AIC_1998

ANNALES

INTERNATIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIE

INTERNATIONAL ANNALS OF CRIMINOLOGY

ANALES

INTERNACIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIA

ANNEE 1998 (volume 36-1/2)

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ANNALES INTERNATIONALES

DE CRIMINOLOGIE

organe officiel de la Société Internationale de Criminologie

Président : Hans-Jürgen KERNER (Allemagne)

Secrétaire général : Georges PICCA (France)

COMITÉ DE REDACTION DES ANNALES

Président : Lawrence W. SHERMAN (U.S.A.)

Président de la Commission scientifique

Secrétaire : Pierre-Henri BOLLE (Suisse)

Secrétaire de la Commission scientifique

Rédacteur en chef : Georges KELLENS (Belgique)

Rédacteurs associés

Luis Rodriguez MANZANERA (Amérique Latine)

Setsuo MIYAZAWA (Asie), Louise SHELLEY (Amérique du Nord)

Table de matières

Table of contents

Indice

Editorial (français, English, Español)

G. Picca

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ll

Plenary Program

Address of the Honorable

L. Robinson

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17

The Global Growth of Criminology

H.-J. Kerner

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27

Criminology and Crime Prevention in the 21Ist Century

L.W. Sherman

. e —. e » e … < « e © e e … e + e © e e e « = e e e — + e e « e e « e e — — = « »

43

L'avenir de la criminologie en Asie et dans le monde. The

Future of Criminology in Asia and in the World. El Futuro

de la Criminologia en Asia y en el Mundo

G. Picca

. e » + e e + e < + » e » »s © » =s e « e e — . s + + + « » + + » « + + e + e » e « »s e = « e

53

Politica Victimolôgica,

una

experiencia

latinoamericana

(Victimas de Violencia Doméstica)

M. de la Luz Lima

65

Politiques criminelles,

conflits

de cultures et

choc des

civilisations

P.-H. Bolle

85

Global Trends in Corrections

U.V. Bondeson

e e « « . . + » * + » » » » + * «s e « < « e « s. + + « »* » e . e » + —s ». + » ° »

91

10. Panel sessions

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l17

l1. In Memoriam Marvin Wolfgang

F. Adler. G.O.W. Mueller, W. S. Laufer

e +. e e e « e » « » e e e e « e « e

175

_— 5$—

Editorial

Le 12° Congrès mondial de la Société Internationale de Criminolo-

gle a eu lieu à Séoul (Korea) du 24 au 29 août 1998. C'était non seule-

ment le premier Congrès de notre Société organisé en Asie, mais c'était

également la première fois qu'un Congrès de criminologie de cette

iImportance se tenait dans la région.

Cette double circonstance permet de considérer que, pour la Société

Internationale de Criminologie comme pour la criminologie mondiale, ce

Congrès est une date que l'on devra considérer comme historique.

Elle témoigne en effet, d'une part, d'un élargissement significatif du

rayonnement de notre Société dans de nouvelles régions du monde et

d'autre part de la réalité et du dynamisme des études criminologiques

dans de nombreux pays.

En effet notre Congrès a réuni les représentants venus de soixante-

dix nations et près de 1500 participants. Ces chiffres qui dépassent ceux

atteints lors du 11° Congrès à Budapest en 1993, révèlent par suite la

capacité de la Société Internationale de Criminologie de rassembler cri-

minologues et responsables de la justice pénale au-delà de nos seuls

adhérents. Rappelons en effet que nous ne sommes de manière perma-

nente que dans une soixantaine de nations et que le Congrès de Buda-

pest avait réuni 1000 participants.

Ces résultats n'ont pu être obtenus que grâce à un partenariat effi-

cace, dont les bases furent établies dès 1994 par le Secrétariat général

avec le Korean Institute of Criminology de Séoul.

Le succès du Congrès suffit à porter témoignage de l'importance de

la contribution des autorités politiques, universitaires, du Ministre de la

Justice, des responsables du Korean Institute dans la réalisation du

Congrès. Qu'ils en soient ici solennellement remerciés au nom de la com-

munauté internationale des criminologues et, plus particulièrement de la

Société Internationale de Criminologie.

Le thème choisi pour le 12* Congrès — « Crime et Justice dans un

monde en changement : perspectives en Asie et dans le monde » - signi-

fiait, à la fois, la volonté de notre Société de se situer dans une perspec-

tive d’avenir et de confirmer l’élargissement de son audience internatio-

nale dans la région Asie. Il était aussi un hommage rendu à une région

qui a jusqu'ici fait preuve d'un développement et d'un dynamisme que

l'on doit considérer au-delà de crises conjoncturelles comme porteur

d'espoir pour l’avenir de notre monde.

Le présent numéro des Annales Internationales de Criminologie ne

saurait rendre compte de la richesse des nombreuses contributions qui

_ 7—

ont nourri les cinq sessions plénières du Congrès et encore moins des

nombreuses communications qui ont alimenté les ateliers et tables

rondes. À ce titre il ne saurait être identifié à un compte rendu des actes

du Congrès difficilement publiable dans un aussi bref délai.

Ce numéro « Spécial Congrès » des Annales doit permettre en

revanche à tous ceux de nos membres qui n'ont pu participer à ce

Congrès d'en apprécier la portée à travers quelques contributions signifi-

catives.

Georges PICCA

Secrétaire Général

Editorial

The 12th World Congress of the International Society for Criminol-

ogy took place in Seoul (Korea) from August 24 to 29, 1998. It was not

only the first Congress our Society has organized in Asia, but it was also

the first time that a criminology congress of that size had been held in

the region.

This dual circeumstance allows us to consider that, for the Interna-

tional Society for Criminology as for world criminology, this Congress

Is a date which can be considered as historic.

In fact, it indicates, on the one hand, à significant expansion of our

Society's influence into new areas of the world and, on the other, the

reality and dynamism of criminological study in a great number of coun-

tries.

Our Congress assembled representatives from seventy nations and

nearly 1,500 participants. These figures, which surpass those reached by

the 11th Congress in Budapest in 1993, reveal the International Society

for Criminology's capacity to attract criminologists and criminal law

professionals in numbers well beyond those of our own members. Let us

be reminded that. on a permanent basis, we are present in only sixty

countries and that 1,000 people attended the Budapest Congress.

These results could only have been achieved through an efficient

partnership, the basis for which was established in 1994 by the General

Secretariat with the Korean Institute of Criminology in Seoul.

The Congress’ success 1s enough to indicate the scope of the con-

tribution made by the political and university authorities, the Ministry

of Justice and the directors of the Korean Institute. towards the realiza-

tion of this Congress. We wish to solemnly thank them on behalf of the

international community of criminologists and, more particularly, of the

International Society for Criminology.

__ 8 -

The theme chosen for the 12th Congress — « Crime and Justice in

a changing world

perspectives In Asia and around the world » -

signified both our Society's ambition to position 1tself in a forward look-

ing perspective and to confirm the extension of its international audience

in the Asian region. It was also homage paid to a region which to now

has shown a capacity for development and dynamics which we must

consider above and beyond any economic crises as the true bearer of à

ray of hope for the future of our world.

This issue of the /nternational Annals of Criminology cannot attest

to the wealth of the great number of contributions which nourished the

Congress’ plenary sessions and even less so to the innumerable messages

which enriched the workshops and round table discussions. And because

of this, the issue cannot be taken as a report on the Congress decisions

which are impossible to publish in such a brief period.

This « Special Congress » issue of the Annals should, however,

enable those of our members who were unable to attend the Congress

to appreciate its scope through a few significant contributions.

Georges PICCA

General Secretary

Editorial

El 12° Congreso Mundial de la Sociedad Internacional de Crimino-

logia tuvo lugar en Seûl (Corea) del 24 al 29 de agosto de 1998. No sôlo

se trataba del primer Congreso de nuestra Sociedad en Asia, sino que

era también la primera vez que un Congreso de criminologia de tal

iImportancia se celebraba en la regiôn.

Esta doble circunstancia permite considerar que, tanto para la

Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia como para la criminologia mun-

d.ial. este Congreso constituye un hito que deberemos considerar histô-

TICO

Efectivamente, se trata por una parte de una prueba de la amplia-

CION significativa de la proyecciôn de nuestra Sociedad en nuevas

regiones del mundo y. por otra, de la realidad y el dinamismo de los

estudios criminolôgicos en numerosos paises.

Nuestro Congreso reuniô en efecto a representantes procedentes de

setenta naciones y a cerca de 1500 participantes. Estas cifras, que sobre-

pasan las alcanzadas durante el 11° Congreso de Budapest en 1993

revelan pues la capacidad de la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia

de reunir a criminôlogos y responsables de la justicia penal y no sélo a

nuestros miembros. Cabe señalar que estamos presentes de forma per-

—

9 —

manente en unas sesenta naciones solamente y que el Congreso de Buda-

pest habia reunido a 1000 participantes.

La obtenciôn de estos resultados se debe a una asociaciôn eficaz,

cuyas bases ya fueron establecidas en 1994 por la Secretaria general con

el Korean Institute of Criminology de Seuül.

El éxito del Congreso basta como testimonio de la importancia de

la contribuciôn de las autoridades politicas, universitarias, del Ministro

de Justicia, de los responsables del Korean Instituto en la realizaciôn del

Congreso. Deseamos expresar aqui nuestro solemne agradecimiento en

nombre de la comunidad internacional de los criminôlogos y, especial-

mente, de la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia.

El tema elegido para el 12° Congreso — « Crimen y Justicia en un

mundo que cambia : perspectivas en Asia y en el mundo » — significaba,

a la vez, la voluntad de nuestra Sociedad para situarse en una perspec-

tiva de futuro y confirmar la ampliaciôn de su audiencia internacional

en la regiôn Asia. Fue también un homenaje brindado a una regiôn que

hasta ahora habia demostrado un desarrollo y un dinamismo que puede

ser considerado, mäs allà de las crisis coyunturales, como portador de

esperanza para el futuro de nuestro planeta.

El presente nümero de los Andales Internacionales de Criminologia no

pretende dar cuenta de la riqueza de las numerosas contribuciones que

han nutrido las cinco sesiones plenarias del Congreso y menos aûn de

las numerosas comunicaciones que han alimentado los talleres y mesas

redondas. En este sentido, no se debe confundir con un informe de las

actas del Congreso, que dificilmente se hubiesen podido publicar en un

plazo tan breve.

Este nûmero « Especial Congreso » de los Anales debe permitir en

cambio a todos nuestros miembros que no han podido participar en este

Congreso apreciar su alcance a través de algunas contribuciones signifi-

cativas.

Georges PICCA

Secretario General

— 10 —

12th WORLD CONGRESS

OF CRIMINOLOGY

PLENARY PROGRAM

Plenary sessions

MONDAY AUGUST 24

4 pm Opening Ceremony (Grand Ballroom, Hotel Intercontinental)

Hon. Dae Jung Kim, President, Republic of Korea

Prof.

Hans-Juergen

Kerner,

President,

International

Society of

Criminology

Hon. Soo Sung Lee, Chairman, National Organizing Committee and

Former Prime Minister of Korea

Hon. Arlacchi, Deputy Secretary, United Nations

Sang Chun Park, Minister of Justice of Korea

Young Kyoo Kong. President, Korean Institute of Criminology

Master of Ceremonies -— Lawrence W. Sherman President, Scien-

tific Commission, ISC

6 pm « Welcome to Seoul» Interest Group Round Tables

7-9 pm Welcome Reception

TUESDAY AUGUST 25

Plenary Session I :

The Significance of Asian Criminology

for Crime and Justice in the 21st Century

(Grand Ballroom, Hotel Intercontinental)

9 am Session IA

Co-Presidents

Haechang Chung, Chairman, Korea Crime Prevention Foundation

(Korea)

Koichi Miyazawa, Keio University (Japan)

Hyung Kook Lee, Yonsei University (Korea) : « The Role of the

Family in Criminal Justice in Korea »

Setsuo Miyazawa, Kobe University (Japan)

« Asian Responses to

Common World Problems of Crime »

—

ll —

Suzanne Karstedt, Bielefeld University (Germany) : « Comparing

Cultures, Comparing Crime : Challenges, Prospects and Problems

for a Global Criminology. »

10 : 30 Breuk

11 : 00 Session IB

President :

Hans Schneider (Germany)

Chuen-Jim Sheu, Central Police University (Taiwan, ROC) : « Ethnic

Diversity and Crime in Asia and the World »

Hon. Laurie Robinson, Assistant Attorney General (US) : « Integrat-

ing Research and Practice in Crime Prevention World-Wide »

Pierre-Henr: Bolle, Université de Neuchâtel (Switzerland) Discussant

7-9 pm Gala Banquet

WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 26

Plenary Session II :

Causes and Prevention of Crime

Culture, Community, Family, and Schools

(KOEX, Auditorium)

9 am Session IL À

Co-Presidents

Kumaravu Chockalingam, Madras University (India)

Dong Il Kim, Ewha Women's University (Korea)

Serge Brochu, University of Montreal (Canada) : « Preventing Drug

Abuse »

Ross Homel. Griffith University (Australia)

« Preventing Crimes

Caused by Alcohol »

Miklos Levai, University of Miskolc (Hungary) : « Social Change

and Rising Crime

The Case of Eastern Europe »

10 : 30 Break

11 am Session IL B

President :

Luis Rodriguez Manzanera (Mexico)

_— 12 …

Anne-Marie Favard-Drillaud (France) : « Causes and Prevention of

mn

Research

Delinquency

Longitudinal

À Comparative

Analysis »

David Farrington, Cambridge University (UK) : « Using Risk Factor

Research to Shape Prevention Policy »

Uberto Gatti. University of Genoa (Italy) Discussant

THURSDAY, AUGUST 27

Plenary Session III :

Global Trends in Criminal Justice

Police, Prosecution, Courts and Corrections

(KOEX, Auditorium)

9 um Session IL A

Co-Presidents

Anna Repetskaya, Irkutsk University

Seung Jin Chung, Kookmin University (Korea)

Phyllis McDonald, National Institute of Justice (USA) : « Global

Trends in Policing

The Applicability of New York's Police

Strategies and Zero Tolerance Around the World »

Boo Whan Han, Deputy Chief, High Public Prosecutor's Office

(Korea) : « À Global View of the Prosecutorial System »

Fdmondo Oliviera (Brazil) : « Prosecuting Environmental Crime in

Developing Countries

The Case of Latin America »

10 : 30 Breuk

11 am Session II B

Co-Presidents

M. Zeid (Egypt)

Menachim Amir (Israel)

Maria de la Luz Lima (Mexico) : « Trends in Victim Policy : The

Latin American Experience »

p

13 —

Prathan Watanavanich, Thammsat University (Thailand) : « Global

Trends in Victim Policy »

Ulla V. Bondeson, University of Copenhagen (Denmark) : « Global

Trends in Corrections »

! : 30-7 : 00 pm Field Visits

FRIDAY, AUGUST 28

Plenary Session IV :

Empirical Criminology and Criminal Policy

(KOEX, Auditorium)

9 um Session IV.A

Co-Presidents

Albert J. Reiss, Jr., Yale University

Jong Wha Kim, Vice President, Korean Association of Victimology

Leslie Sebba, Hebrew University (Israel) : « Victimology Research

and the Reform of Victim Treatment »

Imhoe Bae, Soong Sil University (Korea) Junior Scholar Prize Win-

ner

« Public Acceptance of Restitution : Comparative Research »

Gema Varona Martinez, Basque Institute of Criminology (Spain) Jr.

Scholar

Prize

Winner

« Culturas

Juridicas

Y Justicia

Restaurativa

El

Caso De Una Communidad Gitana En

Gipuzkoa »

10 : 30 Break

!! am Session IV B.

President :

Elizabeth Stanko, Brunel University (UK)

P.-O. Wikstrôm, Swedish National Police College (Sweden) : « Com-

munities and Crime Prevention

Research and Policy »

Xiaowei Zhang, East China University of Law and Politics (China)

Junior Scholar Prize Winner

« Culture Conflict and Criminality

in China »

7-8 pm Farewell Party

— 14 —

SATURDAY, AUGUST 29

Plenary Session V :

The Future of World Criminology

(KOEX, Auditorium)

9 um Session V.

President : Denis Szabo, University of Montreal (Canada)

Hans Kerner, ISC President, University of Tuebingen (Germany) :

« The Global Growth of Criminology »

Georges Picca, ISC Secretary General, University of Paris (France)

« The Future of the ISC in Asia and the World »

Lawrence W. Sherman, ISC Scientific Commission President, Univer-

sity of Maryland (USA) : « Criminology and Crime Prevention in

the 21st Century »

Hans Kerner Awards of the ISC Prizes for Distinguished Scholarship

12 Noon General Assembly, International Society of Criminology

President Hans-Juergen Kerner, Secretary-General Georges Picca

1-3 pm Farewell Ceremony (KOEX, Auditorium)

— 15 —

ADDRESS

of the Honorable

Laurie Robinson (*)

Good morning. ! appreciate the opportunity to participate in this

World Congress and to address this distinguished audience. | want to

thank the International Society for Criminology and the Korean

Institute of Criminology for inviting me here and giving me the oppor-

tunity to interact with international colleagues, and to /oster the

exchange of information and knowledge that can aid in reducing crime

woridwide.

| want to talk today about the approach the United States 1s taking

under the leadership of Attorney General Janet Reno to address crime :

the critical role research plays in this strategy ; the importance of form-

ing partnerships between research and practice ; and the potential impact

our work has for criminal justice in a changing world.

The United States recognizes that we cannot confront crime in isola-

tion. With criminals’ ability to cross international borders in a few

hours, and the advances of our modern age, such as the Internet and

telecommunications, crime can no longer be viewed as just a national

issue. Ît is clear crime does not respect international boundaries. It is

clear crime is global. As recent economic trends demonstrate, what hap-

pens in one part of the world impacts all the rest. And crime problems

and trends are no different.

Although international comparisons of crime are difficult to make,

we know, for example, that while gun crimes have largely been

associated with high-crime urban areas in the United States, the United

Nations’ International Crime Survey has found that rates of serious,

violent crime are actually higher - and increasing faster — in countries

like India, Indonesia, and Brazil.

And although the United States has been faced, until very recently.

With increasing rates of youth violence, we know from German research

that vouth violence has increased between 50 and 100 percent over the

past few years in member states of the European Union.

And we know that, particularly in light of the United Nations focus

over the last few years on the role of women, that more and more coun-

tries around the world are beginning to recognize - and confront — the

problem of fumily violence.

(*) Assistant Attorney General. Office of Justice programs. U.S. Department of Justice.

_— 17 —

We also know that drug use and trafficking 1s a concern worldwide,

no place more so perhaps than here in Asia, and that organized drug

networks are operating from South America, to Africa, to former mem-

ber states of the Soviet Union, and certainly in my own country.

And we know that no country 1s immune from the horror of

terrorism, as recent events In Africa, Japan, France, Northern Ireland,

the U.S., and so many other countries demonstrate. And that crime'’s

tentacles are becoming more sophisticated and widespread with the

evolution of fraud, white-collar. and cybercrime with the vast interna-

tional information computer highway.

Because we confront common problems, I believe we also must share

solutions. There 1s a tremendous need around the world for good infor-

mation about what works in reducing crime. And research lays a critical

role — in partnership with criminal justice practitioners

in identifying

effective crime control strategies. Crime and justice in a changing world

really demands partnerships between research and practice at a level

unprecedented in the past, and, for that reason, at the U.S. Department

of Justice, we have made this « priority.

THE FEDERAIL ROLE IN CRIME CONTROL

To step back for à minute, | should explain that, as you may know,

in the United States, there 1s a unique federal role in addressing crime.

Although 95 percent of criminal cases are handled at the state and local

level in our country, for the past 30 years, our federal government has

provided funding to encourage innovation m state and local criminal

justice systems, to support research, development, and information-shar-

ing in the field of criminal and juvenile justice, and to collect and

analyze statistical data on erime.

COMMITMENT TO RESEARCH

Over the past few years at the U.S. Department of Justice, we have

forwarded this important and unique /ederal role to create knowledge

and share information by expanding research and development, integrat-

research

INtO

OUF

Ing

programming,

fostering

research-practitioner

paurtnerships, and ensuring that criminal justice policy and practice 1s

based, to the greatest extent possible, on the results of sound research

and evaluation.

This 1s à high priority for Attorney General Janet Reno. As à former

prosecutor for the State of Florida, she believes strongly in using

18 —

research findings to inform criminal justice policy and practice and to

back up criminal justice decision making. ! cannot remember a time

when the top law enforcement official in the United States was so inter-

ested in learning about new findings. research under way, and crime

control activity in local communities - and so supportive personally of

these efforts.

We have made research and development « priority at the Depart-

ment of Justice, expanding our criminal and juvenile justice research

portfolio to more than 500 initiatives totaling more than 8/20 million last

year — a four-fold increase in only 3 years. And we are working to make

research a critical component of every major effort we support — for

example, transferring money from program funds provided by Congress

to support evaluation of those efforts to ensure we are supporting

approaches that really can help reduce crime or improve criminal justice

operations.

RESEARCH-DRIVEN PRACTICE

Our commitment to research and using research results to drive prac-

tice and policy was reinforced by à major report prepared last year at the

request of the United States Congress by Professor Lawrence Sherman

and his colleagues at the University of Maryland. That report examined

federal support for criminal justice over the past 30 years and assessed,

as its title indicates. « What Works, What Doesn't. What's Promising ».

Âs a result of the Maryland Report team’s work in distilling the vast

body of research on what works in addressing crime in the United States,

we have seen Increased support in our Congress for research and evalua-

tion efforts. and for programs research has identified as effective. The

Maryland Report also resulted in focusing attention at the Justice

Department even more sharply on using research and evaluation

findings to drive criminal justice policy. practice, and spending.

| would like, this morning, to describe four areus of major focus for

the Department of Justice right now - areas we have identified as

priorities based on research and feedback from practitioners on how we

can have the greatest impact on crime. And I know that these are issues

faced by so many countries around the world.

DRUG ABUSE AND CRIME

The first major areu 1 want to discuss is the link between drug abuse

and crime, and how research has refocused our approach to dealing with

—

19 —

this problem. I know this issue 1s not unique to our culture, but that t.

in fact, strikes a strong chord in so many other countries as well.

The link between drug abuse and crime — and what to do about this

problem - are of critical importance to the health and safety of com-

munities around the world. Historically in the United States, with the

passage of each successive new anti-crime and anti-drug law, increased

levels of punishment, often including mandatory minimum sentences,

have been the criminal jJustice system's response to drug-related crime.

But our research has shown that stiffer penalties do not necessarily

translate into lower drug use and crime rates. Between 1975 and 1989

sentences for drug-related crimes became substantially harsher, while

violent crimes continued to increase. Research also pointed to the reason

for this dichotomy. Surveys found

that most substance abusing

offenders serve their sentences and are released back into their com-

munities without any kind of treatment for their addiction — that 1s, they

go right back to the life they were leading before.

Recent research has confirmed, however, the effectiveness of drug

treatment for substance-involved offenders — particularly prison-based

drug treatment. For example, research by Dr. James Inciardi at the

University of Delaware found that in-prison drug treatment programs

increased the chance of remaining drug-free and reduced recidivism as

long as a year and a half following release.

When combined with an after-prison work release program, one-half

of offenders remained drug free and more than 70 percent remained

arrest-free 18 months after their release. By comparison, only 40 percent

of offenders who participated in neither of these programs remained

arrest-free and only 75 percent remained drug-free.

Research also has found that drug treatment 1s cost-effective. À

California study found that for every dollar invested in drug treatment

in 1992, taxpayers saved 7 dollurs as a result of decreased use of drugs

and alcohol and lower costs related to crime and health care.

These research results led to the development of a new federal

program that is providing funding to states to establish prison-based

substance abuse treatment programs. And as a result of our efforts to

educate the United States Congress about these research findings

about the clear ability to break cycles of drug use and crime — funding

for the Residential Substance Abuse Treatment grant program more than

doubled in 1998. to $63 million.

Research has also pointed to another effective strategy for reducing

drug-related crime — drug courts - that works on the same principle.

Drug courts use the coercive, leveraging power of the court to provide

intensive sanctions

and

treatment

to help non-violent,

low-level

— 20 —

offenders break the cycle of addiction and crime. Judges work with

to

prosecutors,

defense attorneys,

and drug treatment

specialists

mandate treatment for these offenders, closely monitor their progress

through drug testing, apply sanctions for lapses in behavior, and ensure

the delivery of other services, such as educational or job skills training

to help offenders remain crime and drug-free.

The drug court movement began in 1989 with an experiment in

Miami's Dade County Circuit Court. With the help of federal funding,

there are now 287 drug court programs operating in the United States,

with another /6/ in the planning stages. And after seeing some of our

preliminary evaluation results, there 1s great interest now in other coun-

tries, l know. in replicating this approach.

Evaluations of the first U.S. drug court in Miami showed a 33 per-

cent reduction in rearrests for drug court graduates compared with other

offenders. And the Drug Court Clearinghouse at American University

has found recidivism rates continue to be significantly reduced for drug

court graduates, as well as for individuals who do not complete the

program. Drug courts in the U.S. report recidivism rates of between

—

e

and 20 percent. In addition, we have found that drug courts save money

by reducing the use of jail space and probation services, as well as the

number of drug-addicted babies born to addict mothers.

FAMILY VIOLENCE

Another example of how research has informed practice in the

United States can be seen in our efforts to improve the criminal justice

response to fumily violence. This is also a key priority for the U.S.

Department of Justice. It’s clear that unless we do something about

violence in the home, we'll never be able to do something about violence

in the streets.

Family violence, it is clear, contributes to a vicious cycle that 1s

repeated generation after generation. We know from research that

children who are abused and neglected are 38 percent more likely to later

commit a violent crime and 53 percent more likely to be arrested as a

Juvenile.

With the rise of the victims* and women’s movements over the last

two decades, and the growth of many local efforts, increasing attention

has focused in our country on the often hidden victims of family

violence. And with research pointing the way. we have made substantial

progress, 1 think, in the United States over the last few years in beginn-

INg to address this serious problem.

