasing in most countries. The increase has been particularly drastic in the US and Russia, and to a certain extent in some East European countries. There is, however, no simple relationship between crime rates and incarceration rates. Blumstein (1997) has summarized this phenomenon In a paper entitled «The US Criminal Justice Conundrum : Rising prison populations and stable crime rates ». This means, among other things, that Blumstein’s earlier theory of homeostasis in imprisonment rates has to be revised, which still does not prevent it from having sup- port in earlier history. But since 1973 the US incarceration rates of the Federal and state prisons (not including local jails) have increased from 110 per 100,000 to 427 in 1996. Despite an almost exponential growth in incarceration rates there has been a general stability of crime rates during the same period. Also serious crimes, such as murder and rob- bery, have not shown any increase over the last twenty years ; these crimes have even shown a steady decline the past five years, at marked variance with the political rhetoric and the public view. Investigating general deterrence historically by analyzing reported theft and convictions for theft in Stockholm 1866-1990 focusing on aggregated effects of the administration of criminal justice von Hofer (1993) concludes that the Swedish data lend little support to the deterrence hypothesis in a longitudinal perspective. Recently, Langan & Farrington (1998) have performed an analysis of the justice system's impact on crime in England and the US 1981-1995 finding support for the theory that links a falling risk of punishment to rising crime rates in England but not in the US, and that the results as to severity of punishment related to crime rates were mixed in both countries. The partially ad hoc level of incarceration rates 1s confirmed by Zvekic & Shinkai (1998) in the Fifth UN Crime and Justice Survey by non-significant associations between volume of sentencing and crime rates, and this holds true for each type of punishment. As can be seen from Tauble I (ibid., Table 4.2) variations in the rates of persons incar- cerated between the countries are also conspicuously great. These statistics have been offered by the national authorities and despite validation efforts by the UN staff should be read with some caution. _ 95 _ Preferably, these rates would be related to crime rates but one can safely conclude that they do not simply reflect present crime rates in the dif- ferent countries. The highest figures are given for the Russian Federa- tion with 580 and the US with 554 total persons incarcerated in 1994 and the lowest for Greece with 16 and Kuwait 2. There are also large variations across the regions of the world, with the highest rate for the New World, mainly due to the US rates, followed by countries in trans- ition such as Eastern Europe, and then by Africa, Latin America and Asia, with Western Europe having much lower rates. The pre-trial detention rates similarly show great variations between the countries and again these generally reflect different practices rather than different types of crime. Neighbouring and similar countries such as Denmark and Sweden show, for example, great differences that clearly reflect varying practices and not different types of crime. Look- Ing at regions it 1s conspicuous that particularly Africa but also Latin America have exceptionally high rates of prisoners that are not convic- ted The incarceration rates are highly influenced by the length of the sen- tences (see also Tournier 1998). The distribution of convicted prisoners by length of sentence shows great variations also within the European countries as can be seen from Tuble II ; (Council of Europe : SPACE 96.52). For example, Norway has more than half of its prisoners convic- ted for less than 6 months. while countries such as Latvia, Lithuania and Moldova have 0 %. In Denmark and Switzerland more than three-quar- ters of the prison sentences are shorter than three months, while in the first-mentioned countries almost all sentences are for one year or more (SPACE 96.142). Kuhn (1998) has demonstrated how 1f one wants to reduce the prisoner rate it Is more important to find means to reduce the average length of prison terms than to reduce the number of admissions. Conversion of non-paid fines into imprisonment 1s a practice that also affects imprisonment rates. Again, Sweden eliminated this possibility practically as early as the 30"1es and thereby reduced the num- ber of prisoners due to unpaid fines from about 11,000 to 400 within a decade, while the neighbouring country Denmark still retains this prac- tice. But even disregarding this special category, the prison population 1s always overrepresented with the socio-economically disadvantaged. In most countries there 1s also an overrepresentation of foreigners in our prisons. In countries such as Switzerland and Luxembourg they amount to a little more than half the population (SPACE 96:2). The alien prisoners naturally present special problems regarding language, religion, food etc. — 96 Although imprisonment 1s meant to be reserved for serious criminals, the great majority of prisoners are still committed for ordinary theft in most European countries as shown in Table III (SPACE 96.42). The second largest category appears to be the drug-related crimes. Where generally in society we find negative discrimination of women, in the criminal justice system there seems to be a certain degree of positive discrimination. Usually, women account for less than 5 per cent of the prison population reflecting. naturally,. a lower crime rate. However, Table IV shows a successive diminishing rate of women through the criminal justice system in all European countries revealing not only different types of crime but also a different treatment of the so- called weaker sex (Kuhn 1998, Table 8). There are systematically decreasing rates from suspected to prosecuted, to convicted, admitted and finally being in prison for all the countries giving complete informa- tion. À compilation of the five UN surveys shows according to Table V that between 1972 and 1992 prison rates for the industrialized countries have almost doubled while they have remained fairly stable for the developing countries (Zvekic & Shinkai 1998, p. 97). Between 1990 and 1994 as many as 30 out of 65 countries show a consecutive increase In the total incarceration rates while only 7 show some decrease. Table VI demonstrates that the incomparably greatest Increase in the rate of incarceration from 1985 to 1995 - + 92% - took place in the United States. where there are now over 600 prisoners per 100,000 (The Sentencing Project 1997 ; figures based upon Walmsley 1997, Table 2). In this period the greatest decreases can be seen in some new Central and Eastern European countries such as Latvia and Estonia but these still end on very high levels. At the same time some new countries in this region have very low prison rates such as Slovenia and Croatia, while some of the old countries in the region have fairly high levels, for exam- ple Romania and Poland. For the countries in transition there is more specifically a marked decrease in the prison population 1985-90 but with a reversed strong upward trend 1990-94. Walmsley (1996, IX) in his study of « Prison Systems in Central and EFastern Europe » explains the drop in prison rates as largely due to large-scale amnesties, and gives three main reasons for the large numbers of people in these countries later serving sentences of imprisonment, namely legislative provisions such as statutory minimum sentences and requirements that recidivists must receive longer sentences than others, the length of sentences and the limited availability of alternatives to imprisonment. Albrecht (1996) adds to these explanations the strong public support of imprisonment in these — 97 — countries, which may be interpreted as a consequence of the under- developed system of alternative penalties. Generally the imprisonment rates do not seem to be related to the developmental profile and standing of the countries. Zvekic & Shinkai write « Statistical analysis for the total incarceration rate per 100.000 of the population produced no meaningful association with industrial development, human development, or GNP per capita of countries » (p. 94). With the comparison restricted to the convicted prisoners there Is a moderately significant relatiton to the developmental stage « Industrialized countries tend to incarcerate more sentenced prisoners than developing countries and least developed countries » (p. 95). Even if incarceration rates have been increasing in most countries there are also some opposite trends. Tahle VI shows delivered depriva- tions of liberty per 100,000 inhabitants 1990-94 (Kuhn, Table 1). One interesting example of this kind 1s Finland, a country that previously dis- tinguished itself by having a much higher imprisonment rate than the other Nordic countries, but where correctional and political elites together decided to reduce them radically and succeeded in doing so sharply and continuously over two decades (Tô&rnudd 1997). Christie (1994), particularly preoceupied by the American situation, has described the penological-industrial complex as a self-perpetuating system. À pressing question 1s how such a development can be changed. That this 1s not an inevitable development, not even in industrialized countries, can be seen from the situation in countries such as Japan which has a low and decreasing incarceration rate, despite a relatively high crime rate (Kurosawa 1998). NON-CUSTODIAL SANCTIONS There is à fairly wide range of what 1s called non-custodial, alter- native or intermediate sanctions. The UN Crime and Justice Survey has a typology of four categories of non-custodial sanctions l control in freedom, including probation, 2. warnings and admonition, including _suspended and conditional sentences, 3. fines, and 4. community serv- 1CC Again the variation in the use of these sanctions varies considerably between the countries. The fine is the most frequent type of sanction used in most countries. According to the UN statistics in Table VIII it ranges from 95% in Japan through more than 70 in the Western European countries to considerably lower frequencies in transitional and developing countries (Zvekic 1997, Table 2) __ 98 — There are many different forms of fines and probably because of the triviality of this sanction it has been less studied (cf. Albrecht 1984). Here ! would especially like to point to the innovation of day fines as an excellent instrument relating fines not only to the severity of the crime but also to the possibility for the offender to pay. This instrument was Introduced in Sweden already in 1931 — Finland started even before in 1921 — and removed large numbers of offenders from the prisons. It seems that in the countries that have introduced the day fine system the number of prisoners has also usually been reduced. As can be seen from Tuble IX day fines are now used in about ten European countries and widely so in Finland, Germany and Ireland (SPACE 96.16). Although sanctions such as conditional sentence and probation have been practised quite widely - in some Western countries at least for a century - many countries have still not introduced these sanctions, par- ticularly in the developing world. The UN statistices show that quite a few countries have neither control in freedom nor warning, while others have alternately one or the other. À country like the Republic of Korea uses probation substantially but applies it exclusively to juveniles. Newer sanctions such as community service and electronic sur- veillance have still only been introduced in a relatively small number of countries While electronic surveillance internationally. naturally demands some sort of technological development in the country, com- munity service does not require any particular technological infrastrue- ture or even appreciable investments. Electronic surveillance has, for instance, been introduced in Sweden - with good results, also leading to the closing of prisons - but has not yet been implemented in Denmark. On the other hand, community service started with success much earlier in Denmark than in Sweden. These examples indicate how fairly arbitrary decisions apparently determine the introduction of this type of correctional innovation. Comparing the use of non-custodial sanctions across the regions of the world it seems evident that they could be applied with a much higher frequency, especially in Latin America, Africa and Asia. But as has been pointed out by Morris & Tonry (1990) also a country like the US has an urgent need for more intermediate sentences between prison and probation. They emphasize inter alia that the fine should be greatly expanded, in amount and in frequency, both as a punishment standing alone and as part of a punishment package and that the fine must be adjusted to the offender’s financial capacity and be collected. Also Sher- man et al (1998) find day fines according to one study to be a promising sanction in reducing recidivism. 