—" 21 —

Every state, for example, now has /aws requiring police, prosecutors,

and judges to treat family violence as a crime, rather than a quote

«family problem » unquote.

And because research has shown that court orders are effective in

reducing repeat abuse, we have made it easier now for victims to

obtain civil protection or « stay away » orders to keep batterers away

from their victims.

And we've increased the number of shelters for battered women and

children, a result, in part, of funding provided by the U.S. Depart-

ment of Justice. We know from research that shelters that provide an

array of services for women can reduce occurrences of repeated

violence.

Another major achievement at the federal level in our country has

been the passage of the Violence Against Women Act, which was part

of the President's 1994 Crime Bill. It contains important federal legal

protections for family violence victims, makes certain crimes against

women federal offenses, foughens penalties for sex offenses, and

provides funding to support state and local comprehensive approaches

to address spouse abuse, sexual assault, and stalking. With these

funds, law enforcement, prosecutors, the courts, victim advocates, and

service providers are working together in their communities to build

comprehensive efforts to protect domestic violence victims, while - at

the same time - holding batterers accountable for their abusive

behavior.

| want to give you one example of a comprehensive family violence

program that is serving as a model for other communities in the U.S.

Ten years ago, the city of Quincy, Massachusetts developed a family

violence program in the wake of a tragic murder-suicide, when police

escorted a battered woman home — and then she and her children were

murdered by her abusive husband, who then committed suicide.

The Quincy program combines criminal justice efforts with victim

services and batterer intervention programs to protect victims of abuse

through a rwo-pronged strategy of victtim empowerment and offender

control.

Quincy has created training packages, for example, for police to use

In responding to family violence cases, established a specially trained

prosecution unit that has successfully prosecuted the vast majority of

these cases brought to court, and developed a protocol for sentencing and

supervising offenders in these cases. The program also provides shelter

and freatment for children of battered mothers, and fransitional housing.

The Quincy Court Program has virtually eliminated family violence-

related homicide in the city. In the program's first 6 years, there was not

__ 22 __

a single family violence-related homicide of a court-involved woman in

Quincy, while a neighboring county had fifteen such homicides in only

one year. And the Justice Department 1s now helping other communities

learn how to develop this kind of comprehensive approach to reducing

family violence.

YOUTH GUN VIOLENCE

Research also has helped to shape our response to gun violence — par-

ticularly by juveniles and young adults. Regrettably. the popular image

of the U.S. is too often of « Wild West » shootouts, machine-gunning

gangsters of the 1920s and 30%, or Uzi wielding drive-by gang

shootings. And while this presents a distorted view of U.S. culture,

within the past 10 or 15 years, we have — sadly — seen a very disturbing

and dramatic increase in the use of guns by young people, as evidenced,

for example, by the recent series of school shootings.

Juvenile and young adult arrest rates for weapons Vviolations

increased over 100 percent in the U.S. between 1985 and 1994, and the

number of young homicide offenders almost tripled. And although more

recent data show juvenile arrests for all violent crimes have /allen, arrest

rates are still much higher than they were a decade ago, including arrest

rates for homicide.

But research has identified some effective approaches to reducing

youth gun violence — like the Boston experience. Between 1991 and 1996.

Boston experienced 155 youth homicides — most involving guns. But

With funding from our National Institute of Justice. a unique coalition

has helped to dramatically reduce youth gun violence in Boston by using

research and data analysis to identify the core problems and shape inter-

vention strategies. The coalition includes researchers from Harvard

University ; representatives from federal, state, and local law enforce-

ment, prosecution, and probation agencies ; and city-employed gang

outreach and mediation specialists.

The project's unique approach focused on, first, analyzing the supply

and demand for guns, and then using federal gun traces and other

Innovative methods both to disrupt illegal firearms markets and deter

serious youth violence. Researchers found that a high percentage of

youth gun violence in the city could be attributed to gang « shooting

Wars ». Practitioners announced a «no tolerance » policy in gang

nelghborhoods. Gang members were told that unless they gave up their

&uns and the shooting stopped, they would be targeted by law enforce-

ment, including federal officers, and even minor offenses like drinking in

public would be pursued.

When one gang member with a 15-year history of violent felonies was

found with a single bullet in his possession, he was arrested. Because of

his prior convictions, he was indicted on federal charges as an armed

career criminal and sentenced to nearly 20 years in prison. Many other

gang members soon turned in their handguns, and gun-related youth

violence in the area has virtually ceased.

COLLABORATIVE. COMMUNITY-BASED INITIATIVES

We are now working to help ofher U.S. communities follow Boston's

example and develop research-driven and data-driven approaches to

reducing crime.

Under a new Justice Department pilot project called Strategic

Approaches to Community Safety -- building on the lessons learned

from Boston - we are working with five U.S. cities to help them

collaboratively and systematically analyze crime and other data, and

then use trend information and problem-solving techniques to develop

strategic interventions and to inform decisions on spending and resource

allocation.

The United States Attorney the lead federal law enforcement officer

in major U.S. cities - 1s providing leadership to the projects in each site

in coordination with other federal. state, and local eriminal justice agen-

cies. But what 1s most innovative about this approach 1s the critical role

the research component plays in this initiative. In addition to routinely

analyzing crime and other local data, the researchers are helping to

develop rfargeted intervention strategies based on the nexus between the

local crime data, crime control theory, organizational capacities, and

promising strategies that have been used elsewhere. Researchers also will

conduct an ongoing evaluation of the intervention as the project

progresses.

In addition, the research community 1s assisting in the development

of cutting edge, easy-to-use information systems that will link agencies at

each of the 5 sites. These « Community Safety Information Systems »

will integrate data from the various partners and allow them to analyze

information in map. graph. chart, and database formats. So sites will

have the capacity to identify and predict emerging crime patterns as they

design their crime reduction strategies. Our National Institute of

Justice's Crime Mapping Research Center 1s assisting in this effort by

sending teams into each site to conduct a needs assessment and to help

develop an implementation plan for the new information systems.

The goal of our Strategic Approaches initiative 1s to put Information

about local crime problems into the hands of the decisionmakers who

shape policy, so that criminal justice policy, practice, and spending 1s

driven by sound data and information — and not by anecdote or quick

reactions to the latest headlines, as so often happens in the United

States.

INFORMING THE CRIME DEBATE

It is from experiences like these that I strongly believe this goal of

integrating research and practice into criminal justice policy 1s essential,

not just for the future of crime control in the U.S., but wor/dwide. For

that reason, at the Department of Justice we recently established a new

International Center within our National Institute of Justice to coor-

dinate our international activities.

Professor James Finkenauer from

Rutgers University will soon jJoin us as director of the center. which will

work on stimulating comparative research and information sharing

among criminal justice research institutes around the world.

One of the critical challenges I see for the international research com-

munity is to help refocus the debate on crime in legislatures and other

policy-making institutions worldwide. As researchers and professionals

in criminal justice, we have a responsibility to help ensure that the crime

policies, laws, and programs in our countries are based on what we know

from research, evaluation, or experience 1s effective — and not based on

symbols or overly abstract philosophies from any part of the political

spectrum.

As Lawrence Sherman observed in a recent article, « The mythic

power of subjective and unstructured wisdom holds back every field and

keeps it from systematically discovering and implementing what works

best in repeated tasks. »

Our responsibility is to use our work, our research. our practice, and

our voices to ensure that criminal justice policies around the world do

not fall victim to « subjective and unstructured wisdom », but are based

on sound, scientific data and knowledge, and documented experience.

The United States Department of Justice looks forward to working

With all of you toward this goal. Thank you.

_— 25 —

THE GLOBAL GROWTH

OF CRIMINOLOGY

Hans-Jürgen Kerner (') (*)

INTRODUCTION

When the planning committee of the 12th International Congress on

Criminology assigned me the task to take the floor at the final plenary

session and to speak to the audience about the global growth of

criminology the members surely had in mind that I should or would

concentrate on the possible ways of development of criminological

theory, research, policy, and practice in the immediate future. I actually

thought myself that this may be the most appropriate way to deal with

the matter. Some further reflections, however, and some additional

experiences I gained through the manyfold personal contacts during this

Congress in Seoul, led me to another solution. ! thought I should rather

take the opportunity of having before me participants from so many dif-

ferent mental traditions and so diverse scholarly backgrounds to address

a couple of historically oriented and structurally shaped remarks. These

remarks aim at providing us with some understanding in what way

criminological knowledge emerged out of the process of modernization

in the 18th and 19th centuries, how it was and to a certain extent still

1s embedded in the notion of scientific progress and the hope of eventual

lasting improvement of the « conditio humana », and why in the late

20st century those expectations tend to fade away.

Criminology and Criminal Justice Policy no doubt still deserve to get

more recognition and to receive more resources than they did till now

in most countries of our world. However, the lessons to be drawn from

other scientific disciplines tell us to become more cautious than before

in terms of reaching (in the field of crime) a full causal understanding

of complex and interrelated macrolevel and mesolevel social structures,

In terms of overcoming (in the field of criminality) deeply ingrained

human personal weaknesses and interpersonal conflict tactics causing

harm to one another, and finally in terms of mastering the side effects

(") Institute of Criminology, University of Tübingen, Germany.

(7) This article is à slightly modified version of à speech originally presented at the clos-

Ing session of the 12th International Congress on Criminology. Seoul. Republic of Korea. 24-

29 August 1998. | was acting there in my capacity as President of the International Society

for Criminology. The oral form is mostly retained. References to the works | was referring

to are added here for the sake of convenience.

_ 27 —

and unintended negative consequences of the progress in general (in the

field of crime control), and of the professional treatment measures 1n

particular (in the field of penology and corrections).

Of course, this presentation can draw nothing but a picture at large.

Already if I would only deal sufficiently with the epistemiological

problems of «crime », « criminality », and «crime control» I would

have to spend much more time and space than available for all my con-

siderations, let alone matters of substance. The history of criminology

and its pioneers can also not sufficiently be depicted in a few lines (for

more

detailed

infomation

sce

e.g.

Adler/Mueller/Laufer

1998 :

Mannheim 1960 ; Schneider 1987 ; with regard to penology see in addi-

tion Eriksson 1976). All remarks therefore remain inherently sketchy to

a certain extent which has to be borne in mind.

INDUSTRIALIZATION, THE IDEA OF PROGRESS,

AND THE ROOTS OF MODERN CRIMINOLOGY

In the 19th century, when the second phase of industrialization came

to flourish, the dominant classes or circles in the population of the

already developed countries were firmly convinced that economie and

technological progress would lead to an even greater substantial

improvement. This improvement was thought to pertain not only to the

material conditions of human life. It was considered to relate also to the

«human condition » itself, including personality and behavior of the

people. in particular as the plethora of so to speak « weaknesses » were

concerned.

Consequently, many modern sciences and different branches of the

sometimes so-called « humanities » have their origins in this 19th century

or, if those origins can be traced back to the 18th century 1f not further

down the history, they at least have reached the decisive point of « take

off » in the 19th century.

The idea of ever ongoing progress caused a kind of universal

optimism. The « World », along this line of thinking, could be brought

eventually to perfection. Optimal material well-being, good health, no

plague or other infectuous mass diseases any more, no war, no other

chronic or structural conflict, no crime.

There were of course quite divergent modes of conceiving the correct

way to the ultimate solution of the problems of mankind. Marxism as

the probably most radical of all came to a sheer end in our days, at least

in its political figuration as «real socialism » or pre-communism.

However, in the late 20th century the idea of progress 1tself became

questionable. Increasingly, people, societies, and states have to realize

28 —

that the benefits of progress are inevitably linked to costs, direct and

obvious ones on the one hand. indirect and hidden ones on the other

hand. Let me just mention environmental pollution (including environ-

mental crimes) as one obvious telling example. Nuclear power plants

symbolize like in a nutshell that the term «risk society » coined by

Ulrich Beck (1986) 1s pointing to real challenges for the survival of late

modern societies, and not just to lofty imaginations (see also Nassehi

1997).

Why am I referring to those questions respectively problems ? The

reason 1s. that they are also significant for what criminology was and

still is considered to be respectively what it 1s thought to serve for.

In terms of its criminal policy aspects, criminology has deep roots in

history. All ancient societies that left some kind of linguistically inter-

pretable material behind them (and for us) when disappearing, provide

us with documents showing that some harmful acts or « misdeeds » (we

like to call them «crimes » nowadays) caused common concern, and

that the authorities sought to establish firm rules to contain such

behavior, including rules against overreaction on the part of the vic-

timized _individuals, families or clans. Many of you will surely have

heard of the famous Babylonian Code of Hammurabi (about 1750 B.C.)

or the Roman Laws of the 12 Tablets (about 450 B.C.).

However, the birth of the modern criminal policy was in the so-called

age of enlightenment. Its most significant document is the booklet

Cesare Beccaria published in 1764 in the Italian city of Livorno.

Tuscany, under the title « Dei Delittt e Delle Pene » (On Crimes and

Punishments). Beccaria argued in favor of à rational approach for crime

control. in favor of the proportionality principle in metering out punish-

ment for crimes. And he shaped the basic structure of a concept of

criminal policy that might lead eventually to the abolishment of the

death penalty all over the world. His book became one of the most

influential texts in the late 18th century, it was immediatly translated

into many foreign languages, and still today is worthwhile to study, inter

alia as an antidote against all kinds of sheer technocratic conceptions to

deal with crime in a war-like manner. The idea of progress seems there

to be an indirect one. State authorities and societal institutions should

begin with getting rid of brutal modes of truth finding in penal proce-

dures (like the torture), and with crual and inhuman punishments (like

dismembering). and the eventual enlightened way of dealing with

offenders should and would have repercussions in the society as a whole.

E.g. IN terms of contributing to à sociopsychological climate where

causes of crime would be diminished.

— 29 —

Âs far as the more practical idea of direct crime control in modern

states and societies 1s concerned, one may remember that it was the

French State bureaucracy which created the first real worthwhile crime

statistics in the early 19th century. These statistics « on the administra-

tion of penal jJustice » were part of a larger program. The leading idea

behind 1t was to systematically collect data on manyfold aspects of the

State, the economy, the society, and the citizenry in order to be able to

plan the future development, in particular with the aim to prevent any

deterioration of the basic conditions for a further smooth development

as far as possible.

For that root of modern criminology the name of the Belgian

astronomer and social policy maker Adolphe Quetelet seems to be the

most significant one. His book on « Physique Sociale » (Social Physies)

which was published in two volumes in 1836 represents very aptly the

idea that there are laws that govern men and social life in a very strict

and cogent way comparable to the so-called laws of nature. If we would

come to fully understand these laws. we would, along this idea, be

enabled to govern society and the citizenry in a stringent and perfect

manner. Here the concept of progress 1s openly discussed ; the author.

his contemporary André Michel Guerry (1833) in France, and all his

successors who partly contributed to the development of what was

widely to become known as « moral statistics » (e.g. von Oettingen 1874)

trusted in the power of systematic mass observations. Quantitative large

scale analyses were seen as the leading way to the ultimate reform.

Cesare Lombroso's book on « L'Uomo Delinquente » (The Criminal

Man) published in 1876 marks the birth of the more offender oriented

(respectively clinically oriented) root of modern criminology. Also here

we find the partly hidden, partly outspoken optimism of the technolog!-

cal mind. If we come to understand fully, by administering empirical

reasearch methods to criminals and other troublesome (human) beings.

all the determinants of human character (or personality) and of the

deviances from the normal condition, we - along this line of thinking -

will eventually reach the optimal solution, 1.e. the rooting out of the true

causes of « criminality » of that particular kind of (human) « animal ».

The concept of progress in the Lombrosian tradition seeks to filter out

the so to speak genuine evil persons by means of qualitative case studies

in the beginning, later on perhaps to be followed by mass screenings of

the population as soon as easily identifiable « markers » are certified.

Born criminals have to be selected and neutralized by suitable measures

of social defense (i.e. incapacitated by physical treatment or long term

internment, not to mention other solutions). The large majority of nor-

mal people may then still commit offenses here and there. But since the

causes of those offenses are uniquely rooted in outer conditions of life

social sanitary and social welfare programs are needed, and sufficient, to

do fully away with crime in due course of time and social progress.

Lombroso himself was already well in line with those thoughts in later

phases of his scholarly life, and one has to recall this when looking at

late modern developments of biologically oriented research on the causes

of criminality or when evaluating late modern criminal policy concepts

of incapacitation of so-called career criminals.

Already the contemporaries of Lombroso were often objecting to his

work. Some questionned his theoretical approach of the true criminal as

a representative of survivors of « atavistic beings » at all, others were

more referring to his methodological shortcomings. However, Lom-

broso’s focal concern in his research practice, 1.e. the very concrete and

detailed study of (deviant or criminal) individuals, found rather broad

acceptance in the scholarly community.

Among those who tried to integrate those bioanthropological with —

inter alia — sociological perspectives, and to develop out of this integra-

tion a new direction of penal law and policy was the German professor

of penal law and also early criminologist Franz von Liszt. He became

one of the most influential scholars in his discipline in the late 19th cen-

tury, even in the international realm. Some long term effects of his

activities are still recognizable today. Von Liszt gave the trumpet signal

for the turn from the classical penal law thinking to a modern so-called

criminal sociological thinking with his famous inaugural lecture at the

university of Marburg, later on called the « Marburger Programm »

(1882). On the one hand, he was well aware of the dangers that might

arise when the strict principles of substantive and procedural criminal

law would be weakened. This demonstrates his dictum of the penal law

as the « magna charta of the criminal ». On the other hand, he attacked

the juridico-doctrinal approach of the classical school that was almost

fully concentrating on the system of offenses as such, and on abstract

deductions. He coined so far the dictum of penal law’s duty to consider

« not the offense. but the offender ».

In March 1881 Franz von Liszt founded the « Zeitschrift für die

gesamte Strafrechtswissenschaft » literally translated the « Journal for

the Whole Science of Penal Law ». Together with his co-founder Adolf

Dochow he aimed at bringing together all disciplines which dealt with

aspects of crime, criminality, crime control, criminal policy and crime

prevention. Criminal law (in the doctrinal sense) and criminology (in the

sense of experiential and empirical analysis of criminal phenomena) were

to become related to each other under an integrative meta-perspective.

He aimed, in addition. at a wide international audience. with clear

Immediate success, and with long lasting effects : In 1998 the Zeitschrift

für die gesamte Strafrechtswissenschaft has reached volume 110, and it

is disseminated to libraries and individuals in all continents.

On the basis of the contacts von Liszt made during the first years of

the editorship of the Journal « ZstW » he became acquainted with other

penal law reformers. With two of them, Adolphe Prins (professor at

Brussels, Belgium). and G.A. van Hamel (professor at Amsterdam,

Netherlands) he founded, at the 17th of November 1888, the bilingual

association « Internationale Kriminalistische Vereinigung / Union Inter-

nationale de Droit Pénal » (see v. Liszt 1914), the forerunner of the pre-

sent « Association Internationale de Droit Pénal » (AIDP) / « Interna-

tional Association of Penal Law » (IAPL).

Charles R. Henderson, professor at the university of Chicago,

describes in his article on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of the

IK V/UIDP in 1914, that the founders of the then (1909) newly created

American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology (under the

leadership of professor J.H. Wigmore) hold close contact with Adolphe

Prins and others. In the year 1910, at the VIIIth International Prison

Congress at Washington, an arrangement was made for the organization

of the « International Union of Criminal Law » in the United States. À

national group was formed, and officers were chosen. The American

Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology passed a resolution to

encourage co-operation. But the American Branch of the IKV did not

come off the ground. As Henderson said in 1914 : « (The) organization

Is limited to correspondence and co-operation as occasion arises « (Hen-

derson 1914, p. 119).

However, seen from the perspective of our time, it comes very clear

that there were strong similarities in what v. Liszt and his European

collaborators thought respectively tried to achieve, and the American

preoccupations and concepts.

The concept of interdisciplinarity was pre-eminent. This comes quite

clear with the following quotation from Henderson’s report about the

American Institute of Criminal Law and Criminology :

«The founders of this association were called together from

various special and professional groups — jurists, statesmen, psy-

chologists, physicians, economists, educators, sociologists, prison

administrators and persons engaged in various related forms of

community enterprises. It was believed that criminality has many

aspects, each of which 1s best seen and interpreted by a specialist

acquainted with some particular set of phenomena ; that the per-

sonal equation and professional bias can best be corrected by

comparison and exchange of views ; and that, in a country with

democratic

institutions,

no reform can go far without the

intelligent sympathy of an instructed public » (Henderson 1914,

p. 118).

In the substance of the new scholarly and criminal policy approach

the American side stressed. like von Liszt an his European colleagues

did, the necessity to overcome the narrrow definition of (only) punish-

ment for offenders. and to conceive of a kind of social defense apparatus

capable of « neutralizing » or «1incapacitating » the recidivist offender

who was considered to be a genuine danger for the public, and someone

beyond the reach of the regular mental impact of punishment stricto

sensu. To quote Henderson again

« For other reason public opinion has been concentrated on the

purpose of social protection rather than retribution as the con-

trolling principle of dealing with offenders. Even after criminals

‘expiated ‘ their crimes, according to the penal code, they might be

still dangerous to the public order and unfit for freedom, and the

law was powerless to afford defense of the interests of life,

property and peace ; professional criminals continued in freedom

to prey on society. Social protection was a simple and intelligible

purpose which all could understand and appreciate. Success of

protective measures could be tested by their efficiency. Gradually,

under this general aim several specific measures have been worked

out : deterrence by deprivation of liberty 1s retained, reformation

and rehabilitation where this is possible 1s urged, and segregation

under control for persistent offenders, whether weaklings or

professional criminals 1s now strongly advocated. It would be a

great mistake to suppose that this purpose 1s easy-going, lax and

morally indifferent to criminal conduct ; on the contrary it implies

stern, unrelaxing control, and the infliction of any amount of pain

which may be necessary to make the treatment effective » (Hen-

derson 1914, p. 119-120).

The idea of progress was so to speak materializing in the belief of

gaining, in the long term, a true scientific basis for criminal policy. Per-

fect knowledge of the criminal personality, detailed understanding of the

causal processes leading to delinquency and crime. sharp instruments to

select the « incorrigible » from those offenders that deserve and need

resocialisation (and to select both of them from the well adapted citizens

failing occasionally and therefore deserving but some admonition or

punishment).

perfect

prediction methods,

and

efficient

tretment

Measures

AII this and further criteria taken together should allow for

à fully rational but by the same token « decisive fight against the

criminals » (« zielbewufte Bekämpfung des Verbrechertums » ; von Liszt

1914,

p

6)

The

penal

measure

of

« preventive

detention »

(Sicherungsverwahrung, German law of 1933, reshaped again quite

_— 33 —

recently by the so-called 6th Law on the Reform of the Penal Code,

1998),

and

the

new

legislative

American

movement

towards

incapacitative punishments of the «three strikes and you're out »-type

are, structurally speaking, late offsprings of the same conceptual

ancestors. The times and again ongoing scholarly debate on « false

positives » and «false negatives » in the prediction of criminality

(recidivism, criminal career etc.) tells us how far that instrumental

understanding of crime control still 1s from reaching 1ts goal. Fundamen-

tal doubts are growing, in addition, whether the underlying set of

assumptions about causes and conditions of criminality are valid at all.

There were important currents of criminological thinking, however,

that avoided deliberately the immersion into amelioration, improvement,

saving etc. « movements » and the immediate policy orientation. Their

most famous representative in the late I9th century was seemingly the

French sociologist and criminologist Emile Durkheim. He laid the cor-

ner stones of modern sociological analysis of the crises of moderniza-

tion, of the understanding of crime and other mass phenomena as « pure

social facts », and of the anomic repercussions of rapid social change.

with his master works « De la Division du Travail Social » (1893), « Les

Règles de la Méthode Sociologique » (1895), and « Le Suicide. Etude de

Sociologie » (1897).

THE END OF UNIVERSAL OPTIMISMS,

BUT NOT THE END OF HOPE FOR IMPROVEMENT

Durkheim's scepticism, and his far reaching statement of the « nor-

mality » of crime as an inevitable « structural fact » in any given social

fabric deserves to be re-assessed under present conditions of « post-

industrial » societal uncertainties (see e.g. Eikelpasch / Rademacher

1997). In our late modern societies we are faced with the end of

technological and social-technocratical optimism. IlInesses are still there,

crime 1s still there, and most of all other difficulties of life mankind has

been confronted with for ages still exist as well.

Why,

then.

nevertheless

talk about

«The Global

Growth of

Criminology » ?

Let me point to the not substantially but structurally parallel situa-

tion in the field of medical science. Mainstream medicine has been

following for decades, if not for whole centuries, the path to become à

real « hard » science like physics or chemistry. Obviously the « human

factor » on the part of both the (potential) patients and the doctors was

always and will ever remain involved in the affairs in many intricate

ways, even in research, not to speak of practical treatment. But for the

— 34 _

moment we may leave that away and ask ourselves whether the scientific

approach paved at least in principle a permanent road to ultimate suc-

cess in wiping out human frailty and illness. If not, we may conclude

then that we have the more reason to remain or become again modest

in our attempts to improve the conditions in those fields that are charac-

terized by «soft » facts and hypercomplex interactive, recursive, and

nonlinear systems like already human beings as such and even more

their groupings and societies.

Medical science has made enormous progress since the last century.

Billlons over billlons of dollars have been spent for experiments,

fundamental research and applied research. Doctors can now rather

effectively and efficiently treat a lot of particular diseases people have

been chronically suffering from (or dying of) only just à couple of

decades ago. This is surely good news for all of us who fear to fall 1ll

somewhere in the future.

But we are also all aware of the fact that modern economic, social

and other developments as well as world travelling were and still are

inducing new diseases (like AIDS). In part, those modern conditions of

living are at least inducing the re-birth of diseases authorities thought to

have wiped out successfully in all modern industrial states (like tuber-

culosis).

And then, you also know

Medical progress had some additional

unintended consequences. For example : Since people now live substan-

tially longer than ever before they catch or develop 1llnesses most of

them would not have experienced in the past, not even in the last cen-

tury. They simply would have died earlier due to other reasons. Or just

to point to the problem of overpopulation

If one cuts down the early

infant death rate without getting people to practise birth control, than

one will eventually be confronted with a sharp rise in population figures.

AIl these different conditions together contribute to the well-known

explosion of the cost of the health care systems in the developed coun-

tries. To put in à short phrase, that may sound for some of you at least

à little bit paradoxical : We have never had so many physicians in the

world, and we have never had so many ill people.

Did and do then physicians « cause » the illness, so the best solution

May eventually be to get rid of medicine ? Of course not, neither in

scientific nor in practical terms. In a broader socio-political perspective.

however, the institutions of medicine, and the physicians working in

such environments are embedded in a larger structure of modern world

that creates particular conditions causing their particular problem areas

quite distinct from those in former times.

—-

35 —

So far medical science 1s as well a genuine part of the problems of

diseases as it is part of the solution, 1.e. the treatment of diseases.

Without modern medicine we would have no modern societies at all.

With that medicine on the one hand, in science and professional prac-

tice, many more people than ever before can live a decent life, and they

can get at least some basic relief of many of the remaining ills. With that

medicine on the other hand, however, new forms of harm emerge, some

kind of suffering 1s prolonged, and hitherto unknown 1llness syndroms

are detected. The best. 1f not the maximum. that can be done 1s

seemingly to try to reach a fluid balance between the need to react in

suitable cases, and the growing necessity to refrain from intervention 1n

other cases. Of course, a host of delicate ethical dilemmata 1s implicated

here.

The message basically remains : The progress of knowledge, and the

progress of skills to treat problems does not represent a vector pointing

unidirectional towards ultimate improvement. The faster the general

progress of « our world » the more the special progress in particular

flelds may get hampered by the fact that their underlying conditions

change rapidly and constantly, and so far tend to pose always new or

at least newly configured problems.

Due to the accumulation of

knowledge, and due to the ever more enhanced capacity of modern

science to combine facets of knowledge out of sometimes widely diverg-

ing fields, there 1s hope, however, that science and scientifically guided

practice and policy will hold pace with the change. So in the eventual

result societal and individual life could remain worth living, and in some

aspects even gain in quality for large parts of the population even in

countries where this 1s definitely not the case yet nowadays.

THE BASIC SITUATION IN CRIMINOLOGY

Turning back again specifically to criminology and criminal justice

policy, one may ask whether at all there are some parallels to the situa-

tion as [ have sketched it for medical science. On the surface. one real

big difference seems immediatly evident : AIl criminologists all over the

world, I guess, will till now not have received as much research money

and personnel as did the scholarly physicians and their reseach institu-

tions in just one of the modern states like for instance Germany.

Money alone does not guarantee useful progress and success, of

course. Ît could contribute effectively, however, to instigate among

researchers and funding agencies alike a mentality of daring to « repeat

the same ». In medicine like in any other modern science one 1s used to

replicate experiments many times or to repeat important research

__ 36 —

studies at least a few times in order to make sure that research results

published with the claim to represent new discoveries are representing

real facts, and not just artifacts of the concrete conditions of the

scholars’

research

arrangement

or

measurement

techniques.

Criminologists rarely have the opportunity to act in that way. Therefore

many of our results are all but « hard » facts, they are rather not much

more than preliminary approaches to the establishment of à consented

way to eventual firmly established facts.

In addition.

there

is the circumstance that

« crime »

is not

d

naturalistic respectively ontogenetic entity of our material world. It 1s.

as everyone of you 1s well aware of, a so-called social construct, created

by social-psychological processes of establishing norms and fixing sanc-

tions for the breach of those norms. In present-day societies crimes are

authoritatively defined by law, be it through written codes like in the

countries of the so-called civil law tradition, be it through court deci-

sions as it still is the case to a large extent in the countries of the so-

called common law tradition. Since law represents the whole culture and

tradition of any given society, particular laws In different countries, aim-

ing at the same real life phenomenon, may accordingly differ in the way

they define the problem and determine possible solutions. So when try-

Ing to understand what « crime » 1s all about one 1s already confronted

with a plethora of subtle influences in one given society respectively

State, and the complexity yet augments when it comes to compare dif-

ferent societies or States.

Of course, behind the socio-legal categories and their determinants ly

So to speak enduring quasi-natural « facts of life » of persons. groups of

persons, small traditional societies, and large-scale modern societies.

Criminologists can try to concentrate on what is really the core content

of the « forces » that cause harmful behavior among and between those

Persons, groups etc.

Homicide, rape and causing bodily harm to another person surely

belong to the age-old misbehaviors that societies have tried to control.

Às far as the « human causes » of such types of behavior are concerned

It is still worthwile to study so to speak all-human emotions and motives

like rage, jealousy, and revengeful resentment. The more we learn about

the common causes of deviant human behavior the more we can try to

develop individualized schemes of prevention, effective sanctioning and

treatment measures. However, since every society (and State) has par-

ticular characteristics of its own in terms of living conditions, dominant

modes of formal versus informal social control, and mentalities or other

cultural determinants and constraints, one has to assume also that the

dMount and the quality of problem behavior of à certain kind as shown

ON the macro level will be decisively influenced by those societal « for-

_— 37 —

ces ». Therefore by concentrating on the comparison of societies and

States with regard to crime in general or to particular forms of crime

criminologists may eventually detect what the structural conditions are

that guarantee a low crime rate in one society, but unleash a crime wave

in another society.

Family violence is a phenomenon you will find in any given society

of our days. And there are sources indicating that family violence was

widespread as well in past centuries. One aspect of this belongs to

violencebreeding conditions of intimacy. This could be researched by

scholars not at all interested in the social conditions families are faced

with today. But if we wish to understand whether and under what spe-

clal circumstances the « naturally given » family violence will grow or

can be diminished, than we need to take into consideration comparative

social or socio-psychological factors. Criminologists then may look at

family conditions say in the United States or Korea in the 19th century

as compared to those conditions in our time in order to check whether

the amount of violence in families does really respond to social change.

[t may well come out that in the past century many acts as committed

by husbands against their wives or as committed by parents against their

children were informally and even officially defined as being nothing but

« deserved acts of education or correction », and thus not considered to

be inacceptable « violence » like this 1s the case in our days. On the other

hand, when comparing present-day States and societies, criminologists

may come to detect substantive factors that are responsible for the rise

of family violence in a given society, as compared to factors that are

causing low rates of family violence in another society. Then they could

develop schemes to help authorities in the countries that are being worse

off to tackle the problems efficiently and effectively. The same applies

to violence in schools.

We see. however, that modern societies are still crime-ridden. And we

even see that in a State like the United States of America, where

probably more criminologists are living and working today than in any

other State, the violent crime rate is among the highest in the world.

So : Do criminologists contribute to the crime situation ? Of course

not ! Are they probably helpless in getting suitable knowledge of the

causes of crime and the means of its treatment and control ? They are,

| think, so far definitely not helpless ! But the available basic knowledge

needs to be « translated » into operational concepts fitting real life situa-

tions where always much more than only « criminology » is implied.

Apart from other considerations like being cut off from policy makers

who do not wish to listen to scholarly advice

the subject matter of

criminology itself is becoming less static than it happened to be a few

generations ago. Crime phenomena are but a part of a larger structure

_— 38 _

of late modernity where societies, economies, and States are embedded

in constantly ongoing and evolving processes of social change. In those

processes the myriad of factors shaping social life will continuoulsy be

re-configured to a certain degree. That means, inter alia, that one has

constantly and repeatedly the task of adapting theoretical and practical

knowledge to ever changing conditions and « environments ». Even the

relative large number of criminologists in the U.S.À. as compared to the

rest of the world seems by far not numerous enough yet to accomplish

that complex and complicated task. And 1f we look, on the other hand,

at some social problems where at least the main structures seem to

remain basically comparable over time. like e.g. with violence by

firearms, no discipline can offer simple and quick fixes : The level of

violence in à given society, and its predominant forms of expression, are

rooted in what socio-historians call «long waves » of collective men-

talities, collective habits, and folk customs as immune against attempts

of change as 1f they were natural laws. That means

In the short range

only incremental improvements are to be expected.

THE NEED FOR A FUTURE (GLOBAL) GROWTH

OF CRIMINOLOGY

The best we could hope for, taking all considerations together, is not

to eradicate crime, but just to moderate and modify it. By doing so in

a careful manner the eventual amount of social and individual harm

caused by « crimes » (as manifestations of a conceptual instead of an

ontological unit) may be, in the long range, minimized as far as possible.

Criminologists need to continue to study, by way of basic research,

what the patterned conditions of those manifestations are all about, and

how the patterns respond to different modes of directed or naturally

occuring influences. There 1s still a lack of adequate knowledge in many

fields. As applied research is concerned, those criminologists actually

Interested in it need substantially more time and resources than were

usually available until now in order to administer suitable research

methods (including controlled experiments) and strict measures of scien-

tific evaluation (cf. for crime prevention the exemplary documentation

by Sherman et al. 1997). Even if criminological knowledge will, as it is

often the case, not be developed enough for elaborating concrete

programs that can guarantee « success », there is often some kind of

elaborated information available that may help practitioners and policy

makers to overhaul existing programs which fell behind any modern

approach. Criminologists could so far act as information brokers.

_— 39 _

Criminology can not fulfill those tasks, and not provide the needed

services, unless it will be firmly established as a discipline of its own

right at universities, as a powerful source of continuous empirical

endeavours at independent or government research centers, and as an

independent professional practice in every state and society. Up to now

this state of affairs is fully developed only in the United States of

America (for a recent evaluative look at the American « scene » from a

German point of view see Kaiser 1998). The other countries are more

or less in the stage of development ; in Europe England, some

Scandinavian States, Belgium and the Netherlands came ahead of the

other countries partly in terms of academic undergraduate and graduate

programs, partly with regard to stable research bodies outside the

academia. To some extent, the difficulties criminology was and at many

places still is confronted with when trying to establish itself firmly in the

« concert » of disciplines, are partly due to 1ts interdisciplinary character,

and due to its divergent roots in the history of science. The more power-

ful in a country the « old disciplines » are with respect to historically and

structurally established power at the universities and among professional

associations and with respect to « collective mentality », the more « new

disciplines » like criminology have to struggle to get acknowledged, 1f

not to survive.

| hope that in due course of time the independence of teaching,

research and practice in criminology will be a fully and well acknow-

ledged fact all over the globe. International bodies and associations may

effectively help to broaden the acceptance of criminological work. The

United Nations World Crime Surveys, and the International Victimiza-

tion Surveys (UNICRI et al.) are but prominent examples of manifold

good developments in that direction. Victim-Offender-Reconciliation

programs, the movement toward Restorative Justice, and International

Instruments for the Improvement of Criminal Justice Matters (like the

Conventions of the Council of Europe) do help in addition to bring

theory, research, policy, and practice closer together.

Meanwihle I would already be content and happy if in those states

where criminology 1s rather modestly represented up to now at least one

aspect or facet of its rich potentiality would soon get the chance of à

firm and constant establishment.

REFERENCES

ADLER, F., MUELLER, G.O.W., LAUFER, W.S. : Criminology. Third Edi-

tion, Boston et al. 1998 (Chapter 3 : Schools of Thought Throughout

History, pp. 46-65.

— 40 —

BECCARIA, C. Dei Delitti e delle Pene, Livorno, 1764.

DURKHEIM. E.. De la Division du Travail Social, Paris, 1893.

DURKHEIM, E.. Les Règles de la Méthode Sociologique, Paris, 1895.

DURKHEM, E., Le Suicide. Etude de Sociologie, Paris, 1897.

ÉIKELPASCH.

R.,. RADEMACHER.

e

« Postindustrielle Gesellschaft »,

Soriologische

Gesellschaftsbegriffe,

Hrsg.

von

Kneer / Nassehi /

Schroer, München, 1997, pp. 205-227.

ERIKSSON, T. The Reformers : An Historical of Pioncer Experiments in

the Treatment of Criminals, New York, 1976.

GUERRY, ÀA.M., Essay sur la Statistique Morale de la France, Paris, 1833.

HENDERSON, C.R.…. « Penology in the United States. Outline of a

Progressive

Programme »,

Mitteilungen

cler

Internationalen

Kriminalistischen Vereinigung, Band 21, Heft 1, Berlin, 1914, pp. 117

ff

KAISER. G. «Stand und Perspektiven gegenwärtiger Kriminologie in

den Vereinigten Staaten und in GroBbritannien », Zeitschrift für die

gesamte Strafrechtswissenschaft, Band 110, Heft 3, 1998, pp. 674 ff.

LISZT, F. von. « Der Zweckgedanke im Strafrecht [Marburg 1882] »,

Ders. Strafrechtliche Aufsätze und Vorträge, Band 1. Berlin, 1905,

pp. 126-179.

LISZT. F. von, « Die Entstehung der Internationalen Kriminalistischen

der

Internationalen

Kriminalistischen

Vereinigung ».

Mitteilungen

V’ereinigung,. Band 21, Heft 1. Berlin, 1914, pp. ! ff.

LoMBROSO, C.…, « L'Uomo Delinquente », Rapporto all'Anthropologia,

alla giurisprudenza e dalle discicpline carcerarie, Torino, 1876.

MANNHEIM. H. (Ed.), Pioneers in Criminologv, London 1960 (Re-Ed.

Montclair. New Jersey, 1972).

NASSFHI. À, « Risikogesellschaft », Soziologische Gesellschaftsbegriffe,

Hrsg. von Kneer / Nassehi / Schroer, München, 1997, pp. 252-279.

OETTINGEN. À. von, Die Moralstatistik in ihrer Bedeutung für ecine

christliche Socialethik, 2. Auflage, Erlangen, 1874.

QUETELET, A.. Sur l'Homme et le Développement de ses Facultés ou Essai

de Physique Sociale, Bruxelles, 2 Vol., 1836.

SCHNEIDER, H.J.. Kriminologie, Berlin, New York, 1987 (pp. 920 ff. :

Pioniere der Kriminologie).

SHERMAN,

L.W.. GOTTFREDSON,

D.C., MACKENZIE,

D.L..

ECK,

J.

REUTER, P., BusHway, S.D., Preventing Crime

What Works, What

Doesn't, What's Promising, Washington, NIJ, 1997. The main issues

— 4} —

and findings are summarized (same authors and same title) in the

following 20 pages brochure

National Institute of Justice, Research

in Brief, July 1998 (NCI 1716676). Updated information can be

found on the following Web site : http://www.preventingerime.org.

42

CRIMINOLOGY AND CRIME PREVENTION

IN THE 21st CENTURY

Lawrence W. Sherman (*)

Last night | had a dream. In my dream ! was landing at an airport.

| could not tell what country I was in, but the date on a newspaper was

August 29, 2098. Somehow I had traveled ahead in time for 100 years,

to the end of the 21st Century.

When ! got off the plane ! was greeted by several graduate students

who drove me to a district police station in a big city. They escorted me

into the station and up the stairs to an office marked « District

Criminologist ». As | walked into the office l was met by a middle-aged

woman who said, « Welcome. You are just in time for my staff meet-

ing ». She led me to a conference room where the walls were lined with

maps of the district and many charts and graphs. There were three other

criminologists in the room. The woman convened the meeting and called

on the first of her assistants to present his agenda for the week.

RESTORATIVE JUSTICE

« I have four restorative community justice conferences », he said.

« The one today is a burglary. The others are for an armed robbery, an

auto theft, and an arson. l am ready to present to each meeting the most

recent findings on the average recidivism rates following each of the

most common options for the offender to pay back the victim. »

The district criminologist asked her assistant whether he expects any

problems in these four cases. The assistant replied that the police officer

leading today's conference was a little angry about the latest police

officer effectiveness rankings that the District Criminologist's Office had

compiled. « According to th at report », said the assistant, the cases

handled by this officer had a repeat offending rate that was fifty percent

higher than predicted from the average risk factor score of his caseload.

based on the prior offending histories of the offenders. This result put

him at the bottom of the effectiveness ranking of the list of all the

restorative community justice officers.

The woman said, « ! have been meaning to ask you what your data

shows about why this officer is producing such bad results from his

(*) University of Maryland.

_— 43 —

restorative justice conferences. » Her assistant replied that « My observa-

tional data show that this officer spends much more time than average

during the conferences lecturing to the offender. He does not encourage

the offender’s family to speak up about their feelings, and does not even

give the victims much chance to speak about the harm they have suf-

fered. As you know, our research shows that these practices result 1n

higher repeat offending rates, as well as lower completion rates for vic-

tim compensation paid by the offenders. »

The District Criminologist replies that she will be meeting with the

district police commander to discuss the latest rankings, and would con-

sult with her about whether this officer should be retrained or trans-

ferred out of restorative justice duties.

STATISTICAL CRIME DETECTION

Then the woman turned to second assistant to ask him what major

crimes had come in on the weekend. The assistant replied that there had

been a murder during a home invasion robbery of an immigrant busi-

ness entrepreneur. The District Criminologist asked him what statistical

profiles he had been analyzing for possible suspects. « The detectives

wanted to check only for recent arrests of suspects who were of the same

ethnic group as the victim, » her replied. « But I have also checked for

anyone arrested for home invasion crimes in the past twenty years.

When I cross-checked that list against the list of convicts released from

prison in the past six months, I found three matches. None of them was

from the same ethnic group as the victim. But one of them had a history

of hate crimes against members of the victim's ethnic group. So the

detectives are out looking for him now. »

The woman complimented her assistant for his good work, and then

turned to the third criminologist.

CRIME PATTERNS AND TACFICAL EVALUATIONS

« AÂre we ready for tomorrow's crime patterns meeting at Headquar-

ters, » she asked.

« No, » the assistant replied. « ! want the district commander to pre-

sent a new hot spot of jJuvenile assaults based on our latest annual

telephone survey of unreported crimes in the district. But the com-

mander wants to place more emphasis on reported crimes over the past

three months. So I have to remove this hot spot, which 1s à park nea

the high school, from the new list of locations for extra directed patrol. »

44 —

The District Criminologist then asks her assistant a series of quick

questions.

Question: How many unreported fights did the survey find occurred

in the park over one year?

Answer: fifty-three

Question: How many fights resulted in serious injury?

Answer: 3 cases taken to the hospital, one with a broken jaw.

Question: What 1s the relative risk of murder at a location with this

profile of both reported and unreported crime, based on the past ten

years of citywide data?

Answer: Fifty times higher than the average location, or about a

10 percent risk of murder at the location over the coming year.

Question: What days of the week and times have the most fights?

Answer: Over two thirds of the fights happen on Friday and Satur-

day nights between 8 and 12 pm, mostly from May through September.

The District Criminologist tells her assistant to leave the park on the

map of hot spots for the Headquarters Meeting. « [ will raise the issue

with the commander, » she says. If he still disagrees I will just have to

raise it at the headquarters meeting in front of the Police Commissioner.

Ît scems clear that we might prevent a murder by some extra patrols on

weekend nights during warm weather. I know that the Commander has

trouble getting the patrol officers to work on weekend evenings. but

that's nothing new.

The assistant then raised another problem. « The tactics we have

been using against pickpockets near the central train station are not

working. We identified and registered that crime pattern six months ago.

and assigned a surveillance team to catch the pickpockets in the act. But

they have only made ten arrests, and the number of pickpocket crime

reports each month has doubled from 150 to 300. The detective com-

mander has asked me to recommend something else that they could do.

But I can’t find any journal articles reporting an effective tactic against

large-crowd pickpockets. »

One of the other assistants then spoke up. « I heard that the National

Institute of Criminology has almost completed an experiment in the

Capital city on pickpocket control. The results have not been published

yet since they are still preliminary. But it looks like undercover police

decoys with radio transmitters hidden in their wallets produces 500 per-

cent more arrests than surveillance teams, and an average 80% reduc-

tlon in reported pickpocket crimes. The radio beam from the decoy's

Wallet after it is stolen just makes the pickpockets very easy to find. »

__ 45 —

« Good. » said the District Criminologist. « We should recommend

that tactic to the district detective commander, and hope that he get

enough micro-transmitters to fit in the decoy wallets. With the same

number of detectives, she says, he might be able to prevent a lot morc

crime. »

Then she stood up and shook my hand. « Thanks for your visit, » she

says. « There is a car waiting downstairs to take you to the Prosecutor's

Office ».

EVIDENCE-BASED PROSECUTION

My dream continued as I walked into the Prosecutor's building. !

was greeted by à silver-haired man in an elegant pinstriped suit. He led

me to a door marked « Chief Criminologist. » He offered me coffee and

handed me three graphs. The first graph showed the average repeat

offending rates for all cases handled by each proseeutor in the entire

office. The rates were all risk-adjusted, computing the difference between

predicted recidivism based upon prior offenses, and actual recidivism

based on two years of arrest records after cach case was adjudicated.

The graph showed a bar for the recidivism rate associated with each

prosecutor. At the top of the bar was the amount of salary bonus each

prosecutor earned for achieving a lower than predicted recidivism rate

for their caseload. For prosecutors with recidivism averages at least

200 percent higher than the rate predicted from risk factors, the bat

graph showed the date that they were fired.

[ looked up at the chief criminologist and asked him this question:

« Are your staff criminologists ever tempted to cheat when they compile

these evaluations of the prosecutors? »

« Oh yes, » he replied. « Just last year we prosecuted one of My own

staff criminologists for accepting a bribe from a prosecutor to report à

lower recidivism rate than the data actually showed. We discovered the

fraud in a random scientific integrity audit done by the National

Institute

for

which

monitors

the

work

of

staff

Criminology,

criminologists in criminal jJustice agencies. »

The Proseeutor's Chief Criminologist then pointed to the second

graph. This one looked much like the first,. except the unit of analysis

was jJudges rather than prosecutors. This one had no salary bonus foi

the judges whose cases had lower than expected repeat offending rates.

But it did show the average sentence of incarceration for each judge. |

noticed immediately that judges who imposed shorter sentences to time

In prison or jJail produced lower recidivism rates than judges who

46

imposed /onger sentences. « What did you do with these findings, I asked

the Chief Criminologist. »

In response, he pointed out the third graph. It showed the results of

à two-year controlled experiment in sentencing. For each of the ten

offense types, there were two bars. One showed the recidivism rates for

cases assigned to short terms in jail. The other showed recidivism rates

for similar cases given /ong terms in jail. The results were striking. For

property offenses, the recidivism rates were lower with l/onger average

jail terms. But for violent offenses, including assault and robbery, the

recidivism rates were lower with shorter average jail terms. Once again

[ asked a question: « How do you explain that finding? »

« Restorative justice, » the Chief Criminologist replied, « The judges

using less jail time in violent cases used a lot of restorative Justice con-

ferences as an alternative to jail. The violent offenders who paid com-

pensation to their victims had much lower repeat offending rates than

the ones who were sent to jail, even for a short jail term. The jailed

offenders came out of jail looking for revenge, and some of them stalked

the same victim. The restorative Justice conferences,

in contrast.

anticipated that problem and made specific arrangements to keep the

offender away from the victims. »

« How did the judges react to the experimental results, » I asked ?

« Well. » the Chief Criminologist replied, « ! suppose that back in the

Twentieth Century judges might have ignored a study like this one. But

with evidence-based sentencing and each judge being held accountable

for their own caseload’s average recidivism rates, judges depend a lot

more on criminological research results. So when we showed them the

results of this experiment, almost all of them converted to restorative

justice policies for most violent crimes ».

| thanked him for the coffee and went on to my next appointment.

SCHOOL-BASED CRIME PREVENTION

In my dream I drove up to a modest office building, where I saw à

sign saying « Matthias Kerner, PhD, Licensed School Criminologist. » !

Was greeted warmly by Dr. Kerner, who looked just like his grandfather.

He asked me to sit down and look at his morning’s work with him.

« This is a consulting project | am doing for four of my client schools

serving children aged 10 to 14 years. The table shows the number of

reported bullying incidents for each student who has ever been reported

by teachers for bullying other students. It is restricted to a group of

12 year-olds based on three years of data. Out of 2.000 children, 50 of

them have more than one bullying incident. Ten of those fifty have had

_— 47 —

over 20

incidents

each.

and

have been

suspended from

school

repeatedly. »

« What can you do with these data, » [ asked him. He told me that

the data gave him legal access to police records of the bullies with five

or more incidents in a year. Once he saw how often they had been

arrested for crimes outside of schools and for what types of crimes, he

matched their statistical profiles to a national data base.

« And what does that tell you, » l asked. He told me that the profiles

could tell him whether there was a high or low risk of the student caus-

ing serious violence with injury. If the risk was high, the state authorized

a very high level of expenditure for positive preventive programs. This

included family counseling therapy. for which the parents’ employers

were reimbursed for the time taken away from work to participate in the

family sessions. He told me that this therapy had been demonstrated to

reduce the risk of serious violence among the high-risk children by over

60 percent.

« What else are you working on, » l asked him. He told me that he

was evaluating a new program of family and community support for

kids reported before age 12 as using drugs, drinking alcohol, or truancy

from school. À sample of 200 children with such problems had been ran-

domly assigned to two groups. One group had received the standard

stay-after-school classes on the evils of drugs and drink. The other group

had been referred to à specially convened group of family and concerned

adults close to the child. This group had undertaken monthly meetings

in a group circle. with the child present. The meectings had allowed

everyone to talk about the child’s misbehavior and the ways 1t could be

prevented. The child was asked to participate, and propose solutions of

his own. Very often the parents were quite angry. and the other adults

present in the group had to stress the inherent worth of the child.

« What results do you have so far.» I asked. He told me that the

groups which had gone beyond the meetings and done home visits had

achieved lower repeat offending rates. The children in those groups had

half the arrest rates of the children whose groups only held meetings.

But of all the children treated with these special groups, the arrest rate

was 30 percent lower than the children sent to the stay-after school

classes.

] thanked Dr. Kerner for his time, and drove off to my next appoint-

ment.