99 — The Belgian Ministry of Justice has collaborated with Kellens & Peters (1997) in producing a Vade-mecum penologique in order to docu- ment for different kinds of practitioners the variety of alternative sanc- tions available and to illustrate their differential merits. EFFECTIVENESS AND COSTS As previously indicated most studies comparing different sanctions indicate lower recidivism rates with the use of non-custodial sanctions than with imprisonment. There are also good theoretical reasons to expect such results. Prisons inevitably create prisonization processes and the criminal prison sub-cultures produce criminalization. Apart from dif- ferent types of stigmatization processes the ex-inmate often returns to previous criminal milieus. In any case the ex-Inmate has many handicaps if he or she wants to return to a social life, finding a new job, a new apartment and possibly a new family. An aggravating factor in prisons in recent years 1s the smuggling inside of drugs that apart from addiction often leads to huge debts which then the ex-con is expected to repay at the latest as soon as he comes out of prison. This phenomenon leads to violence in prisons also in Scandinavian countries, where previously violence among inmates was a rare occurrence. With the use of non- custodial sanctions this means contrariwise that the sentenced person can keep his job, apartment and family, which should in most cases increase the chances of social rehabilitation. The cost of building and managing prisons 1s extremely high (for cost benefit analysis, see Glaser 1997). In the Western world the cost easily amounts to US$ 200 a day per prisoner. In Scandinavian correctional institutions with very high inmate-to-staff ratios - almost 1-l with treatment experts, education, job training and work opportunities etc… the cost can even exceed this figure. À seemingly simple way of cost reduction 1s to let prisons become overcrowded. Measuring occupancy rate by comparing the number of prisoners to the number of beds, overcrowding has been defined as 100 % excess of the former to the latter. The highest occupancy rates recorded in 1994 was in Sudan (962%) and the Republic of Korea (479 %). According to the UN statistics a great number of countries recorded an increase in prison occupancy rates between 1990 and 1994 ; countries like Belarus, Czech Republic and Hungary almost doubled their rates (Zvekic & Shinkai 1998, Table 4.7). Prison overcrowding naturally leads to deterioration of the living and working conditions of both inmates and correctional staff. In some jurisdictions the capacity of prisons may be changed simply by providing extra beds which does not, — 100 — however. meet the UN standard minimum rules. There also seems to be a direct relationship between overcrowding and correctional effectiveness as measured by recidivism rates (Farrington & Nuttall 1980). Another way to try to reduce the cost of imprisonment has been the introduction of private prisons. This has been particularly common 1n the US but has also been tried in some European countries, for instance in England. In Scandinavia ethical considerations, such as only the state can be responsible for the deprivation of liberty, have at least hitherto prevented such a development. PUBLIC OPINION AND CRIMINAL POLICY Attitudes towards punishment, 1.e. subjective punitivity, has been operationalized within the International Victimization Surveys (ICVS) by asking people in 1996/97 in 60 countries what sentence they would prefer to give to a 21 year-old burglar recidivist. Of the 130.000 persons interviewed just over four in ten chose imprisonment as the most appropriate sentence — ranging from 28 % in Western Europe to three quarters In Asia and Africa (see Table X ; Zvekic, Figure 3). But also within Europe the variations are great, ranging from 59 % in Northern Ireland and 50 % in England and Wales and Scotland to only 2% 1n Switzerland. Imprisonment 1s the most favoured sentence in the US and Canada. Zvekic (1997) concludes « This supports the findings of the 1989 and 1992 IC(V)S according to which the Anglo-Saxon countries are more prison-centric than other industrialized countries » (p. 34). Community service was opted for by one third of the respondents - with as much as half in Western Europe but only one in ten in Asia and Africa. Totally only 10% chose a fine and 7% a suspended sentence. Kuhn (1998) has also related the actual prisoner rate to the preferred imprisonment rate and found à significant correlation. However, the direction of the causality cannot be determined : 1s practice determining public opinion or public opinion influencing penal practice ? Politicians often refer to public opinion as a hindrance to reform in the criminal justice system. My earlier studies indicate though that politicians as well as judges often exaggerate the punitivity of the public (Bondeson 1980). In my later studies of people's attitudes towards punishment in all the Scandinavian countries there is a widespread acceptance of non-custodial sanctions, also for those that have not yet been implemented (Bondeson 1997). One should not neglect the existence of fear of crime but here public information as to who the targets of crime are would be of great help. AII studies show that those persons having the greatest fear of crime are — 101 — the same as those who are the least likely to become victims. In fact. there 1s no relationship or even à negative relation between fear of crime and crime or victim rates. The mass media bears a heavy responsibility for spreading excessive fear of crime through its unrealistic manner of reporting crime. Naturally, economic interests are greatly at stake in this type of sensational reporting. The introduction of ethical rules for the media and also, as in Sweden, courses in criminology for crime reporters can to some degree ameliorate the situation. CONCLUSIONS Although economic considerations, knowledge of the limited effect oi punishment and the extent of hidden criminality speak for decriminaliza- tion and depenalization as restricting principles of criminal policy, in many countries governments are now projecting the construction of new prisons as the old ones become overcrowded. However, as has been pointed out by among others Rutherford (1984) prison construction has an expansionist character and is generally irreversible. Some American scientists called for a moratorium on prison construction years ago, while others such as Hulsman and Mathiesen (1974) have called for the abolition of prisons. Ît scems more realistic though to try to implement a reductionist than an abolitionist policy (cf. Mathiesen 1990). At an international conference on prisons arranged by HEUNI - in collaboration with the Finnish Department of Prisons and the Council of Europe - Joutsen & Walmsley (1997) concluded by proposing a broad reform package to reduce imprisonment, including crime preven- tion, improved enforcement, improved treatment, changed legislation, attention to the media and mobilization of the public, in addition to research and evaluation. Similarly, the recent report to the United States Congress by Sherman et al (1998) and the Home Office report (1998) by Goldblatt & Lewis propose a wide range of preventive and corrective Measures. For a reductionist imprisonment policy to be successful, it has to be consistent and long-lasting. As rational, economic and humanitarian values jointly come to the fore, it should be more realististic to try to mobilize support within different groups in society for a more radical reductionism. 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Table 1.2 Total persons incarcerated 1994 (rate per 100,000 population) Russian Federation ...1111111111 10 S80 Bulgaria = — + # + + + + + + » + + + + # + + 4 = 4 » » = 5 = 99 USA « be + 6 4 + + + 4 + 4 » 6 » 4 4 4 » 4 4 4 = 4 4 3 » e e 0 e T 554 England & Wales....1111100 100000 95 Belarus ...111111 01 1111 1L 478 Australia * + e e » + + # 0 4 » 0 0 + » 1 = = 0 5 0 = 0 » 94 Latvin ... 1111111111 360 Mexico “ + + + + + + + # + + $ » + + + + » » 4 » » » e 1 » 93 Bermuda...111111111 1111111 PLs 359 Austria * + + + » + + + + 4 4 + 4 4 4 4 » » e » 4 = 6 » 0 « 92 UkKraimne ** 111111111110 345 Îtaly — = = + — # 4 + 6 2 6 + + 4 + + + 4 + 4 + » + + + + 4 4 « 90 Brunet Darussalam #. ... 1 111110 313 Macau * » 2 + 2 4 $ + 4 0 0 2 4 à 4 6 4 0 4 4 4 4 4 6 4 6 « s8 Kvreyzstan....11010 010 L 12e 300 Tongu *** « e 0= — 0 4 0 e 6 2 4 0 4 6 0 4 4 4 4 4 6 0 e « 87 V4411110) A 394 Columbia — . « » # + » e » » + 4 + + 2 2 » $ 4 4 4 4 4 = 55 Estonta ...11111 11111111 '7()4 Peru ” e — + + » + + + + + » » + # + =s + + + à + + + + + + v € 84 Lithuanta ....1111111 1111111110 278 …… + + + + + + + » » + » « 79 Sao Tome & Principe Singapore » e = + e 0 + e » $ 4 + » 6 4 6 4 4 4 0 6 0 1 == 255 p Kiribatt *** . + + + + + + » + + 4 4 » + + + + + + v e 79 Panama — 008 — 6 4 4 4 4 4 4 6 5 4 4 4 4 = 1 6 0 0 » 4 1 1 0= ’7|fi Turkey “ … … + + + + + + # + + + + + » + # + » + + =1 4 4 » = 74 Rep Of Moldova — » = € » = $ 0 » » 6 6 0 5 6 5 5 » == ')lfi Nicaragua * + — # + + »# + + 6 4 4 + 4 4 4 4 5 » 5 1 4 = » 74 Hong Kong....111111010 1111110 199 Belgium * … # e 4 + + + 6 + e » »6 e + + # + e 6 4 » + u + » 74 Romumu ** — … 4 # »0 0 6 — 6 8 6 6 » e » = = 5 2 2 6 » 195 Vanuatu *** . »# = » + + # 4 + + » 4 4 = + + + + + + » 73 Cook Islands *** « =4 » = = 4 4 > 4 » 6 = » 5 e = 0 195 Sweden * « # … » € » = + + » # » e + 2 + » + + + » » + + » 70 Israel * e e 6 6 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 » 4 0 4 3 5 e = = e e * 189 Sri Lanka *** — … 0 0 + e 0 = 4 + 6 » 4 » e 5 0 0 u » 68 Czech Rep … e . + 0 + 4 $ + # # + + 4 4 » 4 6 4 = » e » e 181 Denmark “ … … » + + + + + + + » + + » 4 » 1 » e » 5 5 » » 67 Thailand *** — 8 # # e 1 0 e 0 » 4 » 0 » 0 = 1 6 » 4 » « 177 « + * # + e + » 4 » = = » = » = 63 Rep Of Macedonia Guvana “ # + 4 + + » # e 0 » 6 0 8 1 » 0 5 e 0 4 e 4 6 » » 175 Finland * … € + e » + e = 6 + 8 4 4 + 4 4 4 + + 4 + 4 + = » 62 Poland ** # = e = + + » 4 » 4 4 » 4 » » » » » = 0 12 = 160 Liechtenstein « e > % € + 6 + + € » » e 4 6 4 4 e » 6 » 58 Chile « … — + # » + + »# + + + = + + > » + « » « + + + + + » « 156 Netherlands ....1101111111 11111110 57 “ + # + * + » e » » 5 » 4 » 4 = 0 e = 0 0 0 ISI alta « e > 1 € 0 e = e = + e 0 8 0 =0 0 » 4 6 4 4 = 0 6 8 6 0 S6 Madagasear Georgia ° = e »> 2 + = 4 » 4 » 4 + » 4 + $ $ 4 5 4 4 0 4 = e [41 Solomon Islands *** » — u e € 6 4 + + 4 # = » » S6 Western Samoa « … e e e » + 4 0 4 » 4 6 4 4 4 5 u » 141 * … … »# + + » s + + + + + 4 + + + + + + + + + » + e 54 Uganda Slovakia « … + # = + 0 # 6 0 = 4 4 = 5 0 e = 0 4 » 0 3 0 0 139 Slovenia * e « « + — 6 » » » + + » »s + + 4 # + + + » + » + + 52 Rep Ot Korea « … — + + + = + + # + » + + 4 » + + 4 + = 138 Croatia … # < > + # « + + » = « e + = + > = + + + + » % e 50 New Zeuland *** « … < + + + » + 4 4 + 4 » 4 e 4 6 0 126 Marshall Islands ....11111111111 000 43 Hungary * … a # + + — $ + + + 4 + 4 » » = 4 4 » 1 e 1= 0 124 Japan « … + + + + + + + + » + + 4 + » + 4 4 4 » 1 » 1 = 4 = = 37 #Æ* Malaysia * … + # # + = 0 e 0 » = 0 8 1 = e 5 6 6 = 6 0 6 0 123 Bangladesh “ . + + + + + + + + + + + + + 6 + » = 34 Costa Rica « » + — # e » # 6 0 0 6 4 » 0 = 0 » 5 4 = = » |19 Nepal *** * e + » = » + + + » + « + 4 »s » + + + % + + 4 e 34 Canada « … 0 # 0 + + e = 6 0 » » = 0 0 4 = 4 4 e 4 » 5 e » 118 Albania ** » e # e # e 6 » » $ + 6 » « » % 4 » e + » + = 30 Northern Ireland * … + # + + » $ 4 4 » + e » 1 » » = 116 Cambodia *** * … + » » # + + + + + » + + + + + + + » 26 " — # + + # = + » 0 1 » 2 0 0 0 8 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 = * 110 26 Fiji *+* Philippines ....11210200 00000020 0e Luxembourg . 2 = + # + »# + 4 + $ 4 6 4 4 » = 4 4 = » e 109 Cyprus. .1 0 0011 L L 122 _— 25 F} Salvador — » e + — 4 + e » # + e 6 à » 8 0 4 4 4 0 6 » 109 Sudan « … 0 % 6 + + + = » $ » » = + + # » e + » 6 + + » 4 = 24 Scotland « e —… — e > = + + » + + » + » » + » + + # + + + = 109 Indonesia * … — — + . + + + + + + + 4 + # + = = + = 4 0 = 23 China *** … » > » »# 6 4 6 4 4 4 » 6 4 4 4 4 e 3 8 » = = 107 India *** « » e + + # + + + + # + # + » = e 6 1 » e 6 2 6 = poeE 93 Papua New Guinea *** … 2 + » < + + » » » 4 = 107 Greece … e e + 4 » + « + + + = + + » + + e + + » + = + + » 16 * + + # < + + + + + » 4 » 4 » 4 » 4 6 » e = = = = 102 Kuwait “ … e « + » + + + + » v 6 4 = 6 e » » 4 e » » + = Portugal Uruguay * … e » # + + 0 = 4 » # 6 = + » e + » + + e 2 = » 102 Source Sth UNCIS. See notes to tables for additional information. — 107 — TABLE Il Table 5.2 Distribution of convicted prisoners by length of sentence (ordered) at | Septembrer 1996 (in “) Reference Council of Europe, SPACE 96.52 6 months Less ! veur 3 vears S vears 10 veurs than to less to less to less to less and ovet than than than than (ait Life 6 months / vear 3 veurs 5 vears J( veurs termi) Germany …. Austria 16l4 12.6 311 14.6 13.0 9.1 35 Belgium 3,3 4.6 24,9 276 31 6.7 Bulgaria 29,7 24 3 19.2 19,8 0.0 Cyprus Croatia 5,4 6.5 28.8 16.9 287 13,7 PDenmark Finland 16.7 18.6 63.0 France 146 16.,2 23.6 12,4 16.3 15.3 | ; Greece Hungary 6.5 8.9 395 — 187 240 7,8 1.9 Ireland 4.3 144 36.9 15,9 18.9 6.0 3.6 Italy 5.3 8.2 23,5 171 24.6 19,2 2.1 Latvia 0.0 0.5 23.0 376 339 4.9 0.1 Lithuania 0.0 3.5 31,8 36.3 — 7'77 5.4 0.3 Luxembourg 3.9 71 354 16.1 168 14.6 T1 Macedonia 208 118 30.0 17.3 14,9 5,2 0.0 Malta Moldova 0.0 1.5 16 32.1 36.3 13,3 0.3 541 6.6 9.2 4.9 3.7 0.0 Norway QI Netherlands 945 14,2 14,7 166 0.0 Poland 1.7 1.6 20,7 21 37,2 16.2 X#x* Portugal Slovak Rep. 5.8 20.23 35,7 12.6 18.5 7.0 0.2 Czech Rep. 7,8 25,7 35,9 | 2.2 — 13.0 5.3 0.1 Romanta 60,7 177 14,3 0.1 United Kingdom England & Wales Scotland Northern Ireland … 6.6 * x * Slovenia 3.9 3()...2' 0.8 l()l8 10.7 Sweden 9$.9 18.0 23,2 12,5 15,0 4.6 [5 Switzerland 326 6.6 26,5 14,5 118 7,2 0.8 Turkey 5,9 6.9 19.,8 13.4 15,9 338 4,3 Ukraine * #* 2.6 25,4 32,3 31,3 8.4 %* * %%% not applicable 108 — TABLE IIl Table 4.2 Convicted prisoners : structure according to offence at 1 Septembrer 1996 (in “) Reference Council of Europe, SPACE 96.42 Homi- Wound- Theft Other Other ing with Rupe with Drug- cide intent violence theft related CAases Germanvy Austria 5.8 32,8 s.0 12,5 Belgium 132 114 Bulgaria 18,2 T1 15.0 40.6 0.4 17.0 Cyprus 2.3 0.9 14 11.9 10.6 60,1 â 99 24 5 Croatia 35.0 Ê 7,0 — 5.4 — 299 Denmark Finland 2 115 19,4 l0...7. 21.5 France 13.6 9.8 18.5 191 24 Greece 14,2 7.9 9 31,3 0.5 19.0 Hungary Ireland 8.9 ; 2 4.9 378 Italy [Latvia 110 3,3 12,4 43.6 2,0 3.8 239 Lithuania 12,0 3.4 6.3 10.7 484 19,2 Luxembourg 14.6 4.3 9.6 12,9 15,4 31.4 L1.8 14,2 4.0 6.1 46 e 24,4 Macedonia Malta Moldova 16.8 9.4 9,3 39.4 1.8 10.4 Norwav 8.1 6.2 17 5 331 284 28.,3 Netherlands 34.0 30.0 1S.0 21.0 Poland 7,0 4.8 201 46.9 I8.1 Portugal ll 1.2 :l.). 16.2 39 ] 287 | 10.5 Slovak Rep Czech Rep. Romania l9'.'8. 2,5 6.8 119 470 O.l 11.9 United Kingdom 9.5 1.1 4.5 13,3 26 13,4 31.4 England & Wales Scotland Northern Ireland Slovemiua 3.6 9.1 244 5.6 24.1 333 10.9 Sweden 5.5 7.6 2.9 78 17,3 173 41.6 Switzerland Turkey 21,9 247 74 254 3.6 17.0 U'Kkraine —— 109 — TABLE IV Table 8 : Proportion (in per cent) of women through the different stages of the criminal justice system, 1994 In the Country AS‘I l.\" Prose- Convicted Admitted prison Trend pected cuted to prison population Andorra 10,8 11,7 Austria 19.1 18,2 7,0 4,9 Azerbaijan 6,2 5,9 4,5 Belarus 16,6 13,6 6,2 3,4 Belgium 8,1 5,0 Bulgaria 3.8 1,2 3,8 3,8 Canada 16,5 13,4 3,8 4,8 9,9 7,9 3,3 2 Croatia Cyprus 6.3 6,3 5.0 41 Czech Republic 7,7 8,6 4,4 g Ê Denmark 18,6 144 11,8 5,7 England & Wales 12,1 12,7 5,4 3,6 Estonia 7,3 7,3 1,2 2.2 1,9 Finland 4.1 15,8 15,8 4,0 3,8 Georgia 5,7 11 [1 Germany 15,4 17,5 Greece 12,0 12,8 IIl 6,8 Hungary 10,3 9.4 3,8 5,7 5,4 [taly 17.0 16,2 8,0 4,5 Kazakstan 12,4 3,5 3,1 11,6 11,3 2,6 1.8 K yrgyzstan Latvia 9,0 9,5 8,0 44 Lithuania 11,4 5,4 4,7 2.8 Macedonia 6,0 5,1 [l 1,3 Moldova 9.3 7,6 1,5 2,1 Netherlands 10.7 Northern Ireland 11,0 110 2,8 Portugal 12 3,8 3.8 7,0 Russia 13,1 9,1 Scotland 13,2 13.6 6,7 2,9 Slovakia 1,2 6,7 47 3,0 Slovenia 11,5 12,4 4,5 5,3 Sweden 17,4 15,9 5,5 5,4 5,7 5,8 2,3 2,3 Turkey 5,2 Ukraine 15,5 4,5 3,4 USA 20,0 8,4 25 % quartile 1,25 7,0 1,2 3,1 Median 11,5 10,8 9,5 4,7 75 %% quartile 16,0 13,0 13,4 7,5 î Ê Source Kuhn 1998 — 110 — TABLE V GLOBAL SNAPSHOT Prison rate over twenty ycars of UN survevs (rates per 100,000 pop.) Allowine for changes m countries reporting for each period, developing country rates have remamed roughlv stable over twenty vears. Prison rates have clearly increased_amonge industrialized countries. With an overall rate in 1992 close to double that of 1972 tOH Û mdustradized se developine 60 40 263 1} y72 1ON 1US-1 1988 1992 Source: Ist, 2nd. 3rd. 4th and Sth UNCIS. Countries may vary in eachb year and survey. See notes to Snapshots for complete information, including individual country rates. —— 111 TABLE VI Trends in national prison populations 1985-1995 ( Sorted in order of Nations with Highest Rate in 1985) Rate of incarceration Nation % Change 1985 1995 Latvia 640 375 — 41 Estonia 455 270 — 41 Lithuania 405 360 1l 600 92 United States 313 Czech Republic 270 190 30 Poland 270 190 37 Romania 260 200 23 Slovakia 225 150 33 Hungary 220 120 — 45 Austria 120 85 — 29 Scotland 100 !10 + 10 England/Wales 90 100 + 11 Germany 90 85 — 6 Turkey 90 80 — |l Portugal 90 125 39 Finland 80 60 25 France 75 95 27 Ê Slovenia 70 30 57 Denmark 65 65 65 T5 + 15 Belgium Spain 60 105 + 75 Ireland 55 55 Sweden 50 65 + 30 Norway 45 55 + 229 Greece 35 55 + 57 Netherlands 35 65 + 86 30 30 Cyprus Source The Sentencing Project 1997 — 112 — TABLE VII Table 1 : Delivered deprivations of liberty per 100,000 inhabitants, 1990-1994 Country 1990 1992 1994 Trend- Andorra 245 290 146 Austria 83 82 81 Azerbaijan 28 38 62 Belarus 75 96 ISI 100 100 92 Bulgaria Cyprus 28 30 31 Czech Republic 55 12 108 England and Wales 81 84 101 58 78 I11 Estonia Finland ms t 234 215 143 Georgia 40 29 81 34 34 38 Germany Hungary 105 126 99 Italy 111 191 213 Kazakstan 93 106 191 Latvia 86 110 115 Lithuania 76 83 164 Macedonia 70 81 96 Moldova 166 145 258 Netherlands 282 263 286 Northern Ireland 111 100 98 106 128 134 Portugal Russia 121 136 205 Scotland 188 202 220 Slovakia 63 87 92 Slovenia 75 47 Switzerland 205 199 194 81 319 394 D'e<Quur1<00900901I0<01909<131391<1310<< Turkey Mean 107 126 141 Variance 4438 6103 6674 Standard deviation 66,6 78,1 81,7 257 0 4 quartile 66,5 81 92 Median 84,5 100 113 75 % quartile 116 191 192,5 EU mean 135,6 1443 146,0 Source Kuhn — 113 — TABLE VIII International trends in non-custodial sanctions Table 2 : Percentage of adults convicted to non-custodial sanctions in the world, 1994 Control Total Country Wurning Fine Commumnity in freedom service order Sentenced Andorra 42.94 0 31,56 0 659 Austria 0,5 54 0 66.136 18,96 70.61 Azerbaljan 35,48 0.10 6.98 12,83 11.563 Belarus 11,02 46,12 9.15 0 47.317 Canada 28,16 2,58 38.65 0 106.638 Costa Rica 42.11 20.51 0 5.913 Cyprus 2,87 28.82 32,32 0 628 Czech Republic 66,25 0 [1,15 0 50.651 Egypt 0 0.22 — 77.66 0 4.141.399 Estonia 0 408 31.50 0 6.101 Finland 0 15,66 72,90 1.89 76.474 Georgia 7,17 19,12 7.49 11.63 8.283 13,92 0.84 78.31 0 445.051 Germany Greece 0 4.07 0 78.985 Israel 52,02 0 26.78 1,94 66.721 0 0 202.943 Italy 39,95 Japan 0,43 2,69 94.93 0 |.141.407 Kazakstan 0 51,06 8,84 0 81.293 Lithuania 51,43 0 411 0 13.710 Mexico 6,58 0 116.489 Myanmar 0.38 0,28 82.49 0 478.407 Netherlands 0 0.04 46,82 8,63 98.984 Portugal 0,17 29,88 24.58 0,43 29.2377 Qatar 0 3455 0 3.048 Rep. of Korea 54.40 1.26 18.01 0 121.460 Rep. of Moldova 0 0 16.82 0 13.524 0 0 0 23.13 14.506 Singapore Slovenia 0 73,67 11,75 0 6.289 South Africa 0,01 22,51 7,78 0 318.068 0 16,67 45,07 ( 751.147 Turkey England & Wales 7,07 7.98 79.33 0 1.183.963 Zambia 5,67 9.44 12,50 0 16.520 Hong Kong 5,84 12,75 31,19 19 24.216 Northern Ireland 8.80 35,26 28,26 6.02 7.671 Scotland 8,13 |1,35 48,51 7,01 51.129 Source Zvwekic 1997 — 114 — TABLE IX Table 16. Other measures ordered in 1994 Reference : Council of Europe, SPACE 96.16 Pronouncement Exemption from Commumnity punishment of sentence Duv fine Service deferred Germany (*) 4.300 & À À 578.419 X #X Austria (*) 46.961 *AX %%x * # * # # À Belgium (*) 6.146 Bulgaria 531 83.185 Æ À À Cyprus (*) E S LS X # Croatia (*) 59 Denmark (*) * #%x 479 Finland (*) 1699 #* 337.270 1.487 e dn dart 21.461 France (*) 17.246 5,222 Greece Hungary 2.975 16.950 35.141 450 159.908 1.617 Ireland (*) %%x X#* E S % ÀXX [Italy Latvia (*) *x Lithuania (*) 5.728 * À#* *#x* 1.735 % % À % #* Luxembourg 12 Macedonia 1.134 Malta À À À #X* Moldova (*) % # % 4461 1.867 Norway (*) 55 2.764 1.224 Nedherlands (*) 546 # % À 16.614 Poland Portugal Slovak Rep. (*) 4.430 % À% * 1.613 * à À * % * Czech Rep. % % * Æ % À xx* Romania United Kingdom 131.400 #*** % % * 49.500 England (*) LS ##* Scotland (*) 17.433 5.456 Northern Ireland Slovenia % % * % #% 645 Sweden + à X % & % # X * 23.162 Switzerland 1.097 Turkey * %* LR S * % * # * * 4111 4.794 À % À 6.077 Ukraine (*) (*) voir remarks infra %%* not applicable — 115 — TABLE X FIGURE 3 Favoured sentence for a young recidivist burglar by six global regions: IC(V)S 1996 (urban area) sÛ Suspended 70 Community 60 Prison 50 Fine 44) 30 20 10 0 Western New Countries Asta Africa Laun Europe World in transition America Source: Ist, 2nd, 3rd, 4th and Sth UNCIS. Countries may vary mn each yeur and survey See notes to Snapshots for complete information. including individual country rates. — 116 — 12th WORLD CONGRESS OF CRIMINOLOGY Panel Sessions TuEspAaYy, 25 Auc 1998 1:30 P 1. Community Policing Room : Rose Language : English Chair : Amir. Menachem Hebrew University (Israel) « Community Policing in Israel » Amir, Menachem Hebrew university (Israel) « Community policing and Domestic Violence » Byrd, Gloria T. « Implementing Community policing in Israel. An Organizational Change in a National Police Organization » Gimshi, Daniel [Israel National Police (Israel) « Selection of Successful Community oriented Problem-Solving Police Officers » Lord, Vivian Baumgardner University of North Carolina-Charlotte (U.S.A.) « Community Participation in community oriented Policing » Green, Thomas M National University (U.S.A.) e Community Supervision of Offenders Room : Lotus Language : English Chair Paterson, Fiona Mary Spencer The Scottish Office (Social Work Services) (U.K.) « The Changing Role of Community supervision in Scotland » Mclivor, Gill University of Stirling (U.K.) Paterson, Fiona Mary Spencer The Scottish Office (Social Work Services) (U.K.) — 117 — « Risk and Supervision of Offenders in Scotland » Mclvor, Gill University of Stirling (U.K.) Paterson, Fiona Mary Spencer The Scottish Office (Social Work Services) (U.K.) « The Implementation of Community Service Orders in Korea » Leef Hyung Jae (Korea) Comparative Criminal Procedure Room : Wisteria Language : English Chair Choi1, Jong Sik Kokugakuin University (Japan) « À Comparative study on the Juvenile Law in Korea and Japan » Choi, Jong Sik Kokugakuin University (Japan) « US Mandatory Exclusionary Rules » Cho, Kuk Dr (Visiting Scholar, University of Leeds Centre for Criminal Justice Studies) (U.K.) « The Role of the Criminologist as an Expert Witness in Accusatorial Criminal Proceedings » Cassim, Yusuf University of North-West (South Africa) Methods «'Teaching International/Comparative Criminal Justice and Ideas » Dammer, Harry Richard Niagara University (U.S.A.) « Legality and Juvenile Procedure » Won, Hae Wook (Korea) Controlling Economic Crime Room : Camellia Language English Chair Simpson, Sally Sue Univ. of Maryland (U.S.A.) « Economic Crime in Finland in International Perspective » Laitinen, Ahti University of Turku (Finland) — 118 — « Corporate Criminal Liability in Scotland » Mays, Richard Robert Gordon University (U.K.) « Shaming the Corporate Criminal » Simpson, Sally Sue Univ. of Maryland (U.S.A.) « The Sanctions of Economic Offenders in Taiwan, the Republic of China » Wang, Hsiao-Ming Sam Houston State University (U.S.A.) « Alternatives to Punishment in Environmental Criminality » Cheng, Kun-Shan Tung-Hai University (Taiwan) Corruption Poliey ! Room : Carnation Language English Chair Saito, Toyoji Konan University (Japan) « Bribery and Its Countermeasure in Contemporary China » Wang, Yunhai Hitotsbashi University (Japan) « The Smiling Face of Corruption in Indonesia » Sahetapy, Jacob Elfinus Airlancga University (Indonesia) « Anti-corruption Policy in Japan » Saito, Toyojl Konan University (Japan) « Anti-Corruption Policy in Korea From a Comparative Point of View » Cho, Byung Sun Changju University (Korea) « Police Corruption Control : The English Model » Pyo, Changwon (Korea) 6. Crime and Crime control : The Story of Five Nations ! Room : Water Lily Language English Chaur Barak, Gregg Eastern Michigan University (U.S.A.) — 119 — « Criminal Justice and Crime in the FRG » Albrecht, Hans-Jôrg Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Penal Law (Germany) « Crime and Control in Japan » Miyazawa, Setsuo Harvard University (U.S.A.) « Crime and Control in the Netherlands » Van de Bunt, Henk UODC (Netherlands) Marshall, Ineke University of Nebraska at Omaha (U.S.A.) 7 Domestic Violence Around the Globe I Room : Orchid I Language : English Chair Kangaspunta, Kristina Institute for Crime Prevention and Control Furopean (Finland) « Domestic violence and Crime Against Women in Nigeria » Crivifon, « Domestic Violence and crime Against Women in India » Chakrabarti, Nirmal Kanti Caleutta University (India) « Violence Against Women in Finland : Results of the Women's Safety Survey » Kangaspunta, Kristina European Institute for Crime Prevention and Control (Finland) « Domestic Violence in Indonesia » Purnianti, Mungansong University of Indonesia (Indonesia) « Punishment and Sentencing of Domestic Violence Comparing Korea and the U.S. » Lee, Young Rahn (Korea) 8. Juvenile Delinquency Around the World Room : Chrysanthemum II Language English Chair Fink, Daniel Swiss Federal Statistical Office, Switzerland (Switzerland) — 120 — « The Recent Trend of Juvenile Delinquency in Japan » Ako. Hiroshi Showa Women's Univ. (Japan) A « Social Change and Juvenile Delinquency in Modern Algeria Study in Comparative Criminology » Mana, Al1 Algiers University (Algeria) « Examining Antisocial Behaviors and Delinquency Among Youth in a Southeast Asian Country » Maxwell, Sheila Michigan State University (U.S.A.) « Juvenile Delinquency in Switzerland : 1982-1997 À Country with Little Youth Crime » Fink, Daniel Swiss Federal Statistical Office, Switzerland (Switzerland) Korean Language Session 01 (to be announced) Room : Conference Room Il Language English 10. Korean School Violence I Room : Chrysanthemum ! Language English l1. Les Crimes Sexuels et Collectifs : Recherches Mondiales Room : Paeonia Language : French Chair Oliveira, Edmundo Société Internationale de Criminologie (Brazil) « Sexual Crimes Among Amazon Indians » Oliveira, Edmundo Société Internationale de Criminologie (Brazil) « New Trends in Sexual Crimes in Italy » Guarino, Alfredo Conseil de l'Ordre des Avocats de Naples (Italy) « Conditions de la victimisation » Mathé, André Société Internationale de Criminologie (France) « Quelques considérations sur le concours indirect dans l'infraction collective » Back, Won Ki (Korea) — 121 — 12. Organized