_— 48 _

DEVELOPMENTAL CRIMINOLOGY

In my dream I pulled up to a building marked « Department of

Health ». [ was greeted by à woman in a white laboratory coat who led

me to her office, marked « Medical Criminologist ». She sat me down

and handed me some results of her day's work.

« This 1s the latest monthly list, » she said, « off all the newborn

children with criminological risk factors identified during birth and the

initial home visit by a Health Department nurse within two weeks after

birth. Those risk factors are validated on 30-year follow up studies of

a sample of 100,000 infants. We are just pulling the case reports on each

one of them to combine the risk factors into a statistical profile. »

| asked her what she could do with those profiles. « We have a wide

variety of possible interventions, » she said. « For example, if the child

has jaundice, we have a drug that blocks the brain wave abnormality

that jaundice can cause. We discovered in the early 2020s that infants

with jaundice-related problems had higher rates of property crime when

they grew older. While we still have not been able to find a way to pre-

vent jaudice, we have mapped the neurological damage jaundice causes

and tested several ways of blocking that damage. The side effects are

minimal, and the child needs only to take the drug for the first two

months after the jJaundice disappears. »

« What other risk factors can you target based on evidence of effec-

tive results? » [ asked. « The biggest risk factor we have found is parents

not picking up their children when they cried, at last before 6 months.

Back in the 20th Century, many physicians thought you might spoil

infants 1f you always picked them up when they cried. But in 2068 we

conducted à randomized experiment in always picking up children when

they cried-or not. We found a lot of variability in response in short-run

response to these treatments. But over 2,000 cases followed up for

30 years showed a striking effect. The children who had been picked up

more were less likely to commit violent crimes against their friends and

family. There was no effect on stranger violence, such as robbery. But

there was a huge effect on domestic or acquaintance attacks in explo-

sions of anger. »

«So how did you build a policy around that experiment, » I asked.

She told me that the visiting nurses all train the parents to pick up

children quickly. If the child started to cry during the visit, the nurse

would pick up the child himself and show the parents how to try to calm

the child down. À controlled experiment in the effects of that training

showed that it substantially increased parent compliance with the recom-

mended practice, and reduced aggression by children up through age 15.

—. 49 _

« Suppose the parents do not want to allow the nurse to visit?» I

asked. She told me that they had once made the visits legally coerced.

like à court subpena. But research showed less cooperation with coercive

than with voluntary visits. Since the year 2070, that law was repealed.

Instead, they have used the positive incentive approach: offering eight

hours of free babysitting by the nurse for every hour the parents would

let the nurse meet with them and the baby to show the parents how the

baby should be treated. « What has been the compliance rate, » [ asked.

About 90 percent, she replied. « When the law coerced the visits, com-

pliance was only 75 percent, The results confirmed the prediction from

the earlier research. »

| thanked her and headed to my last appointment.

CRIMINOLOGY AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

In my dream the car pulled up in front of The Department of

Economic Development. ! was greeted at the door by a man who led me

to the office marked « Economie Criminology ». On the walls of this

office were maps with brightly shaded colors showing every small

neighborhood in the city. I looked at the maps and found that the bright

red hot spots showed neighborhoods with over 50 percent unemploy-

ment of the residents, while the colors shaded steadily lighter as the

unemployment rates fell away to under 5 percent.

On another set ofmaps | found pinpoint bar graphs on the locations

of businesses with repeated violent crimes. One of th em was a 24-hour

convenience store, which showed 15 robberies during the past month. It

was located on a commercial avenue in one ofthe brightest red areas of

high unemployment in the city.

« What do you do with these maps? » ! asked the criminologist. He

told me that he took them to the planning meetings for job development

programs, where he reported the results of his evaluations.

« Back in 2083, » he said, « we discovered a paradox about jobs and

crime. If the unemployment rate fell from 50 percent to 25 percent. the

robbery rate in the neighborhood actually went up. People coming home

from Jobs outside the neighborhood were easy targets for the local resi-

dent offenders, including even some who had obtained jobs themselves.

Ît was only after the neighborhood unemployment rate dropped below

15 percent that the robbery and domestic violence rates started to drop.

So we have been testing many ideas since then for creating a major and

rapid reduction in unemployment on almost a block-by block basis.

rather than investing in city-wide programs which reduce unemployment

but increase the robbery rate. »

50

| wanted to stay longer but ! had to leave for the Thirty-Second

International Congress on Crime Prevention being held in Seoul, Korea.

When ! arrived in Seoul I found that the entire exhibition center was full

of criminologists. some 50,000 in number. I arrived just in time for the

awards ceremony. The Prix Durkheim was being awarded for a lifetime

of distinguished contributions to science. This 1s what the presenter of

the award said:

« Professor Kim has worked through over half of the Twenty-First

Century to find scientific evidence about improving public safety. She

has designed and carried out many critically important experiments,

including the landmark test of the effect of capital punishment. Her

research has led to the abolition of capital punishment in every nation

on earth. Her later work on the voluntary use of neurotransmitters to

prevent domestic violence has been a Godsend to battered women. Her

research in these two areas alone has been estimated to have saved over

500,000 lives world wide. The International Society of Criminology 1s

truly honored to recognize her work with the Prix Durkheim. »

Then [ woke up.

[ realized I was still in the 21st Century, and that none of the work

[ dreamed about had been done yet. But I had a smile on my face. Just

imagine, I thought. if even one-tenth of that work actually comes to

pass.

My dream might well be someone else’s nightmare. But it was my

dream. And I liked it à lot.

Thank you.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BRAITHWAITE, J

(1998), « Restorative Justice », In TONRY, M.. ed

Oxford Handbook of crime and punishment. N.Y.: Oxford University

Press.

SHERMAN, L.W. and WEISBURD, D.A. (1995), « The General Deterrent

Effects of Police Patrol in Crime Hot Spots

A Randomized, Con-

trolled Trial ». Justice Quarterly, 12 : 625-648.

SHERMAN, L.W. (1998), « Evidence-Based Policing », Ideas in American

Policing Lecture, Washington, DC : Police Foundation.

SHERMAN, L.W.. GOTTFREDSON, D., MACKENZIE, D., EcK, J, REUTER, P.

and BusHway, S.D. (1998). Preventing crime

What works, what

doesn't, what's promising. Washington, DC : National Institute of

Justice. Http://www.preventingcerime.org

_— 51 —

STRANG, H. and SHERMAN, L.W. (1997), « Victims Fare Better by Con-

fronting

Offenders. ».

The

RISE

Working

Paupers.

Australian

National

Law

University,. Research School of Social Sciences,

Program. Http://Wwww.aic.gov.au/links (look for« RISE »)

__ 52 —

L’AVENIR DE LA CRIMINOLOGIE

EN ASIE ET DANS LE MONDE

Georges Picca (*)

Ce 12° Congrès est déjà une date historique pour la Société Interna-

tionale de Criminologie, 1l le sera pour la Criminologie mondiale.

C'est en Asie que, pour la première fois, criminologues et praticiens

de la justice pénale de toutes les nations ont choisi, à notre invitation,

de se rencontrer pour confronter leurs recherches et offrir, des perspec-

tives nouvelles pour un monde en changement.

Le choix de cette région du monde est par lui-mème significatif. Il

témoigne de son dynamisme et de son développement. Il signifie, aussi,

qu'il est nécessaire, pour les criminologues et, ceux qui sont en charge

de la justice d'orienter leur réflexion au-delà de leurs cadres habituels,

dans une dimension résolument mondiale.

Ce Congrès est enfin une opportunité particulière pour définir des

objectifs pour la criminologie des prochaines années. Ces objectifs

devraient s'orienter dans trois directions.

— Prendre en compte les réalités des sociétés d'aujourd'hui,

— adapter nos stratégies de recherches et politiques de prévention aux

enjeux de demain,

— agir dans un esprit de coopération mondiale.

[.

Prendre en compte les réalités des Sociétés d'aujourd'hui c'est,

d'abord, accepter le fait que la criminalité est, depuis plusieurs décen-

nies, une préoccupation désormais prioritaire pour la majorité des

peuples, mais aussi des gouvernements.

Les problèmes qui se posent aux différentes nations dans les

domaines de la sécurité des personnes et des biens, de l'assistance aux

victimes, de l’adaptation de la jeunesse à une meilleure intégration

sociale, justifient le thème que nous avons choisi pour ce 12° Congrès

« Crime et Justice dans un Monde en changement… ».

Le changement est une donnée inévitable dans la vie des sociétés

humaines. Mais il est nécessaire que les hommes et les institutions soient

(*) Secrétaire Général de la Société Internationale de Criminologte (LS.C.).

aptes à le maîtriser dans le respect de valeurs fondamentales ; dont la

protection doit être assurée par la justice.

Si la délinquance revêt aujourd'hui une dimension transnationale, elle

n'a pas pour autant abandonné ses variations régionales ou culturelles.

Délinquance financière et corruption, trafic international de stupéfiants

coexistent, en effet, avec les violences aux enfants et aux femmes. Quant

à l'insécurité urbaine elle est présente un peu partout dans les grandes

villes du monde et. les taux de victimisation s’élèvent.

Face à ces faits sociaux, beaucoup de pays — notamment en voie de

développement — ont des difficultés à assurer des réponses crédibles à des

formes de délinquance de plus en plus sophistiquées. Ils souhaitent aussi

une assistance pour améliorer leur législation pénale. Mais élever le

niveau d'expertise des systèmes de justice exige souvent des ressources

qui font défaut à de nombreux pays.

S1 l’on doit tenir compte des différences culturelles et socio-politiques

de chaque pays ou région, 1l est souhaitable de promouvoir une coopéra-

tion internationale plus efficace. Des initiatives, telles que celles qui nous

réunissent aujourd'hui, vont dans ce sens.

Au cours des deux dernières décennies une attention croissante a été

portée à une évaluation des mesures propres à prévenir la criminalité et,

à assurer une meilleure prise en compte des problèmes des victimes.

Cependant beaucoup de questions demeurent encore sans réponse.

Dans quelle mesure la mondialisation des échanges commerciaux n'a

t'elle pas favorisé certaines formes de criminalité ? Dans quelle mesure

les migrations de populations ont-elles influé sur les conflits ethniques ?

Dans quelle mesure, enfin, les nouveaux apports de la technologie et de

la biologie ont-ils vraiment modernisé les méthodes des services de

police ”

Il est ainsi nombre d'interrogations qui plaident en faveur d'un

deuxième objectif : adapter nos stratégies de recherche et les politiques

de prévention aux enjeux de demain.

IT.

L'approche criminologique renouvelée de la criminalité et de la jus-

tice pénale demeure plus que jamais nécessaire. C’est dans la compréhen-

sion du monde d'aujourd'hui que réside l’explication de la criminalité de

demain.

Evoluant entre les sciences sociales et les sciences juridiques, les crimi-

nologues ont à parcourir un chemin souvent étroit et difficile. Au-delà

des controverses scientifiques, trop souvent stériles, ils doivent, par suite,

— 54 _

faire la démonstration de l’utilité sociale de leur expertise. Pour cela 1l

faut adapter nos stratégies de recherche aux nécessités sociales. À cet

égard la criminologie empirique apparaît la plus opération nelle.

En effet ces nécessités sont le plus souvent différentes selon les

régions. les cultures, l'importance des valeurs essentielles que les sociétés

entendent protéger, ainsi que la portée du contrôle social.

Par voie de conséquence les politiques de prévention et les systèmes

juridiques sont très divers. Cependant, s’'agissant de l'atteinte aux droits

essentiels de l'individu, et au respect des valeurs fondamentales, des stra-

tégies de recherche communes doivent pouvoir s'élaborer, par delà les

frontières.

L'extension de la criminalité transnationale, qui revêt de nouvelles

caractéristiques, en particulier dans le domaine de la criminalité organi-

sée, offre un exemple de proposition de stratégies communes. Elle offre

également une illustration de la nécessité d’une interaction entre d'une

part. l'université et la recherche, et d'autre part, les institutions respon-

sables des actions dans le domaine de la prévention et les responsables

de la justice pénale.

I.

Il est, enfin. un troisième objectif qu'il importe de souligner

c'est

celui de la nécessité d'une coopération mondiale. Coopération dans le

domaine de la recherche scientifique, dans celui de la communication et

de l'information, coopération, aussi, dans l’action.

Ce Congrès est à cet égard une remarquable opportunité. La ren-

contre de décideurs et d'experts de différentes nations est propice à un

échange de points de vue dans ces différents domaines.

L'action de la Société Internationale de Criminologie est depuis plus

d'un demi-siècle, inspirée par un tel objectif au niveau qui est le sien

d'une organisation non gouvernementale.

Représentée dans plus de soixante nations et présente dans les

diverses régions du monde, notre organisation a réuni à ce jour cin-

quante-cinq Cours internationaux de criminologie en Afrique, Amérique

et Europe.

Dès 1990 nous étions présents en République populaire de Chine. En

1992 nous étions également présents à Tokyo, en 1994 à Séoul et 1996

à Macao et voici qu’aujourd’hui, ce grand rassemblement de respon-

sables et chercheurs dans les domaines qui sont les nôtres, ouvrent de

nouveaux horizons à une coopération mondiale.

__ 55 —

Les champs d'investigations qui s'offrent aujourd'hui à la recherche

en criminologie sont immenses. Beaucoup d'espoirs de nos lointains pré-

décesseurs, les fondateurs de la criminologie du 19° siècle ont été déçus.

La croyance au progrès, facteur de bonheur et de réduction de la crimi-

nalité, a été démentie par l'histoire.

Contrairement à une idée généralement partagée en son temps, la

science n'a pas apporté le bonheur. Ses acquis sont incontestables dans

la durée de la vie, la santé des individus mais ses bienfaits ne sont pas

égaux pour tous les peuples. Quant à la criminalité, elle à pris des formes

nouvelles. On ne doit pas s'en étonner car l'histoire des hommes et des

femmes continue et se transforme. C'est la loi suprème de l'humanité.

Mais face à ces transformations et dans les domaines qui sont les nôtres,

criminologie et justice pénale doivent s'adapter pour aider à construire

pour demain un monde dans lequel les valeurs essentielles de nos

cultures diverses seront garanties.

La criminologie a démontré, depuis bientôt deux siècles que, bien que

née en Europe et, malgré la diversité des systèmes juridiques, elle pouvait

transposer sa dimension éthique et scientifique par delà les frontières.

Ce 125 Congrès mondial en sera, j'en suis convaineu une nouvelle

illustration.

THE FUTURE OF CRIMINOLOGY

IN ASIA AND IN THE WORLD

This 12th Congress 1s already a historical date for the International

Society for Criminology and it will be one for world criminology.

It was in Asia that, for the first time, criminologists and criminal law

practitioners of all nations chose, upon our invitation, to meet to con-

front their research and to offer new perspectives for a changing world.

The choice of this region of the world 1s in itself significant. It 1s an

indication of the region’s dynamism and development. It signifies, as

well, that it is necessary for criminologists and those in charge of justice

to orient their thinking beyond their usual framework, towards a

resolutely international dimension.

Lastly, this Congress 1s a particular opportunity to define the objec-

tives for criminology in the years to come. These objectives should be

oriented in three directions.

- To take into account the realities of today's societies,

— to adapt our research strategies and prevention policies to tomorrow's

ISSUES,

56 —

— to act in the spirit of international cooperation.

Taking into account the realities of today's societies 1s first accepting

the fact that criminality 1s, and has been for decades, now a priority con-

cern for the majority of citizens as well as governments.

The problems encountered by the various nations in the areas of the

safety of persons and property, assistance to victims and the adaptation

of youth for better social integration, justify the theme we have chosen

for this 12th Congress « Crime and Justice in a changing world…. ».

Change is an inevitable fact in the life of human societies. But it 1s

necessary that people and institutions be able to control it in the respect

of fundamental values, whose protection must be ensured by the judicial

system.

If criminality today 1s taking on a transnational dimension, it has not

abandoned its regional or cultural variations. Financial crime and

corruption and international drug traffic coexist with violence towards

women and children. As for urban insecurity, it 1s present nearly

everywhere in cities across the world and the levels of victimization are

on the rise.

Confronted with these social phenomena, many countries — in par-

ticular developing countries —- have difficulty providing credible respon-

ses to the increasingly sophisticated forms of crime. They are also seek-

Ing assistance in improving their criminal legislation. But raising the

level of expertise in judicial systems often requires resources which are

lacking n many countries.

If we want to consider the cultural and socio-political differences in

each country or region, it is important to promote more effective inter-

national cooperation. Initiatives such as the one which brings us here

today are moving in this direction.

To what extent has the globalization in commercial exchanges

promoted certain forms of criminality ? To what extent have population

migrations influenced ethnic conflicts ? To what extent, finally, have new

discoveries in technology and biology truly modernized police methods ?

These are questions which plead in favor of a second objective

adapting our research strategies and prevention policies to tomorrow's

ISSUES.

_— 57 —

Il

À renewed criminological approach to crime and criminal justice 1s

more than ever a necessity. The explanation of tomorrow's criminality

lies in the understanding of today's world.

Working between social sciences and legal science, criminologists

tread a narrow and difficult road. Beyond the too often sterile scientific

controversy, we must demonstrate the social utility of their expertise. To

do so, we must adapt our research strategies to social necessities. In this

light, empirical criminology appears more operational.

These necessities most often differ among regions, cultures, the

importance of the essential values which societies wish to protect, as well

as the extent of social control.

Consequently, prevention policies and legal systems are extremely

diverse. However, as it Is a question of a breach of the essential rights

of the individual and of the respect of fundamental values, common

research strategies must be able to be pursued across national borders.

The extension of transnational crime, which 1s taking on new charac-

teristics, in particular in the field of organized crime, offers an example

of common strategic proposals. It also offers an illustration of the

necessity for interaction between, on the one hand, universities and

research and, on the other, the institutions responsible for actions in the

field of prevention and those responsible for criminal law.

IM

There 1s, finally, a third objective which should be highlighted : that

of the necessity for worldwide cooperation. Cooperation in the field of

scientific research, in the field of communication and information and,

cooperation as well, in action.

This Congress is in this respect a remarkable opportunity. The

encounter of decision makers and experts from different nations 1s

highly conducive to an exchange of viewpoints in these various fields.

The International Society for Criminology's action has, for over a

half century, been inspired by this objective, in its capacity as a non gov-

ernmental organization.

Represented in over sixty nations and present in various regions

throughout the world, our organization has to date assembled fifty-five

International Courts of criminology in Africa, America and Europe.

Starting in 1990, we were present in the People’s Republic of China.

In 1992, we were also present in Tokyo, in 1994 in Seoul and in 1996

__ 58 —

in Macao and now, today, this great assembly of researchers in the fields

which are ours, 1Ss opening new horizons for worldwide cooperation.

The fields of investigation which are offering themselves today to

criminological research are immense. Many of the hopes of our distant

predecessors. the founders of criminology of the 19th century, were

frustrated. Belief in progress. a factor of happiness and reduction of

crime. has been proven false by history.

Contrary to an idea generally shared in its time, science has not

brought happiness. Its benefits are undeniable in extending life, in

improving individual health, but they are not equal among all peoples.

As for crime. it has taken on new forms. We should not be surprised,

because the history of men and women continues and 1s transformed.

This 1s the supreme law of humanity. But faced with these transforma-

tions In our fields of endeavor. criminology and criminal law must adapt

to help to build à world of tomorrow in which the essential values of

our diverse cultures are guaranteed.

For nearly two centuries, criminology has shown that, although 1t

was born in Europe and in spite of the diversity of legal systems, it can

transpose 1ts ethical and scientific dimension well beyond national bor-

ders.

This 12th world Congress will be, l am certain, a new 1llustration ot

this.

EL FUTURO DE LA CRIMINOLOGIA

EN ASIA Y EN EL MUNDO

Este 12° Congreso constituye ya una fecha histôrica para la Sociedad

Internacional de Criminologia y va a serlo para la Criminologia mun-

dial.

Ha sido en Asia donde, por vez primera y como respuesta a nuestra

invitaciôn, los criminôlogos y expertos de la justicia penal de todas las

naciones han optado por reunirse para confrontar sus investigaciones y

ofrecer nuevas perspectivas para un mundo que cambia.

La elecciôn de esta region del mundo es en si misma significativa.

Constituye una prueba de su dinamismo y de su desarrollo. Significa

también que es necesario para los criminôlogos y para los que se encar-

gan de la justicia orientar su reflexiôn mäs allà de sus marcos habituales,

con una dimensiôon decididamente mundial.

__ 59 _

Este Congreso es por ültimo una oportunidad especial para definir

varios objetivos de la criminologia en los prôximos años. Estos objetivos

deberian orientarse en tres direcciones.

- Tener en cuenta las realidades de las sociedades de hoy.

— adaptar nuestras estrategias de investigaciones y las politicas de pre-

venciôn a los aspectos en juego del futuro,

— actuar con una ôptica de cooperaciôn mundial.

[.

Tener en cuenta las realidades de las Sociedades de hoy corresponde,

primeramente, a aceptar el hecho de que la criminalidad es, desde hace

varlas décadas, una preocupaciôn prioritaria para la mayoria de los pue-

blos, asi como para los gobiernos.

Los problemas que se plantean a las diferentes naciones en los ambi-

tos de la seguridad de las personas y de los bienes, de la asistencia a las

victimas, de la adaptaciôn de la juventud a una mejor integraciôn social,

justifican el tema que hemos elegido para este 12° Congreso

« Crimen

y Justicia en un Mundo que cambia… ».

El cambio es un dato inevitable en la vida de las sociedades humanas.

Pero es necesario que los hombres y las instituciones sean aptos para

controlarlo respetando los valores fundamentales, la protecciôn de los

cuales debe verse garantizada por la justicia.

Aunque la delincuencia reviste hoy una dimensiôn transnacional, ello

no implica que haya por ello abandonado sus variaciones regionales o

culturales. Efectivamente, delincuencia financiera y corrupciôn, asi como

el träfico internacional de estupefacientes coexisten con las violencias a

mujeres y niños. Por lo que a la inseguridad urbana se refiere, ésta se

encuentra presente präcticamente en todas las grandes ciudades del

mundo y las tasas de victimizaciôn se elevan.

Frente à estos hechos sociales, muchos paises — especialmente en vias

de desarrollo tienen dificultades para ofrecer unas respuestas convin-

centes a unas formas de delincuencia cada vez mâs sofisticadas. Desean

también una asistencia para mejorar su legislaciôn penal. Pero conseguir

que los sistemas de justicia eleven el nivel como expertos exige a menudo

unos recursos que resultan inexistentes en numerosos paises.

Para tener en cuenta las diferencias culturales y sociopoliticas de cada

pais o regiôn, es conveniente promover una cooperaciôn internacional

mâs eficaz. Iniciativas tales como las que nos reûnen hoy se encaminan

en esta direcciôn.

— 660 —

Durante las dos ültimas décadas, se ha dado una creciente atenciôn

a una evoluciôn de las medidas propias para prevenir la criminalidad y

para garantizar que se tengan mâäs en cuenta los problemas de las victi-

mas. No obstante, numerosas cuestiones siguen todavia sin respuesta.

En qué medida la mundializaciôn de los intercambios comerciales

no ha favorecido mäs bien ciertas formas de criminalidad ? ; En qué

medida las migraciones de poblaciones han influido en los conflictos

étnicos ? ; En qué medida, por ültimo, los nuevos aportes de la tecnolo-

gia y de la biologia han modernizado verdaderamente los métodos de los

servicios de policia ?

Son pues numerosas las interrogaciones que apuntan hacia la conve-

niencia de un segundo objetivo : adaptar nuestras estrategias de investi-

gaciôn y las politicas de prevenciôn a los aspectos en juego del futuro.

IT.

El enfoque criminolôgico renovado de la criminalidad y de la justicia

penal sigue siendo mâs que nunca necesario. La explicacion de la crimi-

nalidad del mañana reside en la comprensiôn del mundo actual.

Los criminôlogos, que se mueven entre las ciencias sociales y las cien-

cias juridicas, tienen que recorrer un camino a menudo estrecho y dificil.

Mâs allà de las controversias cientificas, estériles con demasiada frecuen-

cia, deben por tanto demostrar su utilidad social como expertos. Para

ello es necesario adaptar nuestras estrategias de investigacion a las nece-

sidades sociales. À este respecto, la criminologia empirica parece ser la

mâs operativa.

Efectivamente, lo mäs habitual es que estas necesidades sean dife-

rentes segûn las regiones, las culturas, la importancia de los valores esen-

ciales que las sociedades desean proteger, asi como el alcance del control

social.

Por consiguiente. las politicas de prevenciôn y los sistemas jJuridicos

son muy diversos. No obstante. dado que se trata del perjuicio a los

daños esenciales del individuo y al respeto de los valores fundamentales,

debe ser posible elaborar unas estrategias de investigacion comunes, mas

allà de las fronteras.

La extension de la criminalidad transnacional, que reviste nuevas

caracteristicas, en particular en el ambito de la criminalidad organizada,

ofrece un ejemplo de propuesta de estrategias comunes. Ésta ofrece asir-

nismo una ilustraciôn de la necesidad de una interacciôn entre, por una

parte. la universidad y la investigaciôn y, por otra, las instituciones res-

— 61 —

ponsables de las acciones en el ambito de la prevenciôn y los respon-

sables de la justicia penal.

IIT.

Por ültimo, existe un tercer objetivo que resulta importante señalar

es el de la necesidad de la cooperaciôn mundial. Cooperaciôn en el

ambito de la investigaciôn cientifica, en el de la comunicaciôon y de la

informaciôn, cooperaciôn también en la acciôn.

Este Congreso constituye a este respecto una oportunidad notable. El

encuentro de los responsables de la toma de decisiones y de expertos de

diferentes naciones es propicio a un intercambio de puntos de vista en

estos diferentes ambitos.

La acciôn de la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia se ve inspi-

rada, desde hace mäs de medio siglo, por un objetivo asi al nivel que la

caracteriza, que es el de una organizaciôn no gubernamental.