Crime in Four Countries Room : Maple Language : English Chair Leps, Ando Member of Parliament (Estonia) « Organized Crime in China » Kanda, Hiroshi Kinki University (Japan) « Organized Crime in Estonia » Leps, Ando Member of Parliament (Estonia) «'The Perception of and Response to the National and Transnational Criminal Activities of Asian Organized Crime Groups in the United States » McKenna, Jr. James J. Villanova University (U.S.A.) « Organized Crime in Russia : History and Reality » Gilinskiy, Yakov Institute of Sociology, St.Petersburg Branch (Russia) 13. Police Decisions and Their Effects Room : Orchid II Language English Chair Muhammad, Farouk Florida State University (U.S.A) « Indonesian Police Decision-Making » Muhammad, Farouk Florida State University (U.S.A.) « À Cross-National Assessment of the Police Criminal Investigation Process and Emerging Research Challenges » Meesig, Robert Thomas Michigan State University (U.S.A.) «'The opinion of the Crime Victim of the Police : À South African Perspective » Snyman, H.F. «'The Effect of policing strategies & situational Factors on Police Officers’ Decision to Initiate Criminal Proceedings » Canale, Claudia Mendias University of New South Wales (Australia) — 122 — 14. Police Misconduct Room : Conference Room I Language : English Chair Ivkovich, Sanja Kutnjak « Police Perceptions of the Seriousness of Police Corruption in Four Countries » [vkovich, Sanja Kutnjak « Issues of Police Accountability in Turkey » Aydin, Ahmet Hamdi Turkish Police Academy (Turkey) « Police Violence Against Arabs in Israel : Facts and Social Percep- tions » Herzog, Serg1o Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Israel) « Determinants of Citizen Complaints Against the Police use of Excessive Physical Force » Cao, Liqun Fastern Michigan University (U.S.A.) « Public Order Police Training and Its Impact on Police use and Abuse of Force in Crowd Events in Turkey » Cerrah, Ibrahim Turkish Police (Turkey) 15. Prosecutorial Discretion Room : Cosmos Language : English Chair : Choo, Kwang Il Committee on Citizen Complaints « Control of Prosecutorial Discretion » Choo, Kwang Il Committee on Citizen Complaints — 123 — 16. United Nations Center for International Crime Prevention I ( Vienna) Room : Azalea Language English TuUESDAY, 25 AuG 1998 3:15 P [7. Biology and Crime Room : Rose Language English Chair Verga, Massimiliano H Gorgonzola (Italy) « Tryptophan Hydroxylase Gene and Criminal Behavior in Male Schizophrenic Patient » Macciardi, Fabio H Gorgonzola (Italy) Mencacci, Claudi Pedrini, Sylvi Verga, Massimiliano « Amplitype DM + DQA | Typing on Aged Seminal Status » Kido, Akira Yamanashi Medical University (Japan) « À Genetic Study of Criminal Behavior and Mental Disorders » Macciardi, Fabio H Gorgonzola (Italy) Mencacc1, Claudi Pedrini, Sylvi Verga, Massimiliano « HIV/AIDS in Asia Implications for CJ » Anderson, Allen Franklin Indiana University Kokomo (U.S.A.) « Catechol-O-Methyl-Transferase (COMT) Activity and Criminal Behavior in a Population of a Psychotic Patients) » Macciardi, Fabio H Gorgonzola (Italy) Mencacci, Claudi Pedrini, Sylvi Verga, Massimiliano — 124 — 18. Child Abuse and victimization Room : Paeonia Language English Chair Abe, Tetsuo Hokuriku University (Japan) « Criminalization of Child Sexual Abuse in Japan » Abe, Tetsuo Hokuriku University (Japan) «The Abuse of Child Abuse Unanticipated Consequences of a Moral Panic or Social Movement for Children's Rights ? » Horovitz. Menachem Hebrew University (Israel) « Adverse Impact of Child-Abuse Victimization among Substance- Using Women in Treatment » Kang, Sung-Yeon National Development and Research Institutes, INC (U.S.A.) « Preventing the Crimes of Rape and Sexual Abuse on Children » Teh, Yik Koon University Utara Malaysia (Malaysia) 19. Commerce and crime Room : Wisteria Language : English Chair Maree, Alice University of South Africa (South Africa) « (Plenary Session 4) Organized Crime in Hungary » Irk, Ferenc National Institute of Criminology and Criminalistics (Hungary) « Preventing Commercial Crime in South Africa » Maree, Alice University of South Africa (South Africa) « The Economy of crime » Leps, Ando Member of Parliament (Estonia) « Money Laundering and the Underground Banking System » Lee, Younjo (Korea) — 125 — « Current Situation and Counter-Measures Against Infringement of Intellectual Property Rights In Korea » Kim, Sang Hee (Korea) 20. Computer Crime Room : Camellia Language English Chair : Grabosky, Peter Nils Australian Institute of criminology (Australia) « Crime in Cyber Space » Grabosky, Peter Nils Australian Institute of Criminology (Australia) « Computer Crime and Its Treatment in The World » Ding, Hou-dun Peking University (China) « Internet & Crime » Spencer, Jon University of Manchester (U.K.) « Internet Crimes and Their Control » Takemura, Noriyoshi Toin University of Yokohama (Japan) « Research on Computer Crime » Park, Sun Young (Korea) — Corruption Poliey II Room : Carnation Language English Chair Saito, Toyoji Konan University (Japan) « Singapore Anti-Corruption Strategy : Is It Transferable ? » Quah, Jon Siew-Tien National University of Singapore (Singapore) « Combatting Corruption with Penal Measures À Comparative Perspective » Eser, Albin University of Freiburg (Germany) « Corruption in Hungary » Farkas, Akos University of Miskolc (Hungary) — 126 — « Corruption in Italy » Savona, Ernesto University of Trento (Italy) 22. Crime and Crime Control : The Storv of Five Nations II Room : Water Lily Language : English Chair Barak, Gregg Fastern Michigan University (U.S.A.) « Crime and Control in Russia » Pridemore, William Alex University of Albany State University of New York (U.S.A.) « ») Pavlich, George C. University of Auckland (New Zealand) Discussant : Stanko, Elizabeth A. Brunel University (U.K.) 23. Crime in Latin America Room Lotus Language : Spanish Chair Nascimento, Jose Flavio Braga Universidade Paulista de Ojreito (Brazil) « Organized crime in Sao Paulo Brasil » Nascimento, Jose Flavio Braga Universidade Paulista de Ojreito (Brazil) « Guatemalan Indigenous Victimization » Reyes Calderon, Jose Adolfo CORPOCRISA (Guatemala) « Organizacäo do Crimena Asia/Europe » Ana Cristina, Neves Universidade Paulista De Direito (Brazil) « Youth Violence — Scenes of a Useless Passion » Ruidiaz Garcia, Carmen Universidad Publica de Navarra (Spain) — 127 — 24. Crime Prevention : Research and Practice Room : Conference Room ! Language English Chair Kaiser, Günther Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Law Criminal (Germany) « Homicide and Violence Prevention The Implementation of Workplace Violence Policy in State Government » Lord, Vivian Baumgardner University of North Carolina-Charlotte (U.S.A.) « European Efforts on the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman Treat- ment » Kaiser. Günther Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Law Criminal (Germany) « Causes of Crimes in Youths and Prevention (A research survey in Lahore) » Mansoor, Muhammad Abdullah Alliance for Bright Citizens (Pakistan) «Comparison of Crime Prevention in the Former German PDemocratic Republic and the United Germany » Northoff, Robert Fachhochschule Neubrandenburg (Germany) « Prevention of Gang Delinquency : À Proposed Model » Shoemaker, Donald J. Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University (U.S.A.) 25. Domestic Violence Around the Globe II Room : Orchid I Language English Chair Repetskaya, Anna Leonidovna Law School (Russia) « Domestic Violence in Russia, Problems of the Prevention. » Repetskaya, Anna Leonidovna Law School (Russia) « Crime Against Women : An Indian Perspective » Singh, D.R. « Trends of crimes Against Women in India » Chockalingam, Kumaravelu University of Madras (India) — 128 — « An Overview of Domestic Violence and Crime against Women in Nigeria » Oloruntimehin, Olufunmilayo Obafemi Awo Lowo University, Ile-Ife (Nigeria) « Intimate Femicide : The African Experience » Sarup. Shohana 26. Gettinge Tough on Crime Room : Orchid Il Language English Chair Weitekamp, Elmar G.M. University of Tuebingen (Germany) « Repressive Reactions toward Crime The Case of the USA and England » Weitekamp, Elmar G.M. University of Tuebingen (Germany) « Incarceration as a Treatment for Victimization ? The U.S. Response to Impoverished Victims of Sexual and Domestic Violence » Britton, Brandy University of Maryland, Baltimore County (U.S.A.) « Sentencing Trends in Australia » Freiberg, Arie University of Melbourne (Australia) « Social Contexts of Crime control : The Economy, Political Repres- sion and Prosecutions in Korea, 1964-1993 » Yoon, Okkyung University of Georgia (U.S.A.) 27. Korean Language Session 2 (to be announced) Room : Conference Room Il Language English 28. Korean School Violence II Room : Chrysanthemum ! Language English 29. Organized Crime Global Perspectives Room : Cosmos Language English Chair : Chang, Dae Hong Wichita State University (U.S.A.) — 129 — « Globalization of Organized crime : Where do we Go From Here ? » Chang, Dae Hong Wichita State University (U.S.A.) « The Criminal Justice Systems Facing the Challenge of Organized Crime Specific Incrimination of Organized Crime » Zeid, Mohamed Global Security Foundation (Italy) « Organized Crime in Japan » Fujimoto, Tetsuya Chuo University (Japan) « The Internationalization of Organized Crime in Korea » Chul, Kim Young (Korea) 30. Police and Crime Room : Chrysanthemum II Language : English Chair Nalla, Mahesh Michigan State University (U.S.A.) « Community Based Crime Prevention. Police and the Development of Community Leadership. » Gimshi, Dan [Israel National Police (Israel) « Reducing Firearm Related Violence Cross-National Police Prac- tices in Combating Ilicit Firearms » Nalla, Mahesh Michigan State University (U.S.A.) « Policing Wildlife and Ecological Crime in South Africa » Swanepoel, Gerhardus The Criminological Research Centre for Wildlife and Environmental Crimes (South Africa) « Two British Programs for Improving Criminal Investigation » Pyo, Changwon (Korea) « Memory Distortion from Post-Event Priming Cues » Lee, Soo Jung (Korea) — 130 — 31. United Nations Internutional Crime Prevention Il Center for ( Vienna) Room : Azalea Language : English TuESDAY, 25 Auc 1998 5:00 P 32. Cupital Punishment Around the World Room : Rose Language English Chair Kvashis, Vitaly Ministry of the Interior (Russia) « The Death Penalty & Public Opinion in Russia » Kvashis, Vitaly Ministry of the Interior (Russia) « Capital Punishment in Japan » Fukushima. Itaru Ryukoku University (Japan) « Capital Punishment in Russia » Gilinskiy, Yakov Institute of Sociology, St.Petersburg Branch (Russia) « Legal Aspects of Capital Punishment in India » Gupta, Subhash Chander Indian Red Cross Society (India) « The Capital and Corporal Punishment : An Analysis » Murad Farouk A.A. Dr. Farouk A.A. Murad Foundation (Saudi Arabia) 33. Corruption Poliey III Room : Carnation Language : English Chair Saito, Toyoji Konan University (Japan) « Corruption in Poland » Plwaczewsk1, Emil W. University of Biasystok (Poland) « Worldwide Initiatives against Transnational Corruption » Pieth, Mark University of Basel, Switzerland (Switzerland) — 131 — « Strategies for Preventing White Collar Crime and corruption The Case of Korea » Kim, Young Jang (Korea) « Corruption in International Business » Kim, Jong Bum (Korea) Kim, Joon K 34. Crime and Control in Mali Room : Lotus Language : English Chair Sidibe, Almamy International Organisation of Good Templars (IOGT) (Republic of Mali) Sidibe, Almamy International Organisation of Good Templars (IOGT) (Republic of Mali) Kante, Oumar International of Good Organisation Templars (IOGT) (Republic of Mali) Diabate, Mamadou International Organisation of Good Templars (IOGT) (Republic of Mali) Kone, Dramane International Organisation of Good Templars (IOGT) (Republic of Mali) 35. Economics and Crime Room : Wisteria Language : English Chair Joubert, Sandra University of South Africa (South Africa) « Gender Issues and White Collar Crime in South Africa » Joubert, Sandra University of South Africa (South Africa) « Economic Reforms and Women Crime in Deng's Era in China » Li, Hua « Crimes Experienced by Commercial Institutions in South Africa » Naude, CMB (Beaty) Univ. of South Africa (South Africa) — 132 — « The Impact of the Socio-Economic Changes on crime in the Czech Republic » Valkova, Jana Institute of criminology and Social Prevention (Czech Republic) « Regulations on Monopoly, Oligopoly, and Unfair Trade » Kim, Sang Bong (Korea) 36. Homicide Room : Water Lily Language : English Chair Brochu, Serge Université de Montréal (Canada) Brochu, Serge Université de Montréal (Canada) Gatti, Uberto University of Genoa (Italy) 37. Korean Language Session 03 (to be announced) Room : Conference Room Il Language : English 38. Korean Language Session 4 (to be announced) Room : Maple Language : English 39. Koreun School Violence III Room : Chrysanthemum 1 Language : English 40. New Dimensions of Criminality in the Arab World Room : Conference Room ! Language English Chair Zeid, Mohamed Global Security Foundation (Italy) « Global Security and Criminality in Arab countries » Murad., Farouk Dr. Farouk À. A. Murad Foundation (Saudi Arabia) « Strategy to Face Terrorism in Arab Countries » Al Mualla, Mohammed Khalifa Sharjah Police (United Arab Emirates) — 133 — « » Kara, Mustafa À. Under Secretary General (Tunis) « New Dimension of Criminality in Arab World Scientific and Legal Aspects of Organized Crime in Arab Countries » Zeid. Mohamed Global Security Foundation (Italy) 4 p Organized Crime in China Room : Cosmos Language English Chair Kang, Junxin Wuhan University (China) Kang, Junxin Wuhan University (China) Mo, Hongxian Wuhan University (China) Liu, Yawen Wuhan University (China) Peng. Weidong Wuhon University (China) 42. Prisonization and Prison Violence Room : Paeonia Language English Chair Lee, Yoon Ho Kyonggi University (Korea) « Prisonization and Prison Violence : An Assessment of Inmate Mis- conduct in Korean Prisons (co-presenter Yoon Ho-Lee) » Reisig, Michael D. Michigan State University (U.S.A.) Lee, Yoon Ho Kyonggi University (Korea) « Structure and Organization of Prison Population in Puerto Rico’s Correctional System » Rodriguez Alvarez, Angel (U.S.A.) A Cross-Cultural «Imprisoned Mothers and Their Children Perspective » Weston Henriques, Zelma John Jay College (U.S.A.) — 134 — « Theory and Practice of 40 Years’ Remolding Work in Jidong Prison » Zhang, Mendong Jidong Prison of Hebeï Province (China) « Prison Systems in Asia An International Perspective » Walmsley, Gerald Roy Home Office (U.K.) 43. Special Address A Theory of Interpersonal Crime Conflicets, Escalation, Third Parties and Violent Networks Room : Orchid I Language : English « »» Cusson. Maurice Université de Montreal (Canada) 44. Special Address : Gun Control Policy Through Buybacks in Australia Room : Chrysanthemum Il Language English Chair : Graycar, Adam Australian Institute of Criminology (Australia) 45. Special Address : Office of the Parliamentary Commissioner Office (Hungarv) 46. Special Address : Modeling Reoffending Risk of Chinese Offenders Room : Camellia Language : English « » Liu, Jianhong Tianjin Academy of Social Sciences (China) and Rhode [sland College (USA) 47. Special Address : The International Crime Victims Survey Room : Orchid II Language : English Van Dijk, Jan J.M. Ministry of Justice (Netherlands) 48. United Nations Center for International Crime Prevention IIl ( Vienna) Room : Azalea Language English — 135 — WEDNESDAY, 26 Auc 1998 1:30 P 49. Corruption in Business and Government Room : Camellia Language English Chair Yokoyama, Minoru Kokugakuin University (Japan) « Victims of Corruption Among the Population Seeking Various Kinds of Licenses at Transport Offices in Chennai City in India » Chockalingam, Kumaravelu University of Madras (India) «AÀ General View of Fraud and Corruption in Developing and Developed countries » Teh, Yik Koon University Utara Malaysia (Malaysia) « Analysis of Corruption by Fixers at the General Meeting of Stock- holders in Japan » Yokoyama, Minoru Kokugakuin University (Japan) 50. Crime and Crime Control Around the World Room : Carnation Language ; English Chair Lopez, Manuel Juan Jose Result Crime Management (Netherlands) Titus, Richard M. National Institute of Justice (U.S.A.) Tomita, Nobuho Tokiwa University (Japan) Sheu, Chuen-Jim Central Police University (Taiwan) Traver, Harold Hong Kong University (China) Discussant : Lopez, Manuel Juan Jose Result Crime Management (Netherlands) S1. Crime in History Room : Lotus Language : English Chair Hofer, Hanns von Stockholm University (Sweden) — 136 — « Government and the Decline of Violence Some Comparative Historical Perspectives » Finnane, Mark Griffith University (Australia) « The Comprehensive Control Society Public Order : Modern China and Ancient China » Zhou, Mi Peking University (China) « State Terror during the Third Empire (Third Reich) in Germany (1933-1945) » Brusten, Manfred University of Wuppertal (Germany) « Corporal Punishment Revisited » Tamburrini, Claudio M. University of Gothenburg (Sweden) « Crime and Punishment in Sweden, 1750-2000 » Hofer. Hanns von Stockholm University (Sweden) 52 Crime-Specific Analysis Room : Maple Language English Chair Swanepoel, Gerhardus The Criminological Research Centre for Wildlife and Environ- mental Crimes (South Africa) « Psychological and Pedagogical Prophylaxis of Children — Refugee Offences » Popova, Yelena (Russia) « Crimes in Street Boys » Ikram. Muhammad Faheem Alliance for Bright Citizens (Pakistan) « Introduction To wildlife and Ecological crime » Swanepoel, Gerhardus Research Centre for YWildlife and The Criminological Environmental Crimes (South Africa) « Specialties and Peculiarities of Home-made Explosive Recipes » Mueller, Othmar PDocucenter + Library for Explosives/forensic/Techniques (Hungary) « À Theory of Crime Negation » Yun, Hyun Sub — 137 — 53. Culture Conflict and Crime Room : Water Lily Language : English « The Conflict Between Chinese Culture and Western Effects on the Public Security of China » Ding, Jin Fu Jiangx1 College of Public Security (China) « Race, Ethnicity, and Cultural University : À Study of Asian and Non-Asian Adolescent Deviance in America » Jang, Sung Joon The Ohio State University (U.S.A.) «The Impact of Sino-Western Cultural Conflict on the Public Security of China » Zhou, Liang Tuo Jiangx1 College of public Security (China) 54. Dungerous Offenders Room : Rose Language : English Chair Mathers, Robert Greater Manchester Probation Service (U.K.) « Dangerous Recidivists and the European Criminal Law Regula- tions » Kinzig, Jorg Max-Planck-Institut f. Strafrecht (Germany) « Sex Offender Re-Arrest Estimating the Probabilities of Repeat of Re-Arrest for Sex Offending and of the Probabilities Offenders » Broadhurst, Roderic The University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong) « Management of Dangerous Offenders » Mathers, Robert Greater Manchester Probation Service (U.K.) Rainford, Roy Greater Manchester Police (U.K.) SS. Domestic Violence Reseurch Room : Orchid ! Language English Chair Landau, Tammy Ryerson Polytechnic University (Canada) — 138 — « Repetitious Conjugal Violence the dynamics within the rela- tionship » Casoni. Dianne University of Montreal (Canada) « An Evaluation of the Mandatory Charging Policy for wife Assault in Ontario, Canada » Landau, Tammy Ryerson Polytechnic University (Canada) « Stalking and Modern Society » Lee, Si Hyung (Korea) 56. Roundtable : Evolution of the Belgian Penitentiary Room French Language Chair De Coninck. Gérard Université de Liège 57. Global Perspectives on Crime Prevention Room : Paeonia Language English Chair Irk, Ferenc National Institute of Criminology and Criminalistics (Hungary) « 1.Crime Prevention in Germany — an overview » Northoff, Robert Fachhochschule Neubrandenburg (Germany) « Religious Role, particularly Islam, in Prevention of Crime » Bargahi, Mohamad Reza [slamic Azad university (Iran) « Crime Prevention, with a special focus on the Czech Republic » Valkova, Jana Institute of Criminology and Social Prevention (Czech Republic) « Hungary's National Crime Prevention Program » Irk, Ferenc Director, National Institute of = Criminology and Criminalistics (Hungary) 5S8. Human Rights and Capital Punishment Room : Conference Room ! Language English Chair Ishizuka, Shinich1 Pyukoku University (Japan) — 139 — « The Capital Punishment and Prisoners’ Rights from Asian and Global Perspectives. Are the Human Rights in Criminal Justice Local or Universal ? » [shizuka, Shinich1 Pyukoku University (Japan) « Basic Human Rights and Criminal Justice Reform at the Transition Period in Mongolia » Ganzroig, Gombosuren (Mongolia) « Crime, Justice and Human Rights in À Developing Country » Liebert, William Thomas National Narcotics Bureau (Papua New Guinea) 59, Juvenile Gangs and Delinquents Around the World Room : Wisteria Language English « The Problems of Links between the Triad Societies and Delinquent Youths in Hong Kong in the 1990s. » Che, Wai-Kin Lingnan College (Hong Kong) « Delinquent Networks in Stockholm Patterns of Choice of Co- Offenders and Victims » Sarnecki, Jerzy Stockholm University (Sweden) « À Case Study of Juvenile Delinquents in Penang, Malaysia » Sundramoorthy, Pathmanathan Universiti Sains Malaysia (Malaysia) 60. Juvenile Offenders and Juvenile Victims Room : Conference Room IIl Language English Chair Dussuyer, Inez « Juvenile Delinquency Indicators » Abdulla, Mohammed Murad Research and Studies Center (United Arab Emirates) « Violence Among Juveniles in Egypt, Sociological Interpretation to the Phenomenon » Hafez, Nagwa Abdel-Wahab National Center for Social & Criminological Research (Egypt) — 140 — « Re-Offending Patterns in Juveniles » Dussuyer, Inez Neguyen, Tho « Application of Hirschi’s Social Control Theory to Korean Juveniles » Cha, Gyung Taek (Korea) 61. Korean School Violence IV Room : Chrysanthemum ! Language English 62. Roundtable : Legitimacy of the Police Room Language English Chair Weitekamp, Elmar G.M. University of Tuebingen (Germany) 63. Restorative Justice I Room : Chrysanthemum II Language English Chair Braithwaite, John Australian National University (Australia) « Comparative Perspectives on Victim/Offender Mediation with Adult Offenders in Austria and Germany » Kilchling, Michael Max-Planck Institute for Foreign & International Criminal Law (Germany) Loeschnig-Gspandl, Marianne University of Graz (Austria) « Restorative Justice and the Victim's Perspective » Strang, Heather Jane The Australian National University (Australia) « Victims’ Rights Piecemeal Reform or a Change of Paradigm ? » Groenhuijsen, Marc Tilburg University (Netherlands) « Juvenile Justice in China The Quest for a Just Restorative Approach » Wong, Sing-Wing Dennis City University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong) Discussant : Braithwaite. John Australian National University (Australia) — 141 — 64. Roundtable Thematic Discussion : Causes and Prevention of Crime Room Language English Chair Renzetti, Claire Marie St.Joseph's University (U.S.A.) 65. Victimology and Victimization Research ! Room : Azalea Language : English Chair : Wang, Dawei « Victimization and Delinquency Among Army Recruits of 1997 » Daphnee, Margaret Haas, Henriett « Methodological Problems of Victim Surveys » Kury, Helmut « Witchcraft in South Africa : À Victimology Study » Masemola, Michael Selemela University of Durban Westville (South Africa) «Rape and Sexual Molestation Victimization Survey of Female University Students » Zarco, Ricardo M. University of the Philippines in Quezon (Philippines) 66. Violence and Organized Crime in Colombia I Room : Cosmos Language Spanish Chair Rubio P.. Mauricio Universidad de los Andes (Colombia) « The Contemporary Colombian Guerrilla Movement » Echandia, Camilo Universidad de los Andes (Colombia) « Paramilitary Groups and Conflict with Guerrillas » Rangel, Alfredo Universidad de los Andes (Colombia) « Colombian Criminal Organizations » Thoumi, Francisco Universidad de los Andes (Colombia) « The Vicissitudes of the Colombian Army during the Government of Ernesto Samper, 1994-1998 » Davila L. Andres Universidad de los Andes (Colombia) — 142 — WEDNESDAY, 26 Auc 1998 3:15 P 67. Crime Against Women Room : Camellia Language English Chair Renzetti. Claire Marie St.Joseph's University (U.S.A.) « Women's Economic Power and Risk of Domestic Assault in the U.S. » Britton, Brandy University of Maryland, Baltimore County (U.S.A.) « Domestic Violence & Crimes Against Women (Sexual and Domestic Violence » [hema, Stephen Ernest Law Reform Commission of Tanzania (Tanzania) « Culture and Fear A Catalyst for Domestic Violence Among Korean (Asian) Immigrant Women » Langston, Sandra Denise N.Y.C. Dept. of Correction (U.S.A.) « Sexual Harassment : What Working Women Need to Know » Yunus, Faizah University of Malaya (Malaysia) « Equality of Sexes & Protective Discrimination for Women Under the Indian Constitution » Chandra, Brijesh Institute of Social Sciences (India) 68. Crime and Demography Room : Lotus Language : English Chair Dellasoppa, Emilio Enrique Universidade do Estado de Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) « Violence and Demography : Years of Life Lost in the Metropolitan Areas of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo » Dellasoppa, Emilio Enrique Universidade do Estado de Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) « Transition of the Causes of Delinquency in Japan in the Last 50 years » Mugishima, Fumio Teikyo University (Japan) — 143 — « The Flowing Population in the Urban and Organizational Crime in Urbanization Process » Wei, Xinwen « Crime Reporting Behaviour in Korea and Germany — À Com- parative Study » Lim, Joon Tae Federal Police Agency (Germany) 69. Crime Prevention : French and Spanish Perspectives Room : Carnation Language French & Spanish Chair Ciafardini, Mariano Alberto Ministerio de Justicia de la Republica Argentina (Argentina) « Crime Prevention in Argentina » Ciafardini, Mariano Alberto Ministerio de Justicia de la Republica Argentina (Argen- tina) « Soccer Hooliganism Prevention » Comeron, Manuel Liège University (Belgium) « Impact of Treatment for Drug Addicted Offenders » Brochu, Serge Université de Montréal (Canada) 70 Criminal Justice Policy Room : Rose Language English Chair Fine, Robert Warwick University (U.K.) «Contemporary Problems of Criminal Justice System and Administration » Kalam, Mohammed Abul Institute of Epidemiology, Disease Control & Research (Bangladesh) « Criminal Situation and countermeasures in P.R. China » Kang, Shuhua « Criminal Policy in Duckburg » Kunz, Karl-Ludwig University of Berne (Switzerland) — 144 — « Crimes Against Humanity : Risk, Responsibility and the State » Fine, Robert, Warwick University (U.K.) Neary, Michael, University of Warwick (U.K) « Analyzing Sentences in the Courts of Kwangju District and a Proposal for Sentencing Guidelines in