Representada en mâs de sesenta naciones y presente en las diversas

regiones del mundo, nuestra organizaciôon ha reunido hasta la fecha cin-

cuenta y cinco Cursos Internacionales de Criminologia en Africa, Amé-

rica y Europa.

Ya en 1990 nos enconträbamos presentes en la Repüblica Popular de

China. En 1992 estuvimos también presentes en Tokio, en 1994 en Seul

y en 1996 en Macao. Y en la actualidad esta gran concentraciôn de res-

ponsables e investigadores en los ambitos que nos atañen abre nuevos

horizontes para una cooperaciôn mundial.

Los campos de investigaciones que se ofrecen hoy a la investigaciôn

en criminologia son inmensos. Muchas esperanzas de nuestros lejanos

predecesores, los fundadores de la criminologia del siglo XIX, se han

visto frustradas. La creencia en el progreso, factor de felicidad y de

reducciôn de la criminalidad, se ha visto desmentida por la historia.

Contrariamente a una idea generalmente aprobada en su tiempo, la

ciencia no ha traido la felicidad. Sus logros son incontestables en la

duraciôn de la vida o la salud de los individuos, pero sus favores no son

iguales para todos los pueblos. En cuanto a la criminalidad, ésta ha

revestido nuevas formas. Ello no debe sorprendernos, ya que la historia

de los hombres y de las mujeres continüa y se transforma. Es la ley

suprema de la humanidad. Pero frente a estas transformaciones y en los

ambitos que nos incumben, criminologia y jJusticia penal deben adap-

tarse para ayudar a construir para el mañana un mundo en el que los

valores esenciales de nuestras diversas culturas se vean garantizados.

— 62 —

La criminologia ha demostrado. desde harä pronto dos siglos. que

aunque hava nacido en Europa y à pesar de la diversidad de los sistemas

juridicos podia transponer su dimensiôn ética y cientifica mäs allà de las

fronteras.

Estov convenceido de que este 12° Congreso Mundial serd una nueva

tlustracion de ello.

—-

63

POLITICA VICTIMOLOGICA,

UNE EXPERIENCIA LATINOAMERICANA

(VICTIMAS DE VIOLENCIA DOMÉSTICA)

Maria de la Luz Lima (*)

[. — INTRODUCCIÔON

Para hablar de este tema que hoy por hoy es de discusion püblica,

debemos partir de distintas perspectivas analiticas a fin de comprender

mejor el fenômeno y determinar una efectiva intervenciôn que nos per-

mita prevenir y atender a las victimas.

Nuestros puntos de partida seraän resaltar e/ valor que tendra la fami-

lia para el siglo XXI. sus antecedentes e influencia actual ; los derechos

de los niños ; la dinamica familiar y sus implicaciones, abuso en la fami-

lia : nuevas leves v las expectativas de las victimas ; lus politicas publicas

y la prevenciôn.

Resulta irônico que al acolar los principales problemas del mundo.

en la Comisiôn de Prevenciôn del Delito y Justicia Penal de la ONU

celebrada en Viena en este año, se haya determinado que uno de ellos

es la Violencia Doméstica. Estamos practicamente iniciando un nuevo

milenio, en el que se ha dado la conquista del espacio. hemos constituido

toda clase de tecnologia. se diseña la lucha contra el crimen organizado

no hemos sido capaces de resolver lo fundamental : que haya armonia

î

calidad en la comunicaciôon en nuestras familias.

Son muchos los autores contemporancés que estän dedicando parte

importante de sus investigaciones a la familia, afirmando que para resol-

ver los conflictos resulta vital establecer modelos acompasados por gru-

pos familiares. Es en ésta donde surgirän las bases del nuevo modelo res-

taurativo. capaz de modificar y rescatar el sistema de jJusticia.

En la colonizacion de nuestros pueblos. se desprestigiaron las institu-

ciones informales mediante edictos y leyes que criminalizaron nuestras

costumbres (Lima. M

1995), fortaleciendo procedimientos formales a

través de nuevas instituciones que, aunque resulta irônico, son las que

ahora generan la crisis en el sistema de justicia de todo el hemisferio.

Los sistemas legales de nuestros paises enfrentan grandes desafios,

por el bajo nivel de confianza ciudadana en el sistema de justicia (Davis,

(*) Vicepresidenta de la Sociedad Mexicana de Criminologia.

—

65

W. 1996), lo cual se debe en mucho al alejamiento de la victima en la

resoluciôn de los conflictos, requiriendose cada vez mäs respuestas ren-

tables espectaculares qui en muchas ocasiones no se tienen.

El volumen cada vez mayor de casos agrava su eficiencia, y se han

convertido los tribunales en cortes de los milagros, de quienes no se

esperan sino fracasos.

Por otro lado, el rol histôrico en el que el Estado es el proveedor

omnipotente de todos los servicios en América Latina, esta cambiando,

ya que cada vez mâs se siente la presencia de los ciudadanos, quienes

desean ser mäs autosuficientes y menos dependientes. Es por ello que

algunos Estados han tratado de reducir su tamaño intentando reestruc-

turarse, siendo menos dominantes en la vida de los ciudadanos. Ésto ha

generado una necesidad de actualizar nuestra forma de resolver los

conflictos.

La grave percepciôn que se tiene de los mecanismos formales que ori-

ginan la ineficacia del sistema, ha propiciado reformas represivas por un

lado y la apertura de algunas figuras hibridas de conciliaciôn y arbitraje,

pero sin el personal adecuado, generando experiencias frustrantes, inaca-

badas, que poco van a resolver la situaciôn, ademäs de acarrear el peli-

gro de exacerbar los sentimientos de rechazo. Es el caso de algunas leyes

para resolver el problema de la violencia doméstica.

Para los ciudadanos de las grandes urbes, los tribunales son una espe-

cie en extinciôn, porque son instituciones incapaces de adaptarse a las

exigencias para dar una soluciôn humana de los conflictos interperso-

nales (Diaz, 1997).

Por lo antes planteado, muchos han puesto sus ojos en soluciones

tales como la mediaciôn, gracias a la metamorfosis que tiene y por la

posibilidad de adecuarla a distintos conflictos (San Martin, 1997). Es

por ello indispensable tomar en cuenta cuäl puede ses su alcance y sus

ventajas al retomar esquemas cuyas raices sociales son tradicionales, que

les ahorrarian angustia, personal, tiempo y dinero (Diaz, 1997).

« La violencia doméstica comprende las acciones u omisiones que tienen

por objeto o como fin, causar intencionalmente un daño total a parcial à

bienes juridicamente protegidos en el entorno familiar ».

Las acciones u ominisiones deben ser intencionales, de ahi deriva la

idea de considerar tales agresiones como violaciones a los derechos

humanos, entendidos como conductas que ponen en peligro o afectan el

reconocimiento, el goce y el ejercicio de los mismos.

Mucho se refexiona sobre cômo a través de los primeros procesos de

socializaciôn se van introyectando valores y mensajes parentales, por los

que las miembros de la familia reconocen los derechos de los padres y

los propios. Diriamos que en este juego de relacion se marcan los limites

— 66 —

de su ejercicio, que pasan de generaciôn en generaciôn con pequeñas

variantes. las que se relacionan con otros acontecimientos externos que

pueden poner en peligro la estabilidad de una persona o un grupo y que

son facilmente 1dentificables.

La falta de razonamiento de esta dinämica y la ausencia de reforza-

miento pueden modificar los modelos, traspolando ajenos que harän ceri-

sis entre las partes.

Por ello, es indispensable el estudio de las formas de control social,

informal y formal, entendiéndolo como un conjunto de medios, 6rganos

y estrategias, o respuestas que pretenden ajustar el comportamiento del

individuo à las normas comunitarias (San Martin, 1997).

II. — ANTECEDENTES EN MESOAMÉRICA

Seria imposible comenzar la reflexiôn del tema s1 eliminamos como

herramienta analitica e/ estudio retrospectivo histôrico Latinoamericano

de la familias, que nos permita comprender por qué hoy nuestros pue-

blos siguen determinados modelos de conducta, como es su entorno, su

forma de resolver conflictos, el significado de la comunicaciôn humana,

su percepciôn del mundo, el por qué persisten costumbres arraigadas

que a nuestra vista son ahora consideradas violaciones a los derechos

humanos, qué experiencias los condujeron a establecer el sistema de jus-

ticla que actualmente tenemos.

Las culturas mesoamericanas tenian una concepciôn filosôfica que

descansaba bâäsicamente en el orden côsmico generador de una colabora-

ciôn con el educativo, sino trascendia al orden juridico al seguir ese ideal

que perfeccionaban las instituciones.

En mesoamérica los valores que se trasmitian eran fortaleza y control

de si mismos. À los hijos se les adiestraba sobre los oficios de los padres,

quienes aceptaban a sus progenitores como sus maestros.

Los roles y participaciôn del hombre y la mujer estaban perfecta-

mente definidos, là madre aducaba a las hijas y el padre a los hijos. Se

determinaban las labores demésticas de cado uno para ir logrando el

sentido de pertenencia al grupo.

La familia se formaba a través de mecanismos de comunicaciôn que

se privilegiaban

sermones, plâäticas, penitencias, como se puedoe

consultar en los côdices

Mendocino, Codex Telleriano, Codex Vatica-

nus, Aubin, Florentino (Lima, 1989).

Todos estos mensajes servian fundamentalmente para controlarse à si

mismos. Por ejemplo, en la cultura Azteca los padres sometian a los hijos

_— 67 —

desde muy pequeños al frio y à una serie de ayunos para que jamäs fue-

Ssen VOTAaCES.

El papel esencial de los padres era amonestar y enseñar. En Tenochti-

tlan esta educaciôn familiar se dividia en varias etapas, en las cuales se

les transmitian medidas preventivas de enseñanza, atemorizando al

menor, mosträndole püas con las que seria punzado de no ser obediente

y dôcil. Se le daban consejos y se reforzaba su conducta dändole « tor-

tilla » que es hasta ahora uno de los principales alimentos del pueblo,

hecha de maiz, planta sagrada para nuestras culturas.

Después de los quince años, el sustento de la disciplina y la forma-

ciôn se recibia en la escuela, que contaba con un estricto sistema que

reforzaba valores y el autocontrol con esfuerzos fisicos. Al varon le

pedian que como sacrificio para forjar su voluntad se perforara el pene

con espinas de una planta (maguey).

I. — LA FAMILIA, PUNTO DE PARTIDA

EN ESTA REFLEXION

La familia es e/ espacio fundamental para la transiciôn de valores, sen-

timentos, costumbres y creencias que mantienen la identidad, elementos

que fijan nuestra posiciôn especifica en cualquier situaciôn o evento

social. El entorno nos permite determinar la imagen de la persona que

queremos ser, donde se forja el valor de cada vida humana : la del niño,

el viejo, el joven, el discapacitado.

La familia se alimenta de actitudes, percepciones, experiencias, pun-

tos de convergencia, diälogos, estableciendo las bases de lo que debe ser

la comunicaciôn y el autocontrol ; o abriendo brechas, generando rupturas,

aislamientos, abuso de poder, destrucciôn y crimen. La familia es el nücleo

bâsico de educaciôn y unidad de cultura, porque es en la relaciôn con

el otro como descubro y construyo la realidad, en ella se aprende la

manera de hablar, se asimila una manera de pensar y por tanto, una

manera de actuar.

Los factores externos trasmiten nuevas codificaciones normativas que

varian los modelos parentales introyectados en un proceso de integracion,

pero siempre hay un sustrato que permanece.

Hablar de la violencia doméstica haciendo de lado el anâlisis de la

familia es partir de una visiôn unidireccional poco afortunada, que lleva-

ria al error de ubicar su anâlisis sôlo bajo una fijaciôn demogräfica

sôlo dentro de la violencia contra la mujer

como una comunidad de

trabajo

como uno de los elementos para medir el aumento del pro-

ducto interno bruto o como el conjunio de bienes instrumentales y de

consumo disponibles en donde los padres son unicamente instrumentos

— 68 —

de asistencia

olvidando a la familia como un bien en si misma. fuente

de dignidad espiritual, ética y social.

La familia, a través de su « sistema de valores » como cuerpo organi-

zado de principios y reglas. funciona como elemento fundamental en los

procesos de selecciôn de alternativas, soluciôn de conflictos y toma de

decisiones.

Para lograr la convivencia necesaria, los actores establecen reglas y

una division del trabajo. Pero cuando ésto se deja a la decision unilate-

ral, se generan violaciones a los derechos humanos y conflictos, que seran

fuentes de violencia.

La socializaciôn primaria sin violencia en la familia, genera hombres

y mujeres capaces de trabajor en la sociedad sin repeticiones de esque-

mas de control y discriminaciôn.

i Cômo podrian sostener hombres y mujeres politicos sus postulados

democräticos, si son promotores en sus familias de sistemas de control ?

Cômo defender postulados de participaciôn, si no somos capaces de

generarlos en nuestra propia familia ?

« Cômo garantizariamos coherencia si somos intolerantes y ejercemos

la violencia cotidiana en nuestras familias ?

Cuando

veumos campañas de exterminio, recordemos que son

ôrdenes que provienen de hombres autoritarios, que temen perder poder

y traducen su frustracion abusando del mismo ; son personas que se

socializaron en circulos de violencia y control que contaminan las rela-

ciones humanas. dejando a un lado el valor de la vida y de la familia.

Quien no experimenta la autoridad paterna de manera auténtica, ten-

drà siempre dificultad para reconocer formas de autoridad en el Estado

y en la sociedad civil.

En México no ha disminuido el valor que dan los ciudadanos a su

familia, no obstante los cambios que se han vivido, segûn un estudio

explorativo del campo valoral, realizado por Alduncin, en 1934, 1950,

1981, 1987 y 1989 (Lima, 1995).

El autor investigô cuâl es el principal motor que guiô la vida de los

mexicanos encontrando en todos esos años que lo mads importante fue

«Îlevar una mejor vida familiar ». En segundo fugar, «dar mejores

oportunidades a sus hijos » y en tercero, el vivir tranquilo. Encontrando

ademäs que el valor familiar se releva en tiempos dificiles.

Las cambios significativos en las distinitas épocas estudiadas, fueron

los realacionados a la posiciôn que tiene la mujer y su papel en la fami-

lia. Siendo notaria la revalorizaciôn de la mujer ant si misma y los

demäs ; detectändose un cambio en sus patrones de comportamiento,

_ 69 —

haciendose visibles ademas en las Üûltimas encuestas las condiciones de

dominaciôn y explotaciôn en que viven.

Los ciudadanos, segûn la encuesta, expresaron que les preocupa la

violencia y la delincuencia que provienen desde fuera del hogar, no reco-

nociendo la que se gesta dentro.

Estos estudios u otros similares nos deben dar en América Latina los

perfiles de qué clase de ciudadanos queremos para el siglo XXI, en el

que fortalecer a la familia serä nuestro reto. ya que su vincudo con el

Estado le permite poseer un destino comün existiendo por tanto una

conexiôn estrecha entre vida püblica y vida privada. Ambas exigen una

transformaciôn de mentalidades y actitudes.

Es obligaciôn del Estado facilitar un minimo de condiciones para que

pueda la familila, al igual que otras entidades de la sociedad civil, subsis-

tir.

Debe permitirsele un desarrollo autônomo como centro de decisiones

libres e independientes, para alcanzar su estabilidad y bienastar.

La familia es una realidad social y politica, como lo marca la Decla-

racion Universal de los Derechos Humanos

es el elemento natural y

fundamental de la comunidad y tiene derecho a la protecciôn de la socie-

dad y del Estado (articulo 16, numeral 3).

Las familias se enfrentaran a fin de siglo con paradojas caracteriza-

das por la tendencia mundial a la globalizaciôn y las necesidades concre-

tas a nivel particular : la intensidad y rapidez con la que se produce la

informaciôn y Îlega a los hogares, teniendo poco tiempo las familias

para analizarla y asimilarla ; el efecto pernicioso de la television y su

apologia de la violencia ; las aspiraciones de participaciôn ciudadana,

democracia, libertad y las posibilidades reales de que estas präcticas y

valores formen parte de lo colidiano en el nûcleo familiar ; la necesidad

de contar con la participaciôn de la mujer fuera de la casa, para tener

una mejor calidad de vida en la familia, y la angustia diaria por atender

cualitativamente el desarrollo de los hijos (Millän, 1994).

Los movimientos de poblaciôn, los fenômenos migratorios, los pro-

blemas ecolôgicos, el hacinamiento en zonas marginales urbanas, las

actitudes racistas y xenofôbicas frente a los indocumentados : los indige-

nas expulsados por problemas de intolerancia religiosa

la crisis econé-

mica y los conflictos armados internos, son entre otros los fenômenos

que afectan hoy por hoy a muchas familias latinoamericanas y del

mundo, las que deben tener respuestas prontas para evitar crisis fami-

liares, violencia y serios problemas de sobrevivencia.

Las normas que establece la Convenciôn de los Derechos del Niño,

deben ser el fundamento para el diseño de los programas de accion de

diversas dependencias de la Administraciôn Püblica en nuestros paises,

— 70 —

varias nos permitirän cruzar ese limite tan fino de la intervenciôn del

Estado en asuntos de orden familiar, ya que nadie tiene potestad. aûn

por ser el padre o la madre del niño o niña de cometer abuso fisico o

mental. invocando el « derecho de corregir ».

En el 100‘% de los casos del abuso à menores en el hogar. la falta

es del abusador, no responsabilidad de la victima. Ya que el contravenir

una opiniôn, el discrepar y equivocarse, no justifica la conducta abusiva.

IV. — ABUSO EN LA FAMILIA

El abuso de derechos puede ser fisico, psicolôgico y sexual. pero

puede tambien expresarse mediante actos sistemâticos de control. como

son : romper o dañar cosas, aventones, Jalones, sarcasmos, evitar el des-

plazamiento de lugar sosteniendo a la victima sin movimientos, ence-

rrarla en un cuarto, forzarla a no dormir, aventarle objetos, jalarle el

cabello, imponerle trabajo excesivo e inadecuado para la edad y condi-

cIôn fisica (Bolivia), y abuso de medios correctivos o disciplinarios.

En ocasiones el abusador usa manipulaciones verbales, aparentes jue-

gos de control, realiza conductas impredecibles para sorprender ; todo

para mantener a la victima con miedo y fuera de balance.

Muchas de estas formas sutiles de abuso, hacen a la victima sentirse

enferma, con gran malestar, y no se encuentran adecuadamente recono-

cidas por los sistemas existentes. Formas de abuso que no deben minimi-

zarse con el pretexto de no tener consecuencias aparentemente graves,

las que merecen estudios transculturales para diseñar adecuados progra-

mas de prevencion (ONU, 1990. A/CONF-144/17).

Algunos autores han manifestado que la violencia en el hogar se ha

centrado en el estudio de agresiones fisicas contra la mujer y los niños,

pero existen tambien contra los discapacitados, los ancianos, entre her-

manos, de los adolescentes contra sus padres, entre parejas homo-

sexuales, o familias poligamas o poliändricas, grupos que reflejan una

iImprecisiôn garantista en el ramo de los derechos humanos.

À pesar de que existe diversidad de instrumentos internacionales y

definiciones axiolôgicas en cuerpos legislativos, constitucionales y secun-

darios, los derechos y las libertades plasmados en ellàs son aûn utopia ;

ya que dentro del hogar a la mujer y a los hijos se les vulneran las mâs

elementales garantias, como son

la vida, lhibertad de locomociôn, inte-

gridad fisica y libertad sexual. entre otras.

Por ello debemos comenzar por reconocer que la violencia doméstica

y el abuso en la familia son fenômenos seculures, de los que no debe guar-

darse silencio. El reconocimiento gradual de sa existencia ha orillado

—

— 71

diversas reacciones de la sociedad. Estas no sôlo abarcan las necesidades

de las victimas, sino necesidades que deben promover politicas püblicas

para fortalecer a la familia, prevenir la violencia y reestructurar la socie-

dad.

Muchos paises aûn no declaran en forma abierta la existencia de

estos fenômenos, ya que tienen para evidenciarse serios problemas como

son los metodolôgicos, el no contar con datos exactos, dispersändose o

confundiéndose.

En la Repüblica Dominicana se emitiô un Côdigo para proteccion de

niños y niñas (Ley 14-94, 1994). La ley de Bolivia dedica un importante

lugar a la violencia en la familia.

Ademas de los derechos que este tipo de legislaciones promueven, se

requiere de una recapacitacion sobre los derechos del niño en el seno de

su hogar, donde muy frecuentemente son abusados y corregidos con

exagerada violencia, causändoles un gran dolor, angustia y desolaciôn.

Casos en los que como lo establece el Articulo 19, 1, de la Convencion

mencionada, los Estados deben adoptar todas las medidas legislativas.

administrativas, sociales y educativas apropiados para proteger al niño

contra toda forma de perjuicio o abuso fisico o mental, malos tratos 0

explotaciôn, incluido el abuso sexual, Ilevadas a cabo bajo la custodia

de los padres, de un representante legal o de cualquier otra persona que

lo tenga à su cargo.

Esas medidas de protecciôn deben comprender, segûn corresponda.

procedimientos eficaces para el establecimiento de programas sociales.

con objeto de proporcionar la asistencia necesaria al niño y a quienes

cuidan de él, asi como para otras formas de prevenciôn e identificaciôn,

notificaciôon y remision a una instituciôn, Iinvestigaciôn, tratamiento y

observacion ulterior de las causas antes descritas de malos tratos al niño

y, seguûn corresponda, la intervenciôn judicial.

V. — CONTROL INFORMAL, MEDIACION FAMILIAIR

O COMUNITARIA

El conflicto es un fenômeno propio de la sociedad que implica, al

decir de Diaz, una ruptura del ciclo de experiencia y un ajuste de fuer-

zas, lo que genera la necesidad de contar con herramientas para diri-

mirlo, dinämica en la que puede usarse la negociaciôn, la büsqueda del

consenso, el compromiso y la reparaciôn de daños causadas, o bien elige

el sometimiento mediante abuso de poder. Esta dinämica se repite en la

familia y se elige la palabra o violencia (San Martin, 1997), decisiôn en

la que puede colaborar el mediador socialmente instituido en donde los

_N —

lazos comunitarios son suficientemente fuertes para vincular a las perso-

nas en conflicto y sugerir soluciones.

Un mediador de la familia o la comunidad puede ser el instrumento

para lograr un equilibrio en la reconstruccion de un conflicto doméstico,

en el que se concreta el reconocimiento de la posiciôn de la otra parte.

lo que conlleva un germen de paz, de tolerancia y concordia. Sôlo que

cuando va hubo delitos y violaciones a derechos humanos, se debe indis-

cutiblemente proceder conforme lo establezca la ley penal.

En los pueblos Latinoamericanos la verdadera mediaciôn se da desde

la familia extendida, en la que a pesar de la teoria del machismo, la que

manda y dirime es la madre o la abuela, en quien recae el peso de la

estabilidad familiar, capaz de comprender las estrategias de pensar y

emocionarse de las partes en conflicto : quien generalmente procede con

flexibilidad oralidad, oportunidad, inmediatez, accesibilidad, lo que se

lleva a cabo conforme a las costumbres.

La ley de Bolivia establece al respecto en su Articulo 16 que : en las

comunidades indigenas y campesinas serän las autoridades comunitarias

y naturales quienes resuelvan las controversias de violencia en la familia,

de conformidad a sus costumbres y usos, siempre que no se opongan a

la Constituciôn Politica y al espiritu de la ley antes mencionada.

Cualquier mediaciôn requiere simetria de poder entre los que se van

a conciliar. metas comunes

ya que el poner frente a frente a desiguales

para negociar, aumenta el poder de control del dominante. La media-

ciôn debe ser una präctica bilateral, en la que un tercero sugiere alterna-

tivas, favorece el ambiente, reconstruye imparcialmente los sucesos,

repite hechos, resume. traduce, evita actitudes destructivas, busca acuer-

dos, de preferencia debe conocer a los que dirimen el conflicto, facilita

procesos : es un professional de la comunicaciôn y un facilitador (Diaz,

1997).

Toda mediaciôn debe tener limites, no debe protagonizarse la actua-

ciôn de quien la conduce ya que si su ejercicio se torna en presiôn para

las partes serà rechazada y percibida como una extensiôn de la autori-

dad formal : debe ser un proceso en el que éstas se apropian del

conflicto y toman una decisiôn racional sobre el asunto litigioso.

En casos donde ya se realizaron delitos no puede operar ni la media-

clôn ni el arbitraje en asuntos familiares, ya que la primera sigue una

lôgica distinta de los procedimientos judiciales. En tanto que en la

mediaciôn se busca retornar a un equilibrio que ayude a llegar a un

acuerdo voluntario, renegociar una relaciôn, construir nuevas, establecer

lazos de comunicaciôn que estaban ausentes o no eran los correctos y

buscar una aproximaciôn ; en los casos de delitos la victima pide y exige

Justicia, demada le reacciôn del Estado en contra del que ha afectado sus

_ 73 —

derechos humanos y su dignidad. Recordemos, la dignidad no se nego-

Cla.

Es ahi donde capacitar a un miembro de la familia como mediador

podria evitar que los conflictos en el seno de la familia se traduzcan en

una violaciôon de los derechos humanos.

La mediaciôn ha empezado a desarrollarse poco a poco en América

Latina (David, 1969).

En 1988, en Argentinu, se nstalaron 7 centros vecinales à traves de la

Secretaria de Justicia (Posteriormente Ministerio), con énfasis en dere-

chos humanos y acceso a la justicla. Asimismo següûn la ley adoptada à

fines de 1995, entrada en vigor en 1996, se establecid mediaciôon para

ciertos asuntos legales antes del inicio de un juicio civil.

En Bolivia, como ya mencionamos, la comunidad emplea mecanismos

de mediaciôn comunitaria en asuntos relativos a problemas familiares y

de vivienda. En una nueva disposiciôn del gobierno se requiere que éste

valide € incorpore sistemas de justicia tradicional haciéndolos compa-

tibles con el sistema formal (David, 1969).

Asi mismo, el Ministerio de Justicia està financiando un sistema de

justicla comunitario multidisciplinario, para 1dentificar iniciativas de

resoluciôn de conflictos indigenas en areas rurales y urbanas margina-

das.

En Brasil, se establecieron mecanismos de procesamiento para casos

civiles y algunos criminales, en donde son utilizados abogados volunta-

rios conciliadores, estableciéndose recientemente la Cämara de Arbitraje

y mediaciôn para casos civiles.

En Chile, en el Ministerio de Justicia de Santiago, se estableciô un sis-

tema de asesoria a través de trabajadores sociales y abogados, para ayu-

dar a resolver conflictos

y se integrô la curriceula para que las escuelas

de leyes implementen los conocimientos de la resoluciôn de conflictos à

sus alumnos.

Colombia, à principios de los 90, fue el primero que impuso una

estrategia para la implementaciôn de la resoluciôn alterna de conflictos,

creada a raiz de la gran desconfianza de la poblaciôn en el sistema. Exis-

ten en este pais mas de 100 centros de conciliaciôn y arbitraje.

En Costa Rica, se explorô desde la Corte Suprema el por qué las

reformas promovidas en materia civil no dieron los resultados deseados :

asi que se realizô una investigaciôn para saber la opiniôn de la poblaciôn

sobre el sistema judicial. Un gran nûmero de habitantes expresô que era

lento, burocrätico, corrupto, y que preferia que una persona que no

fuera un jJuez le ayudara a resolver sus problemas. Inclinändose por la

medicaciôn para resolver controversias familiares. Se constituyô asi

S

74 _

una Comisiôn Nacional para el impulso de la resoluciôn alterna de

conflictos en todos los campos.

En Ecuador, se ha rescatado la mediaciôon comunitaria, especialmente

en casos de indigenas. retomando sus conceptos de equidad y justicia.

En El Salvador, se implementé un proyecto después de la guerra para

que. respetando los intereses comunitarios, se ayudara al regreso e inte-

gracion de los ciudadanos, actuando con instituciones paralelas à las ya

existentes, especialmente para lograr la coexistencia civil.

En Perü, existe una tradiciôn en el uso de estos mecanismos por las

comunidades indigenas, por lo que se busca su potenciaciôn. Los nuevos

procedimientos han mostrado su inflexibilidad, rigidez y fracaso ; orga-

nizaciones civiles estan promoviendo este movimiento.

En Uruguay, la Constituciôn ordena la conciliaciôon como primera

etapa. antes de la litigaciôn para asuntos civiles. El Côdigo Civil esta-

blece la fase conciliatoria y el uso de juicios orales. La Universidad y la

Corte estän realizando las tareas de capacitaciôn.

Todos estos canales creados en Latinoamérica demuestran la preocu-

paciôn de que el monopolio ejercido por el sistema jJudicial, Hlevo al

desuso y desprestigio las formas comunitarias tradicionales de resolver

conflictos. por ello se requieren estrategias audaces, determinando espe-

cificamente en qué casos es conveniente retomarlas.

VI. — CONTROL FORMAL

A. —- Mediacion arbitral

La tendencia en algunos sistemas legales de América Latina, tratan-

dose de la violencia familar, ha sido crear formulas burocräticas en las

que se confunde al individuo con su conflicto (Diaz, 1997). estableciendo

« procedimientos arbitrales » o « conciliaciones penales ».

El arbitraje es una figura en donde la « soluciôn » queda fuera de la

competencia de las partes, cuya dinämica consiste en someterse a la reso-

luciôn que determina un tercero. Es una fôrmula de heterocomposiciôn

en la que el arbitro hace las veces de « juez », quien puede ser privado,

no profesional. fungiendo como un amigable componedor, quien celebra

un juicio de equidad, o un « juicio » en el que se Îlega a un « convenio

Judical ».

En ocasiones al arbitro se le nombra en funciôn del conocimiento de

la materia : civil, penal, victimal, etc. Se trata de un arreglo dirigido del

conflicto. porque el aärbitro de hecho juega. Esta figura impide a las

partes reapropiarse del mismo, generando nuevamente « procesos en que

se decide por ellas ».

__ 75 —

El arbitro resolverà segûn su instinto, intuiciôn y razôn, que no nece-

sariamiente su opiniôn se adecûa a las necesidades de la victima y de la

familia. Lo peor en un asunto familiar es adivinar lo que los otros son,

quieren a necesitan, y el remedio puede resultar peor que la enfermedad

(Diaz. 1997). Por ello estas legislaciones evitan la reapropiaciôn de las

normas por las victimas, obstaculizando la verdadera resoluciôn de los

conflictos.

Otra figura que han incluido las recientes legislaciones es la concilia-

ciôn, la que desnaturalizan dando otro sentido a dicha acepciôn : ya que

originalmente esta figura dinamiza una acciôn y un resultado de manera

simultänea, y presupone que las partes desean darse reciprocamente lo

justo, lo cual no existe en violencia doméstica, en donde de manera

dolosa se busca o realiza daño a las personas.

La conciliaciôn es una forma de autocomposiciôn que puede suponer

una acciôn unilateral por la que una de las partes renuncia a un derecho,

o reconoce que la otra tiene razôn, o bien puede dirimirse el conflicto

de manera bilateral por acuerdo entre las partes.

Estas formas de dirimir conflictos en violencia intrafamiliar, resultan

herramientas retôricas para responder a la Justicia que demandan las

Victimas, no atienden sus necesidades. Agraväandose la situaciôn, ya que

frente a violanciones de derechos humanos anteponen mecanismos dis-

crecionales (México, 1995).

En estudios de seguimiento se ha visto que estas nuevas figuras pro-

vocan mâs discrecionalidad en las decisiones en torno al problema,

siendo muchas de ellas violatorias de las garantias de la victima, desvir-

tuando la funciôn de la mediaciôn y del derecho penal, presuponiendo

situaciones de igualdad o equilibrio entre las partes, respondiendo los

servicios, quizàs a intereses oficiales mäs que a los de las victimas.

La Ley de Chile establece un procedimiento de conciliaciôn, mediante

el que se celebra una audiencia que intenta lograr la « debida conviven-

cia del nucleo familiar y la integridad fisica y psiquica del ofendido ».

También El Salvador establece la audiencia de conciliaciôn pero incluso

determina la comparecencia obligatoria de la victimas y denunciados,

estableciendo multa al o a los que desobedezcan y no asistan (arti-

cula 33).

Es decir. adivina la necesidad de un procedimiento que resulta

contraproducente a las partes con resoluciones vinculantes, pudiendo

incluso aplicarles sanciones frente a « desobediencias » realizadas tanto

por el agresor como por la victima

tratandolas de manera indistinta

como si se tratara de partes igunales, rompiendo totalmente los presu-

puestos esenciales de la mediaciôn, desnaturalizändola, especialmente

por lo que hace a la libertad.

— 76 —

Algunas de estas legislaciones han resultado dudosas copias de proce-

diemientos para dirimir otra clase de conflictos que no reducen sino

aumentan tensiones, y que en la präctica, aun cuando no lo tengan

contemplado, envian a las victimas a que primero agoten el procedi-

miento de conciliaciôn o arbitraje antes de proceder penalmente. Convir-

tiéndose esa präctica en un circuito mäs del sistema que lo engrosa y

deteriora. Incluso se ha comprobado el aumento de ansiedad en victimas

de violencia doméstica que se han sometido a estas praäcticas.

Estas legislaciones provocaran en generaciones de personas maltrata-

das una sensaciôon de traiciôon (San Martin, 1997), al no ver resuelto su

problema sino empeorado.

Es por ello indispensable, cuando se piensa en el tema de la violencia

en el hogar, analizar primero a los actores, el uso que hay en ese

microespacio del poder, los excesos en su ejercecio, las condiciones de

subordinaciôn que existen y los mitos y costumbres, e intentar retomar

las raices, con mediaciones familiares o comunitarias, en los casos donde

no se han cometido delitos.

Deben ser evaluados de manera consistente estas leyes, sus conse-

cuencias y el cambio en la perception del problema.

Sin lugar a dudas para incluir nuevos mecanismos que cambien el sis-

tema de justicia, debemos aceptar, como diria el Profesor Ermar (1997),

que no nos funcionarän mäs nuestros antiguos conceptos, ya que para

crear nuevos paradigmas requerimos una nueva forma de percibir el

evento criminal.

B. — Mediacion Penal

La mediaciôn es una figura que puede emplearse en la fase preproce-

sal. procesal, incluso después del juicio, antes de dictar sentencia y

durante su ejecuciôn, como herramienta que distinga entre el ser

humano y el conflicto que presenta, separando el mismo de las necesi-

dades de la victima. escuchäandola, ya que el poder de la palabra y el

poder de la presencia fisica son insustituibles (Diaz, 1997). No debe des-

vincularse la responsabilidad del presunto con sus deberes para con la

familia : la autoridad debe preguntar a la victima como podrian resolver

algunos asuntos a fin de afectarla lo menos posible.

En Argentina, segûn la ley 94.417 de Protecciôn contra la Violencia

Familiar, en su articulo 5 establece que dentro de las 48 horas, ya adop-

tadas las medidas precautorias, se convocaràä o las partes a una audien-

cla de mediaciôn.

Algunos paises han experimentado la mediaciôn vicaria para trata-

mientos de agresores. Esta es una dinämica en la que una victima

— 77 —

comenta a los agresores, sus sentimientos, efectos y consecuencias del

delito. Prâctica que diluye mucho los efectos al no tratarse de su victima.

Esta técnica también se utiliza para desmitificar al autor y desdramatizar

el hecho delictivo.

En caso de utilizarse la mediaciôn en asuntos penales, debe darse

adecuada capacitaciôn a los mediadores. ya que no pueden los mismos

fiscales entrenados para la persecuciôn de los delitos, convertirse en

conciliadores.

VIIT. — CRIMINALIZACION DE LA VIOLENCIA DOMESTICA

El uso del Derecho Penal es la piedra angular para dar respuesta a

la violencia doméstica, recordemos que la fuerza simbôlica de la ley es

ünica. Esto debe generar cambios de valores y actitudes, para reflejar en

ello mensajes inequivocos, eficaces, de protecciôn para las victimas y

todos los miembros de la sociedad, condenando al agresor a sufrir las

consecuencias de la conducta que perpetuo.

Para lograr una adecuada reforma penal, primero es necesario que se

revise el concepto de discriminaciôn, ya que tanto mujeres como

menores son las victimas mâs frecuentes de violencia doméstica, debido

a que en muchas legislaciones éstos aûn poseen un sfatus desigual, lo que

debe ser modificado y considerado.

Es necesario que la sociedad esté consciente de que si, frente à

conductas dolosas que pongan en peligro o dañen la vida, la seguridad

y el patrimonio de une persona, hay una inmediata e inequivoca reaccion

penal : debe haberla igualmente eficiente cuando existe un lazo de afini-

dad o relaciôn familiar entre victima y victimario.

La Ley de Seguridad Ciudadana de Uruguay, publicada el 19 de Julio

de 1995, establece en su articulo 18 que se incorpore al Côdigo Penal un

tipo especifico de violencia doméstica, que se enuncia correspondera al

articulo 321bhis.

La ley n° 27 de la Repüblica de Panamä de 1995, criminalizô el mal-

trato de menores y la violencia doméstica, de manera especifica con

tipos autônomos.

Llama la atenciôn lo amplio del tipo de maltrato ya que incluye los

verbos tipicos : causar, permitir, hacer… cometer, inducir o ayudar… uti-

lizar o incurrir… emplear… imponer trato negligente…. verbos que

amplian la proteccion del menor.

En el Côdigo Penal de Brasil, en el articulo 60, se establece como cir-

cunstancia agravante que el crimen se realice contra el ascendiente, des-

— 78 —

cendiente o cônyuge, asi como el abuso de autoridad aprovechando las

relaciones domésticas, de cohabitaciôn o de hospitalidad.

La fuerza immediata que proporciona la criminalizaciôn ofrece una

proteciôn potencial à corto plazo en favor de las victimas.

El desterrar la violencia doméstica a nivel individual, se obtiene por

el directo significado de lo que implica une detenciôn. un arresto, la per-

secuciôn, sentencia y tratamiento del agresor (prevenciôn especial).

La criminalizaciôn enviarä a nivel simbôlico un mensaje de preven-

cIon

presentando la violencia como una prâctica inadecuada, logrän-

dose la funciôn de prevenciôn general.

La necesidad de castigar esta clase de violencia nos debe conducir a

la creaciôn de tipos penales que la describan de manera especifica, evi-

tando aplicar criterios discresionales que generan corrupciôn e impuni-

dad

Es importante en esta reforma incluir medidas para terminar con la

cifra negra que hay en estos delitos y prevenirlos, obligando a efectuar

la denuncia a los trabajadores de los servicos asistenciales, sociales. 0

educativos, püblicos o privados, profesionistas de la salud y todo funcio-

nario publico en razôn de su labor, cuando los damnificados hayan sido

menores o Incapaces, ancianos o discapacitados (Argentina). facultando

al Ministerio Püblico, en caso de menores o incapaces, à realizarla direc-

tamente. Prevision que establece ya la ley de Argentina en su articulo 2,

ademas de Boliva.

Resulta de suma importancia el que la autoridad proceda de oficio,

de manera immediata, a dictar medidas, o mandatos que protejan la

seguridad de làas victimas, pero debe estar facultada asi mismo para en

cualquier momento del procedimiento de oficio o a peticion de parte,

ampliar, modificar, sustituir o dejar sin efecto médico : cautelares (Boli-

via, Costa Rica). En algunas legislaciones el determinarlas es competen-

cia del juez de familia o civil (Argentina), mismas que pueden consistir

en la exclusion del autor de la vivienda donde habita el nûcleo familiar

o de lugares de trabajo o estudio, asi como ordenar el reintegro al domi-

cilio de quien saliô por razones de seguridad, no tratändose por

supuesto del autor.

Estas medidas han sido muy criticadas, ya que se dice que pueden

afectar derechos humanos de los presuntos antes de probar su responsa-

bilidad en el proceso.

Otra consiste en determinar provisoriamente alimentos, tenencia o

derechos de comunicaciôn con los hijos.

La Ley de Costa Rica en la materia establece en su articulo 5, la

facultad de efectuar allanamiento de morada cuando en razôn de una

situaciôon de violencia doméstica se ponga en grave peligro la integridad

— 79 —

fisica, sexual, patrimonial o psicolôgica de cualquiera de sus habitantes.

Asimismo agrega prohibir la introducciôn o mantenimiento de armas en

la casa-habitaciôn, cuando éstas fueren utilizadas para intimidar, amena-

zar o causar daño a las personas a que se refiere la ley. y la orden de

realizar el inventario de bienes muebles existentes en el nûcleo habitacio-

nal (Costa Rica).

El algunos lugares el mandato va acompañado con inicio de cargas

contra et agresor con arresto ya que si sôlo se retira al agresor de lugar

donde ejercia violencia puede signifcar un riesgo para las victimas.

En Bolivia se establece en la ley especial de la materia que

« En

todos los casos se mantendrä en estricta reserva el nombre de la vic-

tima ».

Algunas legislaciones determinan como pena el someter al agresor a

un tratamiento terapéutico, que indudablemente es también una medida

que darä seguridad a la victima. En Chile es especialmente novedosa la

prohibicion al agresor para celebrar actos o contratos sobre determina-

dos bienes (articulo 3).

VIIL. — PROTECCION DE LOS DERECHOS

DE LAS VICTIMAS Y ESTRATEGIAS

A. — Garantias

Criminalizar significa no sôlo una nueva legislaciôn represiva o san-

cionadora, sino también desarrollar politicas, programas y un cambio de

actitud. Quedando claro que, ademäs, dentro del sistema deben surgir

paralelamente los apoyos de salud, servicios sociales, educativos, com-

plementarios, para abarcar una adecuada defensa y atenciôn integral de

las victimas. Por ello deben coordinarse los diversos servicios para que

todos los que laboren en problemâticas similares, persigan objetivos

iguales. En esta tarea resultan de vital importancia las aportaciones y

trabajo de las organizaciones civiles (Argentina, Ley, 1994).

Una clave en el proceso de criminalizaciôn lo es, sin duda, el hecho

del reconocimiento y protecciôn de los derechos de las victimas, de sus

necesidades e intereses, estableciendo asimismo la obligaciôn de valorar

el impacto de la victimizaciôn al aplicar y realizar las diligencias y al

determinar la sanciôn. En la ley de materia de Chile se establece que,

segûn los terminos del Côdigo de Procedimiento Civil, deberä el tribunal

pronunciarse sobre la ocurrencia del hecho constitutivo de violencia

doméstica, si afecta o no la salud fiscia o psiquica del ofendido (arti-

culo 3, Chile).

— 80 …

Debe asegurarse que en estas leyes de justicia para las victimas de

violencia doméstica, se Incluyan recomendaciones y criterios contenidos

en los principales instrumentos internacionales relacionnados con esta

materia

la Declaraciôon de los Derechos Humanos (1948), la Declara-

ciôn de los Derechos del Niño (1959), la Convenciôn de Eliminaciôn de

la Discriminaciôn contra la Mujer (1979). la articulaciôn de los Prinei-

pios Fundamentales para las Victimas del Delito y Abuso del Poder

(1985). la Convenciôn de los Derechos de los Niños (1989), las Reco-

mendaciones de la Reuniôn de Expertos en Violencia Doméstica (Van-

couver. 1992). la Convenciôn Interamericana para Prevenir, Sancionar y

Erradicar la Violencia contra la Mujer (Belem Do Para, Brasil, 1994),

y los documentos de la Cuarta Conferencia Mundial de la Mujer (Beijin,

China. 1995).

Deben reforzarse los canales institucionalizados de atenciôn de los

derechos de las victimas, en el sistema informal, prejudicial, procesal y

ejecutivo penal. si se desea realmente un cambio sustancial que nos Îleve

del paradigma de la justicia retributiva a la restitutiva.

Las reformas y politicas de integraciôn deben ser para : definir el sta-

tus de la victima, posiciôn del conflicto. aumentar la proteccion ofrecida

por el sistema de jJusticia, asi como para su participaciôn activa y repre-

sentaciôn en el proceso.

Los derechos del delincuente son importantes y deben protegerse,

pero no a costa de sacrificar los derechos de las victimas.

B. — Algunas präcticas exitosas

La policia, al ser por lo general el primer contacto de las victimas,

requiere estar facultada para realizar las intervenciones oportunas en

problemas de violencia doméstica. En Bolivia la Ley establece que la

Policia Nacional destacarä patrullas môviles de control hacia los centros

de mayor incidencia de violencia doméstica (articulo 3).

Deben estructurarse guias de trabajo policiaco en donde los agentes

comprendan cual es el problema y se les enseñe

i Como conducirse ?

Cuando pueden arrestar o detener a una persona en estos casos ? En

Bolivia se establece que en la capacitaciôn de la policia serà asignatura

curricular el estudio de la Ley contra la Violencia por lo que solicita la

colaboracion de todos las organizaciones o entidades püblicas à privadas

dedicadas a la proteccion de menores, mujeres y personas de la tercera

edad.

Fl Gobierno del Distrito Federal de Brasil. ha establecido delega-

ciones de la Mujer. las que tienen como funciôn primordial atender a las

mujeres victimas de violencia doméstica, paralelamente en casi todo el

pais se han creado instancias semejantes.

— 8 —

La Corte y Juzgados especializados han sido de gran utilidad, inclu-

sive bien equipadas con personal idôneo, permiten implementar estrate-

glas para una adecuada investigaciôn criminal y mejores resultados ope-

rativos.

En la Ley n° 16707 de Seguridad Ciudadana de Uruguay se establece,

en el articulo 38, que se encomienda al Poder Ejecutivo y al Judicial, en

el ambito de sus respectivas competencias, la implementaciôn de progra-

mas especificos para la asistencia integral a personas y sus familiares,

victimas del delito y del abuso de poder.

El servicio telefônico emergente es un programa de atenciôn funda-

mental, que funciona con trabajadoras sociales o voluntarias de la

comunidad, previamente capacitadas.

Parte del sistema detenciôn que debe existir es el Registro Nacional

de casas, en Chile es el Servicio del Registro Civil e identificion el que

lo integra, relativo a personas que han sido condenadas como autores

de casos de violencia doméstica.

En Puerto Rico se creô, el 24 de marzo de 1994, el Comité Interge-

rencial para el Estudio de la Violencia Doméstica, que sera el organo

encargado de vigilar que el Estado cumpla su compromiso de velar por

la estabilidad de la familia, dändole protecciôn adecuada y garantizan-

dole su seguridad.

En Perü, segûn lo establecido por la Ley n° 26260, se creô La Politica

del Estado y de la Sociedad frente a la Violencia Familiar asi como las

medidas de protecciôn que correpondan. Se impulsaron asimismo las

Comisarias de Mujeres, con personal especializado para recibir estos

casos. La Ley hace menciôn especial a la importancia que en esta tarea

tienen las organizaciones civiles (articulo 3).

Al igual que en Perû, la Asamblea Legislativa de El Salvador estable-

ciô en 1995 sus Politicas de Estado para la prevenciôn de la violencia

familiar, creando, segûn lo marca el articulo 6, inciso f). dentro de la

Policia Nacional Civil, las dependencias necesarias, con personal espe-

clalizado en la atenciôon de casos de violencia familiar.

Pero no debemos crear servicios engañäandonos y so pretexto de ayu-

dar a las victimas establecer tramites complejos, engorrosos, largos, que

no obstante intentar un cambio de actitud, someten a las victimas a

interminables procedimientos, cuasinformales, que son en realidad hibri-

dos sin direcciôn victimolôgica correcta.

Bien dice el profesor Ezzat Fatta (1997), que la historia de la aten-

ciôn à las victimas estä resultando ser la narraciôn de la negligencia, la

revictimizaciôn, una politica de manipulaciôn, una expertencia de pro-

mesas incumplidas e iInsatisfechas, expectativas inciertas con enormes

frustraciones que produce su alienaciôn.

_—n -—

BIBLIOGRAFIA

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Davis. W.E. et al. (1996), Lecciones aprendidas : Experiencias con resolu-

cion alternativa de disputas, Estados Unidos.

DE OLIVEIRA, J. Decreto n” 849 (1995), Côdigo Penal, Editorial

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cion de la discriminacion contra la mujer, 18 Periodo de Sesiones

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_ 83 —

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para el mejoramiento de justicia en el Estado de Puebla, Puebla.

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Doméstica (1989), Puerto Rico.

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sobre la Mujer, 9. Pequin.

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Possibilities and Pitfalls, Amsterdam. The Netherlands.

— 84

POLITIQUES CRIMINELLES,

CONFLITS DE CULTURES

ET CHOC DES CIVILISATIONS

Pierre-Henri Bolle (*)

Mème s1 cela ne paraît pas nécessaire, j'aimerais rappeler le thème de

notre Congrès

Crime et justice dans un monde en évolution : perspectives

en Asie et dans la communauté internationale, et insister sur ce qui en

La double

constitue la seconde partie, et non pas le sous-titre

approche. régionale et internationale (« Global », en anglais).

Ce thème est tout à la fois un avertissement à ceux qui, au risque de

négliger les particularités régionales, pourraient croire que le crime,

comme l'économie, est, quantitativement et qualitativement, un phéno-

mène en passe de mondialisation inexorable. du moins pour ses manifes-

tations les plus typiques ; mais ce thème est aussi l'affirmation d'une

évolution de la criminologie, de plus en plus poussée à distinguer ce qui

peut être appréhendé au plan mondial (cf. Ugo Leone, Criminologia

internazionale. Rome, UNICRI, 1993, not. pp. 187 et s.), et ce qui doit

être appréhendé au plan régional. voire national.

En cela — et le thème de notre Congrès le montre bien —, la criminolo-

gle s'inscrit dans le grand mouvement des sciences sociales qui, par delà

la théorie pure et la dogmatique, favorisent la recherche appliquée,

d'abord par souci d'efficacité. Cette tendance, pour la criminologie, à été

confortée par le fait que les législateurs nationaux et les administrateurs

des systèmes de justice pénale ont de plus en plus recours aux services

de la criminologie, au point qu'aujourd'hui, plus aucun responsable

digne de ce nom ne peut élaborer et/ou appliquer une politique crimi-

nelle digne de ce nom, sans recourir à la collaboration des criminolo-

gues, donc à leurs lumières. D'ailleurs, les gouvernements n'hésitent pas

à se doter d'instituts, de services, d'entités, de cellules de criminologues,

dont la réputation et l'importance dépassent parfois celles de leurs

homologues universitaires, comme au Royaume-Uni, où à été institué

auprès du Home Office, un Research and Planning Unit, qualifié par les

connaisseurs de « gigantic concentration » de chercheurs et de moyens

(cf. Paul Rock, « The Social Organization of British Criminology », in

(*) Professeur de législations pénales. Université de Neuchâtel. Suisse.

_— 85 -

The Oxford Handbook of Criminology, éd. par M. Maguire, R. Morgan

et R. Reiner, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1994, pp. 125 et s., 139).

En outre, la politique criminelle s'intègre de plus en plus aux politi-

ques sociales, sociojuridiques, voire socio-culturelles nationales, si bien

que cette politique criminelle est enfin reconnue partout comme tribu-

taire des conditions socio-historico-culturelles des différents Etats. D'ail-

leurs, ceux parmi les criminologues qui se sont penchés sur l'étiologie

criminelle, ont beaucoup insisté sur ce point (cf par exemple Raymond

Gassin, Criminologie, 3° éd., Paris, Dalloz, 1994, not. pp. 223 et 371

et s.).

Du même coup, elle échappe à la tyrannie des 1déologies politiques,

qui l’ont dévoyée, notamment dans les années soixante-dix et quatre-

vingts, comme elles ont d'ailleurs dévoyé la criminologie elle-même, utili-

sée à des fins politiques partisanes. Or, toute 1déologie est réductionniste,

comme le dénonce Denis Szabo, dans toute son œuvre.