Korea » Kim. Kwang Suk 7 mm Drug Abuse Policy Room : Wisteria Language : English « The Crime of Stimulant Drug in Japan » Takeuchi, Tadatsugu Urawa Branch Detention House, Kawague Juvenile Prison (Japan) Momose. Takahito (Japan) Shibuya, Osamu (Japan) « Drug Abuse of Jobless Youth » Salek, Sukur Bangladesh Social Welfare Workers Association (Bangladesh) « Demographic Characteristics of Drug Associated Deaths In Korea » Chung, Hee Sun (Korea) « Multinational Drug Syndrome : The Nigerian Pipeline » Crivifon, « Drug Trafficking in North Korea » Cho, Sung Kwon (Korea) 72. Human Rights and Criminal Justice in Latin America Room : Conference Room I Language Spanish & English Chair Barros Leal, Cesar State Attorneys Office and Federal University of Ceara (Brazil) — 145 — « The Brazilian Penitentiary System and the Human Rights of the Incarcerated » Barros Leal, Cesar State Attorney's Office and Federal University of Ceara (Brazil) « Human Rights of Prisoners » Bouzon de Terzano, Emilia Beatriz del Valle International Prisoners Aid Ass. (Argentina) Discussant : Rodriguez-Manzanera, Luis Sociedad Mexicana de Criminologia (Mexico) 73. Juvenile Delinquency and Juvenile Justice Across Societies ! Room : Maple Language English Chair Hedges, Madeleine Catherine Residential and Youth Services (Australia) « Juvenile Justice Developments in South Australia » Hedges, Madeleine Catherine Residential and Youth Services (Australia) «The Juvenile Delinquent and the Family » Cho, Jun Hyon (Korea) « An Event History Analysis of Recidivism Rates in Korea » Lee, Hyun Hee (Korea) 74. Korean Language Session 06 (to be announced) Room : Conference Room Il Language English 75. Korean School Violence V Room : Chrysanthemum I Language English 76. Les Crimes et les Droit de Homme Room : Water Lily Language French Chair Gazan, Freddy Ministère de la Justice (Belgium) « European Initiatives Concerning Trafficking in Human Beings & Combatting Violence Against Children and Women » Gazan, Freddy Ministère de la Justice (Belgium) — 146 — « The right to the privacy and family life regarding human rights application in european prisons » Bechlivanou, Georgia (France) « Imprisonment, Locality and the Labour Market : Relationships and Communicative Difficulties. » Romano, Carlo Alberto Université de Brescia (Italy) « Causes and Consequences of Criminal Homicide in India » Benradi, Malika Law Faculty Rabat Agdal Morocco (Morocco) « Witness Protection Programs Under Korean Criminal Law » Ha, Man Seok (Korea) 77. Refining Meusures of Spouse Abuse Among Asian Groups Collaborative Efforts Room : Paeonia Language English Chair Hoffman, Vincent J. Michigan State University (U.S.A.) « Refining Measures of Spouse Abuse Among Asian Groups Collaborative Efforts » Hoffman. Vincent J. Michigan State University (U.S.A.) « A Frame Work and Implementation Recommendations for Com- parative Research on Wife Abuse » Morash, Merry Michigan State University (U.S.A.) « Domestic Violence in Korea » Shim, Young Hui Hanyang University (Korea) « Measuring Domestic Violence in Korea » Shin, Yeunhee Michigan State University (Korea) 78. Restorative Justice II Room : Chrysanthemum II Language English Chair Braithwaite, John Australian National University (Australia) — 147 — « Shaming, the Emotion of Shame and Restorative Justice » Harris, Nathan Australian National University (Australia) « Elaborating Power-Control Theory : Incorporating the Perceived Threats of Shame and Embarrassment » Blackwell. Brenda Sims « From Confrontation to Conciliation-The Role of Pardon 1N Criminal Justice » Sheleff, Leon Tel Aviv University (Israel) « Implementation Issues in Restorative Justice » Van Ness, Shela University of Tennessee at Chattanooga (U.S.A.) Pennsylvania State University (U.S.À.) Discussant : Braithwaite. John Australian National University (Australia) 79. The International Crime Victin Survey Room : Paeonia Language : English Chair Zvekic, Ugljesa United Nations International Crime and Justice Research Institute (UNICRI) (Italy) « » Van Dijk, Jan J.M. Ministry of Justice (Netherlands) «International Crime Victim Survey Criminal Victimization in Countries in Transition » Zvekic, Ugljesa United Nations International Crime and Justice Research Institute (UNICRI) (Italy) « The International Crime Victim Survey : Victims of Crime in the Developing World » Alvazzi del Frate. Anna United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute (UNICRI) (Italy) 80. The Project on Policing of Urban Neighborhoods Results from a Field Study Room : Orchid ! Language English — 148 — Chair Mastrofski, Stephen D. Michigan State University (U.S.A.) Mastrofski, Stephen D. Michigan State University (U.S.A.) Parks, Roger B. Indiana University (U.S.A.) Reiss, Jr., Albert J. Yale University 1 Victimology and Victimization Research II Room : Azalea Language : English Chair Valkova, Jana Institute of Criminology and Social Prevention (Czech Republic) « Juvenile Victimization by Harmful Means » Okamota, Miki The Institute of comparative Law in Japan (Japan) « À Comparative Research of Criminal Victimization Between Be1]- ing and Other Major Capitals » Wang, Dawet « The Main Results of the International Crime (Victims) Survey in the Czech Republic » Valkova, Jana Institute of Criminology and Social Prevention (Czech Republic) « À Study on Perception of Sexual Victimization among Students » Uchiyama, Ayako National Research Institute of Police Science (Japan) « Victimization — À Criminological Debate on Whether Species Have to Pay to Stay » Swanepoel, Gerhardus The Criminological Research Centre for Wildlife and Environmental Crimes (South Africa) 82. Violence and Organized Crime in Colombia II Room : Cosmos Language : Spanish Chair Rubio P., Mauricio Universidad de los Andes (Colombia) — 149 — « Profile of the Colombian Police Force » Llorente, Maria Victoria Universidad de los Andes (Colombia) « Violence, Organized Crime and the Criminal Justice System in Colombia » Rubio P., Mauricio Universidad de los Andes (Colombia) « Corruption and Crime in the Colombian Police » Uruena, Nubia Universidad de los Andes (Colombia) WEDNESDAY, 26 Auc 1998 5:00 P 83. Hidden Sexual Victimization : An International Study Room : Camellia Language English Chair Kirchhoff, Gerd Ferdinand University of Applied Sciences (Germany) Kirchhoff, Gerd Ferdinand University of Applied Sciences (Germany) Discussant : Dussich, John Peter Joseph Tokiwa University (Japan) 84. Human Rights of Prisoners Room : Conference Room I Language English Chair To be Named « What Impressions do Prisoners and Visitors Have about Condi- tions Inside Japanese Prisons ? » Hamai, Koichi Research and Training Institute (Japan) « Religious Practice in American Correctional Facilities » Dammer, Harry Richard Niagara University (U.S.A.) 85. Juvenile Delinquency and Juvenile Justice Across Societies H Room : Maple Language : English Chair Mehlbye, Weiland, Jill Lillian Institute of Local Government Studies (AKF) (Denmark) — 150 — « Juvenile Delinquency and Juvenile Justice in China » Zhao, Guoling Peking University (China) « Confronting Youth in Europe — Juvenile Crime and Juvenile Justice in Europe » Mehlbye, Weiland, Jill Lillian Institute of Local Government Studies (AKF) (Denmark) « Juvenile Delinquency and Juvenile Justice » Masanche, Joseph Judae Judiciary (Tanzania) « Integrated Juvenile Justice System-À Balance Between The Needs of the Child and The Control of Crime » Holland, Jack Hampshire Probation Service (U.K.) 86. Koreun School Violence VI Room : Chrysanthemum I Language English 87. Post-Repressive Liberation and Crime Room : Lotus Language English « Punishment and Restoration of Legality in the Post-Totalitarian Countries » Platek, Monika Warsaw University (Poland) « Strengthening the Criminal Justice System in Bosnia and Her- zegovina-Assessment Mission on Post Release Treatment » Holland, Jack Hampshire Probation Service (U.K.) « Merely Lawlessness or a Justifiable community Response : Vigilan- tism in the new South Africa (post-April 1994) » Minnaar, Anthonn de Villiers Technikon sa (South Africa) « Transformation in the Polish Contemporary Crimes (1989-1997) » Slawik, Karol University of Szczecin (Poland) 88. Prison and Corrections What Works ? Room : Conference Room Îl Language English Chair Lipton, Douglas S. NDRI (U.S.A.) — 151 — « The Effectiveness of Correctional Treatment Revisited : Preliminary Meta-Analytic Findings from the C Date Study » Lipton, Douglas S. NDRI (U.S.A.) « Does Rehabilitation in Prisons Work ? » Kury, Helmut « Costs of alternatives to imprisonment » Kerezsi, Klara National Institute of Criminology and Criminalistics (Hungary) « Uncertain Deaths : Does it Matter Whether Capital Punishment Deters ? » Tamburrini, Claudio M. University of Gothenburg (Sweden) (Hungary) 39. Protecting Juvenile Delinquents Room : Cosmos Language English Chair Lee, Wing Lin (Francis) The Chinese University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong) « Protection of Juveniles and Social Surroundings in Japan » ÂAbe, Tetsuo Hokuriku University (Japan) « Special Obligations as Educational Measures for Juvenile Delin- quents » Peto-Kujundzic, Lana Municipal Court in Zagreb (Croatia) «The Encountering of Police and ‘Unattached Youth' in the Occurrence of Juvenile Delinquency » Lee, Wing Lin (Francis) The Chinese University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong) 90. Punishing and Treating Juvenile Delinquents Room : Azalea Language English Chair Sakata, Jan Tokiwa University (Japan) « Juvenile Delinquency : The Meaning of Punishment » Nikolic, Zlatko V. Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Serbia (Republic of Serbia) — 152 — « The Efficacy of Institutional Treatment of Juvenile Delinquents in Nigeria » Onivehu, Abel Omuya University of Ilorin, Kwara State Nigeria (Nigeria) « The First Juvenile Court Judge of Japan » Sakata, Jan Tokiwa University (Japan) 91 Recent Trends in Crime and Justice Room : Water Lily Language English Chair Lewis. Christopher Gray Offenders and Corrections Unit (U.K.) « Trends in Crime reported to the police an analysis of the United Nations Sth Survey of Crime Trends 1990-1994 » Lewis, Christopher Gray Offenders and Corrections Unit (U.K.) « Current Trends and Patterns of Violent Crimes in Malaysia » Sundramoorthy, Pathmanathan Universiti Sains Malaysia (Malaysia) « Public Participation in, and Control Over, Prosecution : À Com- parative Study and Search for a New System » Chung, Soung Jin (Korea) « Women in the police evolution and questioning » Lebeuf, Marcel-Eugene Police College of Canada (Canada) 92. Special Address : Crime, Law Justice in China and Hong Kong : Implications for Comparative criminology and Theory-Building Room carnation Language : English Jones, Carol Anne Goodwin Australian National University (Australia) 93. Special Address : Juvenile Delinquency in Korea Korean Room : Rose Language « » Kim. Joon Ho Korea University (Korea) — 153 — 94. Special Address Organized Crime in Global Perspectives Room : Chrysanthemum Il Language English Chair Levi, Mike Cardiff University (UK) Discussant : Simpson, Sally Sue Univ. of Maryland (U.S.A.) 95. Special Address The Global Expansion of. Restorative Justice Learning from Asia Room : Orchid !! Language English Chair Braithwaite, John Bradford Australian National University (Australia) 96. Transnational Organized crime Room : Wisteria Language English Chair : Shelley, Louise (U.S.A.) Shelley, Louise (U.S.A.) Amir, Menachem Hebrew University (Israel) Levi, Mike Cardiff University (UK) Paoli, Letizia Max-Planck-Institut Ausländisches und Internationales Strafrecht (Germany) Repetskaya, Anna Leonidovna Law School (Russia) Discussant : Ivanov University of Vladivostock (Russia) THURSDAY, 27 AuG 1998 1:30 P 97. The Present Situation of Victimology in the World I Room : Orchid Il Language English Chair Kirchhoff, Gerd Ferdinand University of Applied Sciences (Germany) — 154 — Schneider, Hans Joachim University of Westphalia (Germany) « Victimology : New Tendencies in Research and Victim Policy » Schneider, Hans Joachim University of Westphalia (Germany) « Victimisation and Victimology » Bogale, A.K. « Fhe Present Situation of Victimology in the World » Schneider, Hans Joachim University of Westphalia (Germany) « Teaching Victimology and Caring for Victims » Gosita, Arif Tarumanagra University (Indonesia) Discussant : Kirchhoff., Gerd Ferdinand University of Applied Sciences (Germany) THURSDAY, 27 AuG 1998 3:15 P 98. The Present Situation of Victimology in the World II Room : Orchid II Language English Chair Kirchhoff, Gerd Ferdinand University of Applied Sciences (Germany) Schneider, Hans Joachim « Victims of Crime in Barbados, West Indies » Brathwaite, Farley Silvan University of The West Indies (Barbados) « Crime Victims in The UK : Actuarial or Individualised Justice » Duff. Peter Robert Aberdeen University (U.K.) « Paper An Empirical Test of the Impact of Victimization on Violent Crime » Dawkins, Nicola Emory University (U.S.A) « Once a victim always a victim ? À study of how victimisation pat- terns may change over time. » Hopkins, Matthew Nottingham Trent University (U.K.) — 155 — « Does Crime Victimization Affect Perceptions of Safety ? » Dussuyer, Inez Jones, Eva Discussant : Schneider, Hans Joachim University of Westphalia (Germany) FRIDAY, 28 Auc 1998 1:30 P 99. À Paradigm Shift : Eliminate Crime ! Room : Cosmos Language English Chair Salerno, James School of Success & Human Edification (Australia) « À Paradigm Shift — Eliminate crime ! » Salerno, James School of Success & Human Edification (Australia) 100. Crime and Prevention in Latin America Room : Wisteria Language : Spanish Chair Ciafardini, Mariano Alberto Ministerio de Justicia de la Republica Argentina (Argentina) « Investigation Criminal y Justicia » Cabiedes Torres, Fernando Alfonso Universidad del Vakke de Nexuco (Mexico) « La Mediaciôn en el Proceso Penal » Basilico, Ricardo Angel Poder Judicial (Argentina) « Changing Rules in the Use and Consumption of Drugs - An Analysis of Reality » Ruidiaz Garcia, Carmen Universidad Publica de Navarra (Spain) « Penalty, Punishment and Education » Grillo, Elio Gomez (Venezuela) 101. Crime and Social Change Room : Water Lily Language English Chair Findlay, Mark « Crime and Globalisation : Impacts for Development » Findlay, Mark — 156 — « Organized & Multinational Crime During Periods of Political Transition : À Case of South Africa » Kgosimore, David L. University of the North (South Africa) « Secret Societies and Social Change » Mak, Lau-Fong Tamkang University (Taiwan) « The Automation of Criminal Justice — Benefits and Dangers » Fox, Richard George Monash University (Australia) 102. Roundtable : Domestic (Intinate Partner) Violence and the Status of Women Room Language English Chair Dawkins, Nicola Emory University (U.S.A) 103. Domestic Violence : Prevention and Control Room : Chrysanthemum I Language : English Chair Stanko, Elizabeth A. Brunel University (U.K.) « Singapore'‘s Approach to Domestic Violence Seeking the Middle Path » Chan, Wing-Cheong National University of Singapore (Singapore) « Truth and Reconciliation : Treating the Perpetrator of Domestic Violence in South Africa » Padayachee, Anshu University of Durban Westville (South Africa) « Strategic Thinking about Domestic Violence » Stanko. Elizabeth À. Brunel University (U.K.) « Policing Domestic Violence » Kim. Bo Whan (Korea) 104. Roundtable : Fraud Victimization Room Language English Chair Titus, Richard M. National Institute of Justice (U.S.A.) — 157 — 105. Geographic Crime Analysis The Criminology of Place Room : Orchid I Language : English Chair Harada, Yutaka National Research Institute of Police Science (Japan) « Spatial Patterns of Offending » Harada, Yutaka National Research Institute of Police Science (Japan) « The Technological Proactive Policing Geographic Information Systems in Law Enforcement » Chung, Tae-Jin Michigan State Univ. (U.S.A.) « Using a Mapping Software in the Criminological Survey : The Case of Residential Survey about Fear of Crime and Victimizations » Tatsuno, Bunri Tokiwa University (Japan) « The Measure of Security in Korea » Lee, Seung Ho (Korea) 106. Global Perspectives on Homicide I Room Carnation Language English Chair Broadhurst, Roderic The University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong) « Homicide and Lethal Violence in Hong Kong » Broadhurst, Roderic The University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong) « Criminal Homicide in Taiwan » Yang, Shu-Lung National Chung-Cheng University (Taïiwan R.O.C.) « Various Studies on the Internal Motivation of Homicide Viewed from the Dynamic Regarding the Maturation Process and Psy- chological Regression » Ambrosi, Astrid Study Center and Research in Psychopathology (France) 107. Roundtable : Juvenile Delinquency and Justice Room Language English Chair : Winterdyk, John Albert Mount Royal College (Canada) — 158 — « Round : Juvenile Delinquency and Justice » Winterdyk, John Albert Mount Royal College (Canada) 108. Juvenile Justice Around the World Room : Conference Room IIl Language : English Chair Braithwaite, John Bradford Australian National University (Australia) « Juvenile Justice in India » Pande, B. B. (India) « Juvenile Justice in South Africa » Frank, Cheryl (S. Africa) Skelton. An « Juvenile Justice Reform toward the Punitive & Tough Approach » Saito, Toyoj1 Konan University (Japan) « German Juvenile Justice System » Dunkel, Frieder University of Greifowaeld (Germany) Discussant : Braithwaite, John Bradford Australian National University (Australia) 109. Korean Association of criminology : Summer Meeting I Room : Rose Language English 110. Looking at crime Across Countries Room : Chrysanthemum II Language English Chair Kalish, Carol Barry Bureau of Justice Statistics (U.S.A.) « » Burnham. Robin William Visiting Fellow, National Institute of Justice (U.K.) « Comparative Research and Standardization of Crime Data » Zvekic, Ugljesa United Nations International Crime and Justice Research Institute (UNICRI) (Italy) — 159 — « Comparing Crime The United States and Selected Countries » Kalish, Carol Barry Bureau of Justice Statistics (U.S.A.) 111 Managing Offenders in the Community Room : Conference Room ! Language : English « Community — Based Rehabilitation in Test Supervision in Japan » Arimoto, Miyuki Kwansei Gakuin University (Japan) « Crime Control in Community » Nishimura, Haruo Kokushikan University (Japan) « An Australian Model for Managing Serious Young Offenders in the Community » Watson, David Warminda Intensive Intervention Centre (Australia) « Pre-sentence Investigations in Korea » Lee, Sang Cheol (Korea) 112. Police Use of Violence : Justifications in Japan and the USA Room : Orchid II Language English Chair Dussich, John Peter Joseph Tokiwa Universtiy (Japan) Dussich, John Peter Joseph Tokiwa Universtiy (Japan) Yamagami, Akira Tokyo Medical and Dental University Okada, Takayuki1 Tokyo Medical and Dental University [13. Prison Populations Around the World ; Growth, Overcrowding, Parole, and other Problems and Solutions Room : Lotus Languages : French and English Chair Kuhn, André University of Lausanne (Switzerland) Kensey, Annie Ministère de la Justice (France) — 160 — Kuhn, André University of Lausanne (Switzerland) Kim, Young Joon (Korea) Kang, Dong Woon (Korea) 114. Privatization of Criminal Justice Room : Maple Language : English Chair Moyle, Paul (Australia) « Privatization in Australian Prisons » Moyle, Paul (Australia) « Privatization of Police Models of Accountability » Sarre, Rick (W.T.) University of South Australia (Australia) « Private Policing Issues in China » Nalla, Mahesh Michigan State University (U.S.A.) « Privatization of Prisons in Korea » Jeong, Dong Jin (Korea) 115. The Anti-Terrorism Strategy in the Gulf States Room : Paeonia Language : To be announced Chair Al Mualla, Mohammed Khalifa Sharjah Police (United Arab Emirates) Al Mualla, Mohammed Khalifa Sharjah Police (United Arab Emirates) Al Jallaf, Essa Sharjah Police (United Arab Emirates) Beyat, Mohammed Rashid Sharjah Police Research and Studies Center (United Arab Emirates) Al Musharrakh, Abdulla Ahmed Sharjah Police Sciences Academy (United Arab Emirates) — 161 — 116. Victim Support Policy in Asia I Room : Camellia Language : English Chair Ota, Tatsuya Keio University (Japan) Chockalingam, Kumaravelu University of Madras (India) Zakaria, Abudl Hadi University of Malaya (Malaysia) Watanavanich, Prathan Thammasat University (Thailand) Reksodiputro, Mardjono University of Indonesia (Indonesia) 117. Victimes et la victimisation Room : Azalea Language : English Chair Mathé, André Societé Internationale de Criminologie (France) « Psychothérapie des victimes » Mathé, André Société Internationale de Criminologie (France) Discussant : Brochu, Serge Université de Montreal (Canada) FripAY, 28 Auc 1998 3:15 P 118. Criminal Law and Criminology Room : Wisteria Language English Chair Vibhute, Khushal Irwantrao University of Pune (India) « Victims of Crime and the Law : An Indian Perspective » Vibhute, Khushal Irwantrao University of Pune (India) « Limitations of Due Process Principles in German Criminal Proce- dure » Arnold, Jôrg Max-Planck-Institut für Ausländisches und Internationales Strafrecht (Germany) — 162 — « Protection of Witnesses » Kim, Yong Hun (Korea) « Increasing International Cooperation in Criminal Matters » Chae, Jung Suk « The relationship between leader and follower in a cult Com- plementary goals » Casoni, Dianne University of Montreal (Canada) 119. Cultural Response to Threats of Violence Room : Chrysanthemum II Language English Chair Yamagami, Akira Tokyo Medical and Dental University Yamagami, Akira Tokyo Medical and Dental University Okada, Takayuk1 Tokyo Medical and Dental University Dussich, John Peter Joseph Tokiwa Universtiy (Japan) 120. Global Perspectives on Homicide II Room : Carnation Language English Chair Broadhurst, Roderic The University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong) « Women Who Kill in Sweden » Moen, Elisabeth Kristina Umea University (Sweden) « Intimate Femicide : The Israeli Experience » Landau, Simha F. Hebrew University (Israel) « The Psychological Characteristics of Homicide and its Counter- measures » Dong, Xinchem 121. /nnovations in Criminology and Criminal Justice Room : Azalea Language : English Chair Pridemore, William Alex University of Albany State University of New York (U.S.A.) — 163 — « Innovations in Criminology » Pridemore, Wilhiam Alex University of Albany State University of New York (U.S.A.) «The New Thinking About the Development and Innovation of Criminology in China » Zhang Hanming « Graphology Inside the Penitentiary System-AÀ Possible New Criminological Approach (Preliminary Title) » Stanescu, Andreia Interdepartmental criminalistic Laboratory (Romania) «Innovations of Korean Prosecutors in the 21st Century » Yoonm, Jung Seok (Korea) 122. Juveniles and crime Room : Lotus Language French « An Analysis of Delinquents Sentenced to Punishment in Open Environments » Moulin. Valérie Criminal Sciences & Psychology (France) « Conjugal Conflicts of a Sample of Monoparental Families in Côte d'Ivoire » Flola, Bilily Centre Africain de criminologie Comparée (Cote d'Ivoire) 123. Korean Association of Criminology : Summer Meeting II Room Rose Language English 124. Korean Language Session 9 (to be announced) Room : Conference Room II Language English 125. Korean Language Session 16 (to be announced) Room : Paeonia Language English 126. Law and Polities in the Democratization of Korea and East Asia Room : Conference Room ! Language : English Chair : Ahn, Kyong Whan Seoul National University (Korea) — 164 — « Legal Lustration Against the Authoritarian Past » Han, In Sup Seoul National University (Korea) « Recent Debate on Detention Hearings in Korea Human Rights Narrative vs. Crime Control Strategy » Sim, Hui-g1 Dongguk University (Korea) « Constitutional Courts and Legal Change Since 1987 » Ahn, Kyong Whan Seoul National University (Korea) « Understanding Corruption in the Context of Legal Culture À Critique » Lee, Chulwoo Hankok University of Foreign Studies (Korea) 127. Legal Issues in Korean Criminology Room : Cosmos Language English Chair : Cha, Yong Suk (Korea) « Legal Characteristics of the South-North Korean Relationship » Lee, Young Kyuu (Korea) « AÂre Computer Fonts Copyrightable » Kang, Dong Wook 128. Migration and Crime Room : Maple Language : English « On Migration and Crime in P.R. China » Mu Junfa « Foreign Laborers and Crime a Moral Panic ? » Amir, Menachem Hebrew University (Israel) « Multinational Crime Alien's Crime in Poland at the Time of Transformation (Social Change) » Rzeplinska, Irena Institute of Law Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences (Poland) — 165 — 129. Police and Politics Room : Chrysanthemum ! Language : English Chair : Ozcan, Yusuf Ziya Middle East Technical University (Turkey) « Democratising the South African Police Service : The Role of Com- munity Policing Forums » Pillay, Kris Technikon Southern Africa (South Africa) « The Organization as a Problem : Strategies and Rationality in the Police of The State of Rio de Janeiro » Dellasoppa, Emilio Enrique Universidade do Estado de Rio de Janeiro (Brazil) « Police Organizations and Local Authorities : Power Relations to be Specified » Lebeuf, Marcel-Eugene Police College of Canada (Canada) « À Systems Approach to Managing a Community Police Service in a Heterogenic Milieu » Roelofse, C.J. « Police and Politics in Turkey » Ozcan, Yusuf Ziya Gulin, Recep Middle East Technical University (Turkey) 130. Police : Danger and Stress Room : Orchid II Language English Chair Lee, Yung Hyeock Michigan State University (U.S.A.) « Perception of Police Stressors and Police Cynicism in South Korea » Lee, Yung Hyeock Michigan State University (U.S.A.) « Occupational Stress Among Police Managers in Slovenia » Pagon, Milan College of Police and Security Studies (Slovenia) « An analysis of the Murder of Members of the South African Police Service 1994-1997 » Minnaar, Anthonn de Villiers Technikon S.A. (South Africa) — 166 — What Works ? What Doesn't ? 131. Preventing Crime Room : Orchid I Language English Chair Sherman, Lawrence W. University of Maryland (USA) « » Sherman, Lawrence W. University of Maryland (USA) Discussant : Cusson, Maurice Université de Montreal (Canada) Homel, Ross Griffith University (Australia) Sheu. Chen-Jim Central Police University (Taiwan) 132. Victim Support Policy in Asia H Room : Camellia Language : English Chair : Ota, Tatsuya Keio University (Japan) Ota, Tatsuya Keio University (Japan) Mei, Chang Kan National University (Taiwan) Discussant : Cho, Byung In Korean Institute of Criminology (Korea) Kühne, Hans-Heiner Purnianti, Munganson 133. Victim-Offender Mediation Room : Water Lily Language : English Chair Hartmann, Ute Ingrid University of Applied Sciences Braunschweig (Germany) « Victims-Offenders-and No Mediation ? The Role of the Prosecutors Office in Victim-Offender-Mediation » Hartmann, Ute Ingrid University of Applied Sciences Braunschweig (Germany) « Victim-Offender Mediation & the Victim of Crime in Australia » Spooner, Nicole Louise University of Melbourne (Australia) — 167 — « Promoting Management in Community Based Serving Victims Programs » Gosita, Arif Tarumanagra University (Indonesia) « Mediation versus imprisonment ? » Barabas, Tunde Andrea National Institute of Criminology and Criminalistics (Hungary) FRiDAY, 28 Auc 1998 5:00 P 134. Korean Language Session 10 (to be announced) Room : Rose Language : English 135. Korean Language Session 11 (to be announced) Room : Conference Room | Language English 136. Korean Language Session 12 (to be announced) Room : Conference Room II Language English 137. Korean Language Session ]8 (Î() /7(' announced) Room : Maple Language English 138. Les Drogues et le Crime Room : Water Lily Language : French Chair Cusson. Maurice Université de Montréal (Canada) « Youth and Camorra in Napoli » Sclafani, Francesco Napoli Federico Il University (Italy) «'Trafice de Drogue et Organisations Criminelles » Cusson, Maurice Université de Montréal (Canada) Discussant : Sigales, Silvia Centre d'études et de recherches en Psychopathologie, Maison de la Recherche (France) _— _ _ 168 139. Problems in Regulation Sex Offenders, Muafia, Transnational Polluters Room : Chrysanthemum Îl Language English Chair Braithwaite,. John Australian National University (Australia) « How the Mafla was Purged From New York City's Economy » Jacobs, James B New York University (U.S.A.) « Regulating Transitional Corporations in a Globalized Economy : Safety and Environmental Crimes and the International Chemical Industry » Pearce, Frank Queen's University (Canada) « Sex Offenders and Communities » Thomas, Terence Vaughan Leeds Metropolitan University (U.K.) « Transboundary Environmental Crime and the Role of Criminal Law from a Korean Point of View » Cho. Byung Sun Changju University (Korea) « Information Protection in the Information Society » Han, Bong Jo (Korea) 140. Psychological Aspects of Crime Room : Azalea Language English Chair Sa. Jefferson Sunrise Community Counseling Center (U.S.A.) « Crime as a Deal » Leps, Ando Member of Parliament (Estonia) « The Formation Process of Criminal Readiness in the Cases of Per- petrators of Organizational Crime » Nitta, Kenichi Showa Women's Univ. (Japan) « Validation of Anger Assessment in a Therapeutic Setting Using Psychometric Measurements for Lethality Assessment » Sa. Jefferson Sunrise Community Counseling Center (U.S.A.) — 169 — « The Forensic Psychiatric Hospital of Korea : À Statistical Review of Eleven Years’ History » Choi, Sang Sub (Korea) « Myths and Realities concerning Female Terrorists » Kuleshnyk, Irka New Jersey City University (USA) Wiedemann, Carl 141. Psychothérapie des Criminels Room : Cosmos French Language Chair Mathé, André Société Internationale de Criminologie (France) « Psychothérapie des criminels en prison » Mathé, André Société Internationale de Criminologie (France) 142. Sex Crimes : Global Research Room : Lotus Language : English Chair : Soothill, Keith Lancaster University (U.K.) « Patterns of Reported Rape Incidents in Metro Manila » Gutierrez, Filomin University of the Philippines (Philippines) « Stalking » Spencer, Jon University of Manchester (U.K.) « The Effectiveness of Stalking Legislation » Dussuyer, Inez McKelvie, Helen « Intra-Familial Rape Patterns of Concealment & Construction in Country Court Trials During 1995 in Victoria, Australia » Taylor, Shannon Caroline University of Ballarat (Australia) « Reviewing the Pantheon of Sexual Offending : Developing Criminal Profiles of Sex Offenders » Soothill, Keith Lancaster University (U.K.) — 170 — 143. Some Problems of the Juvenile Justice System in Japan Room : Wisteria Language English Chair : Araki, Nobuyoshi Rikkyo University (Japan) « Juvenile Law and the Children’s Welfare Law » Maeno, Ikuzo Kwansei Gakuin University (Japan) « Some Defects of the Juvenile Justice System in Japan » Araki, Nobuyoshi Rikkyo University (Japan) « Double Jeopardy and the Right to Appeal » Kuzuno, Hiroyuki Shizuoka University (Japan) « Parole and Probation System » Goto, Hiroko Fuji College 144. Special Address : Employment and Crime : How Effects vary by Age Room : Camellia Language English « » Uggen, Christopher University of Minnesota (USA) 145. Special Address : La Dynamique du Passage à l'acte ou le développe- ment psychique entre violence et agressivité Room : Chrysanthemum I Language French » « Hirschelmann. Astrid Université de Toulouse le Mirail (France) « » Sztultman. H (France) « »» Favard, À.M (France) — 171 — 146. Special Addresses : Early Predictors of Crime in the Life Course Room : Orchid II Language English «The Impact of Pre/Perinstal Disturbances and Disadvantaged Environments in Predicting Violent Crime : From Birth to Young Adulthood » Piquero, Alex Russell Temple University (U.S.A.) to adult criminal « Pathways from early behavioral problems behaviors » Juon, Hee-Soon Johns Hopkins University School of Hygiene (U.S.A.) 147. Special Addresses : Marvin Wolfgang's Contributions to Criminol- ogy Room : Orchid I Language English Chairs Elmar Weitekamp, Tuebingen University (Germany) Leslie Sebba Hebrew University (Israel) 148. Victims, Compensation, Assistance and Mediation Room : Paeonia Language English Chair Rzeplinska, Irena Institute of Law Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences (Poland) « Mediation : Conflict solving instead of punishment » Northoff. Robert Fachhochschule Neubrandenburg (Germany) « Confiscation of Property as a Criminal Sanction from the Histori- cal Perspective » Rzeplinska, Irena Institute of Law Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences (Poland) « Evaluation of Victorian Crimes Compensation Legislation » Spooner, Nicole Louise University of Melbourne (Australia) « The Status of Victims in Korean Criminal Procedure » Kang. In Chul (Korea) 172 — 149. V’iolence in Schools Room Carnation Language English Chair Ferreira. Bertus R Washburn University (U.S.A.) « Bullying and Violence in Schools » Ferreira. Bertus R Washburn University (U.S.A.) « Violence in Schoo! : The Trilogy of Gangs, Drugs and Weapons » Joseph. Janice O. Richard Stockton College (U.S.A.) « Proposals to Reduce School Violence in Korea » Oh, Yoon Sung (Korea) « School Violence » Lee, Joong Whan (Korea) « The Emergence of School Violence in Korea » Kim. Ki Whan (Korea) 173 IN MEMORIAM : MARVIN WOLFGANG 1924-1998 (*) Freda Adler G.O.W. Mueller William S. Laufer Marvin E. Wolfgang, tenth President of the American Society of Criminology (1966-1967), died on Easter Sunday (12 April 1998) at the Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania, just a few blocks away from the Sellin Center for Studies in Criminology and Criminal Law where he spent most of his professional life. His name and work are known to everyl student, teacher and researcher in criminology. When in 1994 the British Journal of Criminol- ogy 1dentified him as « the most influential criminologist in the English- speaking world », most of us regarded this as a typically British under- statement. He was, indeed, the most influential criminologist in the world. His works have appeared in many languages ! There are five areas of scholarly activity in Wolfgang's life. Each one alone would have earned him accolades |. AIl during his life Dr. Wolfgang was a man of culture. One of his first research publications dealt with « Political Crimes and Punishments in Renaissance Florence », followed by many other contributions of an historico-cultural nature. He particularly appreciated the culture of Italy and over the years visited and worked in Italy, often with his close friend Franco Ferracuti. 2. His mastery of quantitative research became nationally respected with his first major book-length contribution, Partterns in Criminal Homicide, which astounded the professional community in 1958. His analysis of 582 Philadelphia murders revealed that one-quarter of those homicides were in fact prompted by their victims. The term « victim- precipitated homicide » was born, a term once again appreciated in an era when so many spousal homicides are but a response to victim precipitation. The significance of this book to the growth of the sub- discipline of victimology cannot be overestimated. Indeed, the World (*) À special session of Seoul Congress was dedicated to Professor Marvin Wolfgang. who died on Easter Sunday (12 avril 1998). Re-printed from The Criminologist, the official newsletter of the American Society of Criminology, vol. 23, No. 3, May/June 1998, with kind permission of the editor. Dr. Miriam A. DeLone. and of American Society of Criminology President, Margaret A. Zahn. — 175 — Society of Victimology awarded Marvin its Hans von Hentig Prize in 1988. 3. Marvin next tackled the problem of measuring delinquency. With Thorsten Sellin he published The Meusurement of Delinquency, m 1964. This imaginative scaling of delinquency seriousness instantly influenced the work of the federal government and of researchers everywhere. 4. Soon thereafter, in 1968. Dr. Wolfgang, with co-author Franco Ferracuti of the University of Rome, presented to criminologists a new theory of crime the subeulture of violence theory. The book was a theoretical treatise on the causes and correlates of violent behavior. This book remains a definitive exposition of society's responsibility for breed- ing violent criminal behavior. It also remained one of the most acknow- ledged theories of crime. S. Dr. Wolfgang, above all, became the most respected pioneer in longitudinal studies when, in 1972, he published Delinqueney in a Birth Cohort (with Thorsten Sellin and Robert Figlio). Many regarded this Marvin's finest achievement. His research longitudinal study as demonstrated that of 10,000 boys born in Philadelphia in 1945, by age 18 one-third of the cohort had criminal records. Yet he also demonstrated that only 6 percent of the total accounted for 52 percent of all offenses. Advocates of incapacitation seized on the study with plans of detecting and isolating those 6 percent early on. Yet Wolfgang himself warned about the dangers inherent in such an approach, includ- ing the near impossibility of identifying them early enough, without run- ning into problems with false positives and false negatives. Ât the time of his death Dr. Wolfgang was directing a replication of his cohort study in the People’s Republic of China. Thanks to Marvin'’s leadership, cohort studies have been conducted elsewhere, including Ger- many. No recitation or explanation of Marvin’s scholarly contributions can do justice to Marvin, the human being idol for many aspiring criminologists, teacher to hundreds of students (and well over 100 doc- torates, dispersed over the world, as deans, directors and professors), mentor to à select group of academicians, colleague, and friend. Mar- vin's lectures were always marked by his erudition and informed by his research experience. And he could be rousingly dynamiec, as when he addressed a thousand students at Londrina, Brazil, during the time of military dictatorship. His message : Become criminologists, curb crime. resist being co-opted, strive for humane 1deals. The profession rewarded Dr. Wolfgang richly for his immense con- tributions to Criminology besides the Hans von Hentig Prize, he received both the August Vollmer and the Edwin Sutherland Awards of — 176 — the American Society of Criminology. Then there were two honorary doctorates (City University of New York, and Academia Mexicana de Derecho Internacional), the Roscoe Pound Award of the National Council of Crime and Delinquency, the Wolfgang Award for Dis- tinguished _ Achievement in Criminology (named in his honor), and numerous fellowships, grants and honorary memberships. And just shortly before his death. the criminologists of Germany, Austria and Switzerland awarded him the Beccaria Medal in Gold. Marvin will be sorely missed, not only by his personal family, but by his professional family. He was called too soon, just a few short years after his own beloved mentor. Thorsten Sellin had passed away. But in grieving over Marvin'’s death, we also express our joy in having known him. having worked with him, laughed with him and aspired with him. Dr. Wolfgang is survived by his wife, Lenora, Professor of French at Lehigh University ; his daughters, Karen W. Swanson and Nina V. Wolfgang ; his sister, Patricia W. Mignogna ; and two grandchildren. — 177 — APPLICATION FORM LAST NAME (Mr. Mrs. Miss) . . » + « « e e © » © « « »s « e + e © =. e + » « … « © 6 + » « » # ® First Name . . + » + + + » + e < + s. e + + » + e + » + + » = . + * —s » + + + e » … « © « « 6 * « « a © + » » e #s & Nationality . . » e + » + + + + + + « + e ». … » e + e « + » + + e =s —s »s »s + « e « < . « … © » % — s. e » « 6 » » 6 » Profession University Degrees . » » e » + + + » + + + »% » » e % + + » » » e + e e © « + + e …s « e » + » + © » # a » ® % ADDRESS (Home) ooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo . …. e e * » + +s 6 + + » + » . + + » » + < » + + e + 6 + « e « + « 6 © + » 6 . * «s « « » « « #s « « « « « » s. = » e e « e « . » ooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo . . +. e . + » + » + + + + + » » + + »s + v e » + »s e » . + » + … « « e « + « © —s » + « + — » 6 » » #% #% « « — * « » #. « « . « . 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