Dans cette optique, l'idée même d'une politique criminelle vriverselle,

uniforme, uniformisée, fondée sur une base commune de valeurs parta-

gées, peut être qualifiée aujourd'hui d'utopique. Ce fut le rêve — et

comme tous les rèves, en grande partie inconscient de bien des crimino-

logues, et des responsables des premiers Congrès des Nations Unies sur

la prévention du crime et le traitement des délinquants, avant que ces

manifestations ne deviennent de pseudo-conférences diplomatiques -

dont elles n'ont pas les pouvoirs — à partir, définitivement, du Congrès

de Caracas. au Venezuela, en 1980.

Comme la meilleure façon de réaliser ses rêves, c'est de se réveiller,

les criminologues et les responsables de la politique criminelle, se sont

rabattus sur une conception plus éclatée de leurs champs respectifs d'ac-

tion, et à part quelques domaines très spécifiques du crime (par exemple,

les crimes contre l'humanité et les crimes de guerre) et de la justice

pénale (par exemple, l'institution d'une Cour internationale contre ce

type de criminalité, Rome, juillet 1998), 1ls ont abandonné l'idée d'une

unification, pour celle d'une /farmonisation de pans entiers de leurs

champs d'action ; et ils ont laissé aux Etats, le soin d'organiser la lutte

contre certains actes délictueux, notamment les infractions d'ordre, les

contraventions, à l’aide de moyens qui leur sont propres et susceptibles

de tenir mieux compte des spécificités nationales, qu'elles soient histor1-

ques, sociales, culturelles, voire morales. Par exemple, citons le plea bar-

gaining américain, considéré en Europe comme incompatible avec la

morale dont doit s'inspirer la justice pénale, et avec la nature de l'aveu

qui, sur le Vieux-Continent, n'a pas valeur de preuve ; ce qui ne signifie

pas qu'il faille exclure absolument de la justice pénale toute idée de

négociation (cf. André Kuhn, « Le ‘plea bargaining' américain est-il

— 86 —

116,

propre à inspirer le législateur suisse ? », Revue pénale suisse, T

1998, pp. 73 et s.) : par exemple aussi le quadrillage policier urbain prati-

qué au Japon, sous forme des fameux Kobans (cf. Tadashi Morishita,

« La modernisation de la police au Japon », Revue internationale de cri-

minologie et de police technique, 1986, pp. 447 et s, 451), difficile à

concevoir pour ceux qui sont partisans des libertés individuelles et de la

protection de la sphère privée, ou bien encore la pratique chinoise des

exécutions publiques de condamnés à mort, considérée comme incompa-

tible avec la notion des droits de l'homme, tels qu'ils sont reconnus dans

la majorité des systèmes juridiques contemporains ; citons enfin, de

façon plus générale, les institutions du droit pénal islamique traditionnel,

tels que les châtiments corporels ou les amputations.

Le fait que jJe cite ces exemples ne doit pas être mal compris

d'une

part, cela ne signifie pas que j'approuve, voire que je promeuve ces insti-

tutions et ces pratiques, qui sont, bien évidemment, contraires à mes

propres conceptions ; mais cela ne signifie pas non plus que je les juge.

voire que je les condamne, en tant qu'instruments nationaux de politique

criminelle. Simplement, cela signifie que ces spécificités nationales — ou

spécificités régionales, si l'on songe aux règles de la Chariah — doivent

rester ce qu'elles sont : des principes et des pratiques propres à des poli-

tiques socio-culturelles et à des politiques criminelles adaptées à des

contingences nationales particulières. Or, confrontés à la lente intégra-

tion mondiale, ces principes et pratiques vont évoluer selon un processus

d'harmonisation universelle des politiques, plus que selon un processus

d'harmonisation des institutions elles-mêmes. On n'emprunte plus à

l'étranger des institutions, mais des modèles. Les échanges se font au

niveau des 1dées. Il serait aujourd'hui impossible de déclarer qu'un code

pénal étranger est, en bloc, applicable dans un autre pays, comme le fit

Atatürk en Turquie, avec le Code pénal 1talien, avant la deuxième

Guerre Mondiale.

Enfin, le temps est révolu où, au nom d’'une idéologie, ou d'une puis-

sance militaire et/ou économique, le monde occidental ou l'empire

soclalo-soviétique pouvaient imposer au reste du monde leurs propres

conceptions à incorporer telles quelles dans les politiques sociojuridiques

et criminelles, au mépris des spécificités nationales.

En cela, la thèse de Samuel P. Huntington sur : Le choc des civilisa-

tions (Paris, Ed. Odile Jacob, 1997) garde tout son intérêt et toute sa

valeur. Précisons que le titre anglais de cet ouvrage magistral est meil-

leur : The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order (New

York, Simon & Schuster, 1996). L'analyse globale de Huntington est

tout aussi pertinente au plan sectoriel de la politique criminelle et doit

convaincre à davantage de clairvoyance et d'humilité, les spécialistes de

la politique criminelle internationale, régionale ou nationale.

Deux derniers exemples, relatifs au Japon, suffiront, je l'espère, à

illustrer mes propos, que certains ont certainement trouvés trop aériens,

trop peu concrets.

Tout d’abord, jJ'évoquerai le domaine des homicides, et tout particu-

lièrement l’assistance au suicide et le meurtre sur la demande de la vic-

time, des incriminations qui existent au Japon ($202 du Code pénal

japonais ; $ 320 de l’ancien Code pénal japonais de 1880), comme dans

l'immense majorité des législations pénales, mais des incriminations dont

l’application est spécifique et dépend bien évidemment de la conception

morale du suicide, conception propre aux Japonais, une conception bien

connue des moralistes et des spécialistes de la théologie comparée, au

sens de laquelle le suicide, dans certains cas, non seulement est dépourvu

de toute immoralité, mais est au contraire un acte particulièrement

honorable, seule façon de sauver son honneur et celui des siens, de faire

oublier là commission d’'une faute. voire d’un crime. Cette reconnais-

sance morale du suicide (en japonais sappuku, ce que les étrangers

appellent harakiri) est enfin conforme à une règle éthique d'inspiration

bouddhiste exprimée dans le proverbe japonais répandu suivant, que Je

traduis ainsi

« Nul n’a le droit de fouetter un mort » (cf Haruo Nish1-

hara

« Die Rechtfertigung der Sterbehilfe in Japan », in Dus Erste

deutsch-japanisch-polnische Strafrechtskolloquium der Stipendiaten der

Alexander von Humboldt-Stiftung, A.J. Szwarc et À. Wasek (éd.), Poz-

nan, Wydawnictwo Poznanskie, 1998, p. 51).

Si, jusqu'à aujourd’hui, la jurisprudence japonaise n’a Jamais légitimé

l’assistance au suicide ou le meurtre à la demande de la victime, ce qui,

manifestement, violerait de plein fouet le $ 202 du Code pénal, certains

jugements ouvrent la voie à faire d'un tel comportement un acte justifi-

catif (cf. pour la première fois. un arrêt de la Cour suprême de Nagoya,

du 22 décembre 1962 (op. cit. p. 54). Sur cette base, toute une pratique

s'est développée. jusqu'à un jugement de la Cour de Yokohama, du

28 mars 1995, dans lequel, sous couvert de motivation jJuridique, trans-

paraît de toute évidence la conception socio-culturelle spécifique du sui-

cide, donc de la vie et de la mort, que les Japonais partagent depuis la

nuit des temps, une conception qui ne sera jamais reconnue nulle part

ailleurs.

J'évoquerai enfin les travaux très récents de la Fondation Internatio-

nale Pénale et Pénitentiaire qui, en collaboration avec les autorités jJapo-

naises et l'UNAFEI, à consacré son Colloque international (Tokyo, jJan-

vier 1998) aux régimes pénitentiaires et au travail dans les prisons. Les

actes de cette manifestation seront publiés dans quelques mois. Au cours

de ces travaux 1llustrés par une visite à l’établissement pénitentiaire

fermé de Fuchu, les participants étrangers ont tous, ou presque, défendu

une conception des régimes et du travail pénitentiaires fondée sur la

38

notion occidentale des droits de l'homme, une conception ayant aussi

pour objectif la réintégration sociale des détenus, obtenue grâce à la

favorisation en prison des contacts entre détenus et grâce à une vie car-

cérale la plus proche possible de la vie professionnelle en milieu libre.

De leur côté. les experts jJaponais ont défendu le régime existant

notamment à Fuchu, qui se traduit pour les détenus par une discipline

de vie plus sévère, s'exprimant notamment par l'imposition de la règle

du silence pendant le travail, l'interdiction de fumer, et de strictes restric-

tions dans l'organisation des loisirs et l'accès aux médias.

Or. 1l est apparu que ces règles japonaises n'étaient pas toutes, loin

de là. inspirées par des considérations de sécurité ou par une politique

délibérée de répression et de châtiment, mais bien par la conception

même que les Japonais se font du travail, de son organisation, et plus

généralement, inspirées de leur conception de la vie en société (Way of

life, ou encore Weltanschauung). Si bien que dans le préambule aux

recommandations du Colloque sur le travail en prison, la Fondation

Internationale Pénale et Pénitentiaire a mentionné ce qui est bien plus

qu'une précaution oratoire, ou encore une politesse à l'égard du pays

hôte du Colloque. Je cite

« Etant rappelées les différences notables subsistant entre pays

pauvres et riches, en voie de développement ou développés, et compte

tenu des données historiques, culturelles, juridiques et administratives de

leurs systèmes respectifs, qui doivent être respectées si l'on veut faire

œuvre utile de politique criminelle, les participants au Colloque de la

FIPP... ont constaté ce qui suit :

«) Le travail a une importance telle dans la société en général qu'il est

partie intégrante de l'histoire, de la culture et de la mentalité sociale

spécifiques à chacun des pays, ou, en tous les cas, spécifiques à cha-

cune des régions du monde.

b)

Ainsi, 1l n'est pas étonnant que le travail, paramètre du monde carcé-

ral et pénitentiaire, n'ait pas la même signification partout, même s'il

a partout la mème importance.

»

C)

Je tirerai de cette citation ma conclusion.

S1 l'on veut faire œuvre utile de politique criminelle, 11 faut garder à

l’esprit, donc 1l faut considérer, donc 1l faut respecter les données histori-

ques, culturelles, juridiques et administratives des systèmes respectifs des

divers Etats, qu'ils soient pauvres ou riches, en voie de développement

ou développés. Et cela est particulièrement vrai en Asie (du Sud-Est), ou

les Etats ne connaissent pas encore, et ne connaîtront peut-être Jamais,

le degré d'intégration socio-juridico-politique atteint dans d'autres par-

ties du monde.

— 89 —

Une manifestation telle que le XII* Congrès de la Société internatio-

nale de criminologie, doit être l'occasion de mieux connaître nos institu-

tions, pratiques et politiques respectives, et puisque nous les connaitrons

mieux, de mieux les estimer, et puisque nous les estimerons davantage.

de mieux les respecter. Profitons-en !

90

GLOBAL TRENDS IN CORRECTIONS

Ulla V. Bondeson (*)

THE OBJECTIVE OF CRIMINAL POLICY

Why do we punish ? What 1s the objective of criminal policy ? We

often assume that criminal policy 1s governed by rationality. À rational

policy identifies the means by which a given objective is to be reached

at the minimum of costs. The objective itself cannot be determined by

scientific means. It 1s usually taken for granted that the goal of criminal

policy is simply to reduce crime rates. The Finnish criminologist Tôr-

nudd (1996) has proposed a more specific formulation

the goal of

criminal policy is to minimize the cost and suffering caused by crime and

by crime control. and to allocate this cost and suffering in à just manner.

THEORIES OF PUNISHMENT

In Scandinavian jurisprudence the so-called relative theories of

punishment constitute responses to the demand for rationality 1n

criminal policy. Sanctions are here regarded as means to reduce crime.

According to the theory of individual or special prevention this should

be accomplished by way of treatment. deterrence, or incapacitation of

criminals. As for the theory of general prevention reduction should be

achieved by deterring or morally educating potential criminals.

While the relative theories refer to a preventive function, in the so-

called absolute theories punishment 1s seen as an end in itself. Revenge

by « lex talionis » (an eye for an eye) 1s one variant of this doctrine.

Other versions are just retribution as formulated foremost in German

philosophy and « atonement » based on concepts from Christianity.

In European jurisprudence the relative or preventive penal theories

can be traced back to Plato more than 2,400 years ago. Likewise in the

18th century the Italian philosopher Beccaria (1764) claimed that

prevention is more important than punishment, and that punishment 1s

justified only if it contributes to the prevention of criminal behaviour.

(*) ! would like to thank the Director of HEUNI. Dr Matti Joutsen, for giving valuable

comments on this paper. and for giving me access to the Fifth UNCIS which is not yet pub-

lished. T also wish to thank Christopher Rumble for his assistance in revising the English

language of this paper.

— 91 —

Similarly, Bentham (1780) developed utilitarian penal theories under

which the ultimate aim of punishment 1s social welfare.

In the same century the German philosopher Kant conversely presen-

ted his foundation of the metaphysics and criticism of practical

rationality (1785 ; 1788), where he stated that retaliative punishment 1s

a categorical imperative. The criminal must be punished because he has

committed a crime, for the guilt he has brought upon himself, and all

other justifications for punishment were said to be immoral, if not

directly criminal.

The Scandinavian criminal codes of this century have mainly been

based upon the preventive theories of punishment. Individual or spectal

prevention has been particularly dominant within Swedish criminal

policy.

THE TREATMENT IDEOLOGY AND [Ts DOWNFALI

Treatment

ideas

within

corrections

can

be

traced back

to

« tuchthuisen » in the Netherlands and «les hôpitaux généraux » in

France in the 17th century. From the descriptions of these total institu-

tions by Sellin (1944) and Foucault (1961 ; cf. 1975) one can conclude

that many so-called new reforms within prisons are, in fact, very old.

Also scepticism about corrections dates back as far as the enlighten-

ment. Most concern with the demoralizing effects of prisons can be

traced back to the penal reformers of the I8th century. In 1777 John

Howard said prisons were « seats and seminaries of idleness and every

vice » (p. 21) and Bentham asserted

« Weariness, revenge and want

preside over these academies of crime » (1891, pp. 351-352). Likewise the

Russian scientist Kropotkin who in part involuntarily had rich oppor-

tunity to study Siberian, English and French prisons from the inside

wrote

«Our model and modern penitentiaries (are) a hundred times

more corrupting than the dungeons of the Middle-Ages ». By studying

French criminal statistics he concluded : « Figures tell us loudly enough

that the supposed double influence of prisons - the deterring and the

moralizing - exists only in the imagination of lawyers. »

While scientific descriptions of prisons exist only in some countries,

biographical documents of inmates can be found from a much greater

number. And here the similarities are striking as regards the brutalizing

and demoralizing effects of imprisonment.

- 92

_

TREATMENT RESEARCH

Treatment studies of the individual preventive effects of punishment.

often euphemistically referred to as treatment, date back only a few

decades. Treatment research can roughly be broken down into effect

studies. in which the results of treatment are measured by recidivism

rates. and institutional or impact studies, where analyses are made of the

content of the treatment. À famous survey of evaluations of correctional

treatment programs using only effect studies with strict methodological

criteria was carried out by Martinson and others, reported in the com-

mittee Investigation The Effectiveness of Correctional Treatment (Lipton

et al. 1975), and summarized in his renowned article « What Works ? »

(Martinson 1974), with the conclusion « nothing works ».

In a report to the same American committee I reviewed correspond-

ing Scandinavian evaluation studies, using the same selection criteria

(Bondeson 1975). l here made a distinction between program research

and sanction research, and pointed out that in most of the American

evaluation studies one usually measures relatively isolated treatment

components within a penalty system. for instance studying group

therapy within a prison. In the Scandinavian studies more often radi-

cally different modes of social interventions have been compared, for

example. comparing probation with imprisonment. While the American

studies often showed no effect of treatment within a sanction, comparing

different sanctions in Scandinavia did more often produce different

results. One example is Bôrjeson's (1966) meticulously designed ex post

fucto experiment showing that custodial penalties produce significantly

higher recidivism rates than non-custodial ones. Using a similar predic-

tive Instrument I found in a comparative and longitudinal study that

probation combined with a short institutional treatment produced

higher recidivism rates than probation without institutionalization and

that probation yielded higher recidivism than did conditional sentence

without supervision (Bondeson 1994).

It should further be observed that surveys of this kind exclude on

methodological grounds studies using a structural-funetional approach.

This means that studies such as Clemmer's The Prison Community

(1958) are not included. His observations of prisonization, signifying

that the longer the inmate stays in prison the more he learns of norms

and customs that characterize the prison community, which has an anti-

social culture, can obviously not be summarized as a no-effect result.

Instead of the expected positive effect of treatment we here find

negative, 1.e. destructive effects of correctional treatment.

In a comparative and longitudinal investigation of all kinds of corree-

tional institutions in Sweden — training schools, youth prisons, prisons,

_— 93 —

and preventive detention institutions for both men and women — I found

ample evidence of prisonization prevailing in all 13 institutions studied.

While the official objective of these institutions was individual preven-

tion, the result was the opposite — what I have called negative individual

prevention — measuring inter alia extensive criminalization in all types of

institutions using panel and multivariate analysis (Bondeson 1974). In a

follow-up study over ten years for all the inmates I found very high

recidivism rates, and in a statistical survival analysis there was a signifi-

cant relationship between criminalization in the institution and later

recidivism (Bondeson 1989). It should be noted that these studies have

been carried out in a correctional system that is usually characterized as

being one of the most progressive in the world.

Some later, more optimistic studies of treatment in corrections such

as the meta-analyses of Lipton (1995) and Lôsel (1995) have indicated

on the average a 12 per cent reduction in recidivism by focused treat-

ment programs, mainly on juvenile offenders. Last year the Home Office

(1997) produced à critical analysis of these studies and Lipsey & Wilson

(1998) have this year published a synthesis of research. Recently Sher-

man et al (1998) in « Preventing Crime

What Works, What Doesn't,

What's Promising » have demonstrated that rehabilitation programs can

be effective 1f they are highly structured and focused, particularly as

regards drug treatment.

POLITICAL EFFECTS OF TREATMENT RESEARCH

In Scandinavia several committees have declared that since imprison-

ment does not produce any individual preventive effect but on the con-

trary negative results, it should be used to the least possible extent. Ît

should be used as a last resort meaning that we confine as few criminals

as possible and for the shortest time possible. In Sweden there has more

recently also been somewhat of a shift in the official penal philosophy.

speaking of « the penal value of punishment » instead of treatment, but

still retaining the goal of minimal use of imprisonment. This neo-classi-

cal philosophy in Scandinavia originated in Finland which anyhow

never had experienced much treatment in correction.

In the US with the downfall of treatment ideology we saw a

philosophy emerging of « just deserts », Inspired by Kantian metaphysi-

cal justification (Walker 1991). In the preface to the book « Doing

Justice » von Hirsch (1976) stated that imprisonment should be used as

a last resort. My prediction at the time though was that this penal

philosophy would expand the use of confinement and, unfortunately,

these predictions have come only too true.

_— 94 _—

We are thus today witnessing a development in penal policy — at least

in the Western world — that 1s in sharp contradiction both to most scien-

tific research on corrections and to many political declarations.

INCARCERATION RATES

Despite repeated official declarations to reduce deprivation of liberty.

especially in Europe, incarceration rates have been increasing in most

countries. The increase has been particularly drastic in the US and

Russia, and to a certain extent in some East European countries.

There is, however, no simple relationship between crime rates and

incarceration rates. Blumstein (1997) has summarized this phenomenon

In a paper entitled

«The US Criminal Justice Conundrum : Rising

prison populations and stable crime rates ». This means, among other

things, that Blumstein’s earlier theory of homeostasis in imprisonment

rates has to be revised, which still does not prevent it from having sup-

port in earlier history. But since 1973 the US incarceration rates of the

Federal and state prisons (not including local jails) have increased from

110 per 100,000 to 427 in 1996. Despite an almost exponential growth

in incarceration rates there has been a general stability of crime rates

during the same period. Also serious crimes, such as murder and rob-

bery, have not shown any increase over the last twenty years ; these

crimes have even shown a steady decline the past five years, at marked

variance with the political rhetoric and the public view.

Investigating general deterrence historically by analyzing reported

theft and convictions for theft in Stockholm 1866-1990 focusing on

aggregated effects of the administration of criminal justice von Hofer

(1993) concludes that the Swedish data lend little support to the

deterrence hypothesis in a longitudinal perspective. Recently, Langan &

Farrington (1998) have performed an analysis of the justice system's

impact on crime in England and the US 1981-1995 finding support for

the theory that links a falling risk of punishment to rising crime rates

in England but not in the US, and that the results as to severity of

punishment related to crime rates were mixed in both countries.

The partially ad hoc level of incarceration rates 1s confirmed by

Zvekic & Shinkai (1998) in the Fifth UN Crime and Justice Survey by

non-significant associations between volume of sentencing and crime

rates, and this holds true for each type of punishment. As can be seen

from Tauble I (ibid., Table 4.2) variations in the rates of persons incar-

cerated between the countries are also conspicuously great. These

statistics have been offered by the national authorities and despite

validation efforts by the UN staff should be read with some caution.

_ 95 _

Preferably, these rates would be related to crime rates but one can safely

conclude that they do not simply reflect present crime rates in the dif-

ferent countries. The highest figures are given for the Russian Federa-

tion with 580 and the US with 554 total persons incarcerated in 1994

and the lowest for Greece with 16 and Kuwait 2. There are also large

variations across the regions of the world, with the highest rate for the

New World, mainly due to the US rates, followed by countries in trans-

ition such as Eastern Europe, and then by Africa, Latin America and

Asia, with Western Europe having much lower rates.

The pre-trial detention rates similarly show great variations between

the countries and again these generally reflect different practices rather

than different types of crime. Neighbouring and similar countries such

as Denmark and Sweden show, for example, great differences that

clearly reflect varying practices and not different types of crime. Look-

Ing at regions it 1s conspicuous that particularly Africa but also Latin

America have exceptionally high rates of prisoners that are not convic-

ted

The incarceration rates are highly influenced by the length of the sen-

tences (see also Tournier 1998). The distribution of convicted prisoners

by length of sentence shows great variations also within the European

countries as can be seen from Tuble II ; (Council of Europe : SPACE

96.52). For example, Norway has more than half of its prisoners convic-

ted for less than 6 months. while countries such as Latvia, Lithuania and

Moldova have 0 %. In Denmark and Switzerland more than three-quar-

ters of the prison sentences are shorter than three months, while in the

first-mentioned countries almost all sentences are for one year or more

(SPACE 96.142). Kuhn (1998) has demonstrated how 1f one wants to

reduce the prisoner rate it Is more important to find means to reduce the

average length of prison terms than to reduce the number of admissions.

Conversion of non-paid fines into imprisonment 1s a practice that

also affects

imprisonment

rates.

Again,

Sweden

eliminated

this

possibility practically as early as the 30"1es and thereby reduced the num-

ber of prisoners due to unpaid fines from about 11,000 to 400 within a

decade, while the neighbouring country Denmark still retains this prac-

tice.

But even disregarding this special category, the prison population 1s

always overrepresented with the socio-economically disadvantaged. In

most countries there 1s also an overrepresentation of foreigners in our

prisons. In countries such as Switzerland and Luxembourg they amount

to a little more than half the population (SPACE 96:2). The alien

prisoners

naturally present

special

problems

regarding

language,

religion, food etc.

— 96

Although imprisonment 1s meant to be reserved for serious criminals,

the great majority of prisoners are still committed for ordinary theft in

most European countries as shown in Table III (SPACE 96.42). The

second largest category appears to be the drug-related crimes.

Where generally in society we find negative discrimination of women,

in the criminal justice system there seems to be a certain degree of

positive discrimination. Usually, women account for less than 5 per cent

of the prison population reflecting. naturally,. a lower crime rate.

However, Table IV shows a successive diminishing rate of women

through the criminal justice system in all European countries revealing

not only different types of crime but also a different treatment of the so-

called weaker sex (Kuhn 1998, Table 8). There are systematically

decreasing rates from suspected to prosecuted, to convicted, admitted

and finally being in prison for all the countries giving complete informa-

tion.

À compilation of the five UN surveys shows according to Table V

that between 1972 and 1992 prison rates for the industrialized countries

have almost doubled while they have remained fairly stable for the

developing countries (Zvekic & Shinkai 1998, p. 97). Between 1990 and

1994 as many as 30 out of 65 countries show a consecutive increase In

the total incarceration rates while only 7 show some decrease.

Table VI demonstrates that the incomparably greatest Increase in the

rate of incarceration from 1985 to 1995 - + 92% - took place in the

United States. where there are now over 600 prisoners per 100,000 (The

Sentencing Project 1997 ; figures based upon Walmsley 1997, Table 2).

In this period the greatest decreases can be seen in some new Central

and Eastern European countries such as Latvia and Estonia but these

still end on very high levels. At the same time some new countries in this

region have very low prison rates such as Slovenia and Croatia, while

some of the old countries in the region have fairly high levels, for exam-

ple Romania and Poland.

For the countries in transition there is more specifically a marked

decrease in the prison population 1985-90 but with a reversed strong

upward trend 1990-94. Walmsley (1996, IX) in his study of « Prison

Systems in Central and EFastern Europe » explains the drop in prison

rates as largely due to large-scale amnesties, and gives three main

reasons for the large numbers of people in these countries later serving

sentences of imprisonment, namely

legislative provisions such as

statutory minimum sentences and requirements that recidivists must

receive longer sentences than others, the length of sentences and the

limited availability of alternatives to imprisonment. Albrecht (1996) adds

to these explanations the strong public support of imprisonment in these

— 97 —

countries, which may be interpreted as a consequence of the under-

developed system of alternative penalties.

Generally the imprisonment rates do not seem to be related to the

developmental profile and standing of the countries. Zvekic & Shinkai

write

« Statistical analysis for the total incarceration rate per 100.000

of the population produced no meaningful association with industrial

development, human development, or GNP per capita of countries »

(p. 94). With the comparison restricted to the convicted prisoners there

Is a moderately significant relatiton to the developmental stage

« Industrialized countries tend to incarcerate more sentenced prisoners

than developing countries and least developed countries » (p. 95).

Even if incarceration rates have been increasing in most countries

there are also some opposite trends. Tahle VI shows delivered depriva-

tions of liberty per 100,000 inhabitants 1990-94 (Kuhn, Table 1). One

interesting example of this kind 1s Finland, a country that previously dis-

tinguished itself by having a much higher imprisonment rate than the

other Nordic countries, but where correctional and political elites

together decided to reduce them radically and succeeded in doing so

sharply and continuously over two decades (Tô&rnudd 1997).

Christie (1994), particularly preoceupied by the American situation,

has described the penological-industrial complex as a self-perpetuating

system. À pressing question 1s how such a development can be changed.

That this 1s not an inevitable development, not even in industrialized

countries, can be seen from the situation in countries such as Japan

which has a low and decreasing incarceration rate, despite a relatively

high crime rate (Kurosawa 1998).

NON-CUSTODIAL SANCTIONS

There is à fairly wide range of what 1s called non-custodial, alter-

native or intermediate sanctions. The UN Crime and Justice Survey has

a typology of four categories of non-custodial sanctions

l

control in

freedom, including probation, 2. warnings and admonition, including

_suspended and conditional sentences, 3. fines, and 4. community serv-

1CC

Again the variation in the use of these sanctions varies considerably

between the countries. The fine is the most frequent type of sanction

used in most countries. According to the UN statistics in Table VIII it

ranges from 95% in Japan through more than 70 in the Western

European countries to considerably lower frequencies in transitional and

developing countries (Zvekic 1997, Table 2)

__ 98 —

There are many different forms of fines and probably because of the

triviality of this sanction it has been less studied (cf. Albrecht 1984).

Here ! would especially like to point to the innovation of day fines as

an excellent instrument relating fines not only to the severity of the

crime but also to the possibility for the offender to pay. This instrument

was Introduced in Sweden already in 1931 — Finland started even before

in 1921 — and removed large numbers of offenders from the prisons. It

seems that in the countries that have introduced the day fine system the

number of prisoners has also usually been reduced. As can be seen from

Tuble IX day fines are now used in about ten European countries and

widely so in Finland, Germany and Ireland (SPACE 96.16).

Although sanctions such as conditional sentence and probation have

been practised quite widely - in some Western countries at least for a

century - many countries have still not introduced these sanctions, par-

ticularly in the developing world. The UN statistices show that quite a

few countries have neither control in freedom nor warning, while others

have alternately one or the other. À country like the Republic of Korea

uses probation substantially but applies it exclusively to juveniles.

Newer sanctions such as community service and electronic sur-

veillance have still only been introduced in a relatively small number of

countries

While

electronic

surveillance

internationally.

naturally

demands some sort of technological development in the country, com-

munity service does not require any particular technological infrastrue-

ture or even appreciable investments. Electronic surveillance has, for

instance, been introduced in Sweden - with good results, also leading to

the closing of prisons - but has not yet been implemented in Denmark.

On the other hand, community service started with success much earlier

in Denmark than in Sweden. These examples indicate how fairly

arbitrary decisions apparently determine the introduction of this type of

correctional innovation.

Comparing the use of non-custodial sanctions across the regions of

the world it seems evident that they could be applied with a much higher

frequency, especially in Latin America, Africa and Asia. But as has been

pointed out by Morris & Tonry (1990) also a country like the US has

an urgent need for more intermediate sentences between prison and

probation. They emphasize inter alia that the fine should be greatly

expanded, in amount and in frequency, both as a punishment standing

alone and as part of a punishment package and that the fine must be

adjusted to the offender’s financial capacity and be collected. Also Sher-

man et al (1998) find day fines according to one study to be a promising

sanction in reducing recidivism.

99 —

The Belgian Ministry of Justice has collaborated with Kellens &

Peters (1997) in producing a Vade-mecum penologique in order to docu-

ment for different kinds of practitioners the variety of alternative sanc-

tions available and to illustrate their differential merits.

EFFECTIVENESS AND COSTS

As previously indicated most studies comparing different sanctions

indicate lower recidivism rates with the use of non-custodial sanctions

than with imprisonment. There are also good theoretical reasons to

expect such results. Prisons inevitably create prisonization processes and

the criminal prison sub-cultures produce criminalization. Apart from dif-

ferent types of stigmatization processes the ex-inmate often returns to

previous criminal milieus. In any case the ex-Inmate has many handicaps

if he or she wants to return to a social life, finding a new job, a new

apartment and possibly a new family. An aggravating factor in prisons

in recent years 1s the smuggling inside of drugs that apart from addiction

often leads to huge debts which then the ex-con is expected to repay at

the latest as soon as he comes out of prison. This phenomenon leads to

violence in prisons also in Scandinavian countries, where previously

violence among inmates was a rare occurrence. With the use of non-

custodial sanctions this means contrariwise that the sentenced person

can keep his job, apartment and family, which should in most cases

increase the chances of social rehabilitation.

The cost of building and managing prisons 1s extremely high (for cost

benefit analysis, see Glaser 1997). In the Western world the cost easily

amounts to US$ 200 a day per prisoner. In Scandinavian correctional

institutions with very high inmate-to-staff ratios - almost 1-l

with

treatment experts, education, job training and work opportunities etc…

the cost can even exceed this figure.

À seemingly simple way of cost reduction 1s to let prisons become

overcrowded. Measuring occupancy rate by comparing the number of

prisoners to the number of beds, overcrowding has been defined as

100 % excess of the former to the latter. The highest occupancy rates

recorded in 1994 was in Sudan (962%) and the Republic of Korea

(479 %). According to the UN statistics a great number of countries

recorded an increase in prison occupancy rates between 1990 and 1994 ;

countries like Belarus, Czech Republic and Hungary almost doubled

their rates (Zvekic & Shinkai 1998, Table 4.7). Prison overcrowding

naturally leads to deterioration of the living and working conditions of

both inmates and correctional staff. In some jurisdictions the capacity of

prisons may be changed simply by providing extra beds which does not,

— 100 —

however. meet the UN standard minimum rules. There also seems to be

a direct relationship between overcrowding and correctional effectiveness

as measured by recidivism rates (Farrington & Nuttall 1980).

Another way to try to reduce the cost of imprisonment has been the

introduction of private prisons. This has been particularly common 1n

the US but has also been tried in some European countries, for instance

in England. In Scandinavia ethical considerations, such as only the state

can be responsible for the deprivation of liberty, have at least hitherto

prevented such a development.

PUBLIC OPINION AND CRIMINAL POLICY

Attitudes towards punishment, 1.e. subjective punitivity, has been

operationalized within the International Victimization Surveys (ICVS)

by asking people in 1996/97 in 60 countries what sentence they would

prefer to give to a 21 year-old burglar recidivist. Of the 130.000 persons

interviewed just over four in ten chose imprisonment as the most

appropriate sentence — ranging from 28 % in Western Europe to three

quarters In Asia and Africa (see Table X ; Zvekic, Figure 3). But also

within Europe the variations are great, ranging from 59 % in Northern

Ireland and 50 % in England and Wales and Scotland to only 2% 1n

Switzerland. Imprisonment 1s the most favoured sentence in the US and

Canada. Zvekic (1997) concludes

« This supports the findings of the

1989 and 1992 IC(V)S according to which the Anglo-Saxon countries

are more prison-centric than other industrialized countries » (p. 34).

Community service was opted for by one third of the respondents - with

as much as half in Western Europe but only one in ten in Asia and

Africa. Totally only 10% chose a fine and 7% a suspended sentence.

Kuhn (1998) has also related the actual prisoner rate to the preferred

imprisonment rate and found à significant correlation. However, the

direction of the causality cannot be determined : 1s practice determining

public opinion or public opinion influencing penal practice ?

Politicians often refer to public opinion as a hindrance to reform in

the criminal justice system. My earlier studies indicate though that

politicians as well as judges often exaggerate the punitivity of the public

(Bondeson 1980). In my later studies of people's attitudes towards

punishment in all the Scandinavian countries there is a widespread

acceptance of non-custodial sanctions, also for those that have not yet

been implemented (Bondeson 1997).

One should not neglect the existence of fear of crime but here public

information as to who the targets of crime are would be of great help.

AII studies show that those persons having the greatest fear of crime are

— 101 —

the same as those who are the least likely to become victims. In fact.

there 1s no relationship or even à negative relation between fear of crime

and crime or victim rates. The mass media bears a heavy responsibility

for spreading excessive fear of crime through its unrealistic manner of

reporting crime. Naturally, economic interests are greatly at stake in this

type of sensational reporting. The introduction of ethical rules for the

media and also, as in Sweden, courses in criminology for crime reporters

can to some degree ameliorate the situation.

CONCLUSIONS

Although economic considerations, knowledge of the limited effect oi

punishment and the extent of hidden criminality speak for decriminaliza-

tion and depenalization as restricting principles of criminal policy, in

many countries governments are now projecting the construction of new

prisons as the old ones become overcrowded. However, as has been

pointed out by among others Rutherford (1984) prison construction has

an expansionist character and is generally irreversible. Some American

scientists called for a moratorium on prison construction years ago,

while others such as Hulsman and Mathiesen (1974) have called for the

abolition of prisons. Ît scems more realistic though to try to implement

a reductionist than an abolitionist policy (cf. Mathiesen 1990).

At an international conference on prisons arranged by HEUNI - in

collaboration with the Finnish Department of Prisons and the Council

of Europe - Joutsen & Walmsley (1997) concluded by proposing a

broad reform package to reduce imprisonment, including crime preven-

tion, improved enforcement, improved treatment, changed legislation,

attention to the media and mobilization of the public, in addition to

research and evaluation. Similarly, the recent report to the United States

Congress by Sherman et al (1998) and the Home Office report (1998) by

Goldblatt & Lewis propose a wide range of preventive and corrective

Measures.

For a reductionist imprisonment policy to be successful, it has to be

consistent and long-lasting. As rational, economic and humanitarian

values jointly come to the fore, it should be more realististic to try to

mobilize support within different groups in society for a more radical

reductionism. In this way we could approach the rational criminal policy

objective of minimizing the cost and suffering caused both by crime itself

and by society's measures to control it, while distributing the cost and

suffering in a fair manner.

102

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106 —

TABLE !

Table 1.2 Total persons incarcerated 1994

(rate per 100,000 population)

Russian Federation ...1111111111 10

S80

Bulgaria

= — + # + + + + + + » + + + + # + + 4 = 4 » » = 5 =

99

USA

« be + 6 4 + + + 4 + 4 » 6 » 4 4 4 » 4 4 4 = 4 4 3 » e e 0 e T

554

England & Wales....1111100 100000

95

Belarus ...111111 01 1111 1L 478

Australia

* + e e » + + # 0 4 » 0 0 + » 1 = = 0 5 0 = 0 »

94

Latvin ... 1111111111

360

Mexico

“ + + + + + + + # + + $ » + + + + » » 4 » » » e 1 »

93

Bermuda...111111111 1111111

PLs

359

Austria

* + + + » + + + + 4 4 + 4 4 4 4 » » e » 4 = 6 » 0 «

92

UkKraimne ** 111111111110

345

Îtaly

— = = + — # 4 + 6 2 6 + + 4 + + + 4 + 4 + » + + + + 4 4 «

90

Brunet Darussalam #. ... 1 111110

313

Macau

* » 2 + 2 4 $ + 4 0 0 2 4 à 4 6 4 0 4 4 4 4 4 6 4 6 «

s8

Kvreyzstan....11010 010 L 12e

300

Tongu ***

« e 0= — 0 4 0 e 6 2 4 0 4 6 0 4 4 4 4 4 6 0 e «

87

V4411110) A

394

Columbia

— . « » # + » e » » + 4 + + 2 2 » $ 4 4 4 4 4 =

55

Estonta ...11111 11111111

'7()4

Peru

” e — + + » + + + + + » » + # + =s + + + à + + + + + + v €

84

Lithuanta ....1111111 1111111110

278

…… + + + + + + + » » + » «

79

Sao Tome & Principe

Singapore

» e = + e 0 + e » $ 4 + » 6 4 6 4 4 4 0 6 0 1 ==

255

p

Kiribatt ***

. + + + + + + » + + 4 4 » + + + + + + v e

79

Panama

— 008 — 6 4 4 4 4 4 4 6 5 4 4 4 4 = 1 6 0 0 » 4 1 1 0=

’7|ﬁ

Turkey

“ … … + + + + + + # + + + + + » + # + » + + =1 4 4 » =

74

Rep Of Moldova

— » = € » = $ 0 » » 6 6 0 5 6 5 5 » ==

')lﬁ

Nicaragua

* + — # + + »# + + 6 4 4 + 4 4 4 4 5 » 5 1 4 = »

74

Hong Kong....111111010 1111110

199

Belgium

* … # e 4 + + + 6 + e » »6 e + + # + e 6 4 » + u + »

74

Romumu **

— … 4 # »0 0 6 — 6 8 6 6 » e » = = 5 2 2 6 »

195

Vanuatu ***

. »# = » + + # 4 + + » 4 4 = + + + + + + »

73

Cook Islands ***

« =4 » = = 4 4 > 4 » 6 = » 5 e = 0

195

Sweden

* « # … » € » = + + » # » e + 2 + » + + + » » + + »

70

Israel

* e e 6 6 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 » 4 0 4 3 5 e = = e e *

189

Sri Lanka ***

— … 0 0 + e 0 = 4 + 6 » 4 » e 5 0 0 u »

68

Czech Rep

… e . + 0 + 4 $ + # # + + 4 4 » 4 6 4 = » e » e

181

Denmark

“ … … » + + + + + + + » + + » 4 » 1 » e » 5 5 » »

67

Thailand ***

— 8 # # e 1 0 e 0 » 4 » 0 » 0 = 1 6 » 4 » «

177

« + * # + e + » 4 » = = » = » =

63

Rep Of Macedonia

Guvana

“ # + 4 + + » # e 0 » 6 0 8 1 » 0 5 e 0 4 e 4 6 » »

175

Finland

* … € + e » + e = 6 + 8 4 4 + 4 4 4 + + 4 + 4 + = »

62

Poland **

# = e = + + » 4 » 4 4 » 4 » » » » » = 0 12 =

160

Liechtenstein

« e > % € + 6 + + € » » e 4 6 4 4 e » 6 »

58

Chile

« … — + # » + + »# + + + = + + > » + « » « + + + + + » «

156

Netherlands ....1101111111 11111110

57

“ + # + * + » e » » 5 » 4 » 4 = 0 e = 0 0 0

ISI

alta

« e > 1 € 0 e = e = + e 0 8 0 =0 0 » 4 6 4 4 = 0 6 8 6 0

S6

Madagasear

Georgia

° = e »> 2 + = 4 » 4 » 4 + » 4 + $ $ 4 5 4 4 0 4 = e

[41

Solomon Islands ***

» — u e € 6 4 + + 4 # = » »

S6

Western Samoa

« … e e e » + 4 0 4 » 4 6 4 4 4 5 u »

141

* … … »# + + » s + + + + + 4 + + + + + + + + + » + e

54

Uganda

Slovakia

« … + # = + 0 # 6 0 = 4 4 = 5 0 e = 0 4 » 0 3 0 0

139

Slovenia

* e « « + — 6 » » » + + » »s + + 4 # + + + » + » + +

52

Rep Ot Korea

« … — + + + = + + # + » + + 4 » + + 4 + =

138

Croatia

… # < > + # « + + » = « e + = + > = + + + + » % e

50

New Zeuland ***

« … < + + + » + 4 4 + 4 » 4 e 4 6 0

126

Marshall Islands ....11111111111 000

43

Hungary

* … a # + + — $ + + + 4 + 4 » » = 4 4 » 1 e 1= 0

124

Japan

« … + + + + + + + + » + + 4 + » + 4 4 4 » 1 » 1 = 4 = =

37

#Æ*

Malaysia

* … + # # + = 0 e 0 » = 0 8 1 = e 5 6 6 = 6 0 6 0

123

Bangladesh

“ . + + + + + + + + + + + + + 6 + » =

34

Costa Rica

« » + — # e » # 6 0 0 6 4 » 0 = 0 » 5 4 = = »

|19

Nepal ***

* e + » = » + + + » + « + 4 »s » + + + % + + 4 e

34

Canada

« … 0 # 0 + + e = 6 0 » » = 0 0 4 = 4 4 e 4 » 5 e »

118

Albania **

» e # e # e 6 » » $ + 6 » « » % 4 » e + » + =

30

Northern Ireland

* … + # + + » $ 4 4 » + e » 1 » » =

116

Cambodia ***

* … + » » # + + + + + » + + + + + + + »

26

" — # + + # = + » 0 1 » 2 0 0 0 8 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 = *

110

26

Fiji *+*

Philippines ....11210200 00000020 0e

Luxembourg

. 2 = + # + »# + 4 + $ 4 6 4 4 » = 4 4 = » e

109

Cyprus. .1 0 0011 L L 122

_—

25

F} Salvador

— » e + — 4 + e » # + e 6 à » 8 0 4 4 4 0 6 »

109

Sudan

« … 0 % 6 + + + = » $ » » = + + # » e + » 6 + + » 4 =

24

Scotland

« e —… — e > = + + » + + » + » » + » + + # + + + =

109

Indonesia

* … — — + . + + + + + + + 4 + # + = = + = 4 0 =

23

China ***

… » > » »# 6 4 6 4 4 4 » 6 4 4 4 4 e 3 8 » = =

107

India ***

« » e + + # + + + + # + # + » = e 6 1 » e 6 2 6 =

poeE

93

Papua New Guinea ***

… 2 + » < + + » » » 4 =

107

Greece

… e e + 4 » + « + + + = + + » + + e + + » + = + + »

16

* + + # < + + + + + » 4 » 4 » 4 » 4 6 » e = = = =

102

Kuwait

“ … e « + » + + + + » v 6 4 = 6 e » » 4 e » » + =

Portugal

Uruguay

* … e » # + + 0 = 4 » # 6 = + » e + » + + e 2 = »

102

Source

Sth UNCIS. See notes to tables for additional information.

— 107 —

TABLE Il

Table 5.2 Distribution of convicted prisoners by length of sentence

(ordered) at | Septembrer 1996 (in “)

Reference

Council of Europe, SPACE 96.52

6 months

Less

! veur

3 vears

S vears

10 veurs

than

to less

to less

to less

to less

and ovet

than

than

than

than

(ait

Life

6 months

/ vear

3 veurs

5 vears

J( veurs

termi)

Germany

….

Austria

16l4

12.6

311

14.6

13.0

9.1

35

Belgium

3,3

4.6

24,9

276

31

6.7

Bulgaria

29,7

24 3

19.2

19,8

0.0

Cyprus

Croatia

5,4

6.5

28.8

16.9

287

13,7

PDenmark

Finland

16.7

18.6

63.0

France

146

16.,2

23.6

12,4

16.3

15.3

|

;

Greece

Hungary

6.5

8.9

395

—

187

240

7,8

1.9

Ireland

4.3

144

36.9

15,9

18.9

6.0

3.6

Italy

5.3

8.2

23,5

171

24.6

19,2

2.1

Latvia

0.0

0.5

23.0

376

339

4.9

0.1

Lithuania

0.0

3.5

31,8

36.3

—

7'77

5.4

0.3

Luxembourg

3.9

71

354

16.1

168

14.6

T1

Macedonia

208

118

30.0

17.3

14,9

5,2

0.0

Malta

Moldova

0.0

1.5

16

32.1

36.3

13,3

0.3

541

6.6

9.2

4.9

3.7

0.0

Norway

QI

Netherlands

945

14,2

14,7

166

0.0

Poland

1.7

1.6

20,7

21

37,2

16.2

X#x*

Portugal

Slovak Rep.

5.8

20.23

35,7

12.6

18.5

7.0

0.2

Czech Rep.

7,8

25,7

35,9

| 2.2

—

13.0

5.3

0.1

Romanta

60,7

177

14,3

0.1

United Kingdom

England & Wales

Scotland

Northern Ireland

…

6.6

* x *

Slovenia

3.9

3()...2'

0.8

l()l8

10.7

Sweden

9$.9

18.0

23,2

12,5

15,0

4.6

[5

Switzerland

326

6.6

26,5

14,5

118

7,2

0.8

Turkey

5,9

6.9

19.,8

13.4

15,9

338

4,3

Ukraine

* #*

2.6

25,4

32,3

31,3

8.4

%* *

%%%

not applicable

108 —

TABLE IIl

Table 4.2 Convicted prisoners : structure according to offence

at 1 Septembrer 1996 (in “)

Reference

Council of Europe, SPACE 96.42

Homi-

Wound-

Theft

Other

Other

ing with

Rupe

with

Drug-

cide

intent

violence

theft

related

CAases

Germanvy

Austria

5.8

32,8

s.0

12,5

Belgium

132

114

Bulgaria

18,2

T1

15.0

40.6

0.4

17.0

Cyprus

2.3

0.9

14

11.9

10.6

60,1

â

99

24 5

Croatia

35.0

Ê

7,0

—

5.4

—

299

Denmark

Finland

2

115

19,4

l0...7.

21.5

France

13.6

9.8

18.5

191

24

Greece

14,2

7.9

9

31,3

0.5

19.0

Hungary

Ireland

8.9

;

2

4.9

378

Italy

[Latvia

110

3,3

12,4

43.6

2,0

3.8

239

Lithuania

12,0

3.4

6.3

10.7

484

19,2

Luxembourg

14.6

4.3

9.6

12,9

15,4

31.4

L1.8

14,2

4.0

6.1

46

e

24,4

Macedonia

Malta

Moldova

16.8

9.4

9,3

39.4

1.8

10.4

Norwav

8.1

6.2

17

5

331

284

28.,3

Netherlands

34.0

30.0

1S.0

21.0

Poland

7,0

4.8

201

46.9

I8.1

Portugal

ll

1.2

:l.).

16.2

39 ]

287 |

10.5

Slovak Rep

Czech Rep.

Romania

l9'.'8.

2,5

6.8

119

470

O.l

11.9

United Kingdom

9.5

1.1

4.5

13,3

26

13,4

31.4

England & Wales

Scotland

Northern Ireland

Slovemiua

3.6

9.1

244

5.6

24.1

333

10.9

Sweden

5.5

7.6

2.9

78

17,3

173

41.6

Switzerland

Turkey

21,9

247

74

254

3.6

17.0

U'Kkraine

—— 109 —

TABLE IV

Table 8 : Proportion (in per cent) of women through the different stages

of the criminal justice system, 1994

In the

Country

AS‘I l.\"

Prose-

Convicted

Admitted

prison

Trend

pected

cuted

to prison

population

Andorra

10,8

11,7

Austria

19.1

18,2

7,0

4,9

Azerbaijan

6,2

5,9

4,5

Belarus

16,6

13,6

6,2

3,4

Belgium

8,1

5,0

Bulgaria

3.8

1,2

3,8

3,8

Canada

16,5

13,4

3,8

4,8

9,9

7,9

3,3

2

Croatia

Cyprus

6.3

6,3

5.0

41

Czech Republic

7,7

8,6

4,4

g

Ê

Denmark

18,6

144

11,8

5,7

England & Wales

12,1

12,7

5,4

3,6

Estonia

7,3

7,3

1,2

2.2

1,9

Finland

4.1

15,8

15,8

4,0

3,8

Georgia

5,7

11

[1

Germany

15,4

17,5

Greece

12,0

12,8

IIl

6,8

Hungary

10,3

9.4

3,8

5,7

5,4

[taly

17.0

16,2

8,0

4,5

Kazakstan

12,4

3,5

3,1

11,6

11,3

2,6

1.8

K yrgyzstan

Latvia

9,0

9,5

8,0

44

Lithuania

11,4

5,4

4,7

2.8

Macedonia

6,0

5,1

[l

1,3

Moldova

9.3

7,6

1,5

2,1

Netherlands

10.7

Northern Ireland

11,0

110

2,8

Portugal

12

3,8

3.8

7,0

Russia

13,1

9,1

Scotland

13,2

13.6

6,7

2,9

Slovakia

1,2

6,7

47

3,0

Slovenia

11,5

12,4

4,5

5,3

Sweden

17,4

15,9

5,5

5,4

5,7

5,8

2,3

2,3

Turkey

5,2

Ukraine

15,5

4,5

3,4

USA

20,0

8,4

25 % quartile

1,25

7,0

1,2

3,1

Median

11,5

10,8

9,5

4,7

75 %% quartile

16,0

13,0

13,4

7,5

î

Ê

Source

Kuhn 1998

— 110 —

TABLE V

GLOBAL SNAPSHOT

Prison rate over twenty ycars of UN survevs (rates per 100,000 pop.)

Allowine for changes m countries reporting for each period, developing country rates have

remamed roughlv stable over twenty vears. Prison rates have clearly increased_amonge

industrialized countries. With an overall rate in 1992 close to double that of 1972

tOH

Û mdustradized

se

developine

60

40

263

1}

y72

1ON

1US-1

1988

1992

Source: Ist, 2nd. 3rd. 4th and Sth UNCIS. Countries may vary in eachb year and survey.

See notes to Snapshots for complete information, including individual country rates.

—— 111

TABLE VI

Trends in national prison populations 1985-1995

( Sorted in order of Nations with Highest Rate in 1985)

Rate of incarceration

Nation

% Change

1985

1995

Latvia

640

375

— 41

Estonia

455

270

— 41

Lithuania

405

360

1l

600

92

United States

313

Czech Republic

270

190

30

Poland

270

190

37

Romania

260

200

23

Slovakia

225

150

33

Hungary

220

120

— 45

Austria

120

85

— 29

Scotland

100

!10

+ 10

England/Wales

90

100

+ 11

Germany

90

85

— 6

Turkey

90

80

— |l

Portugal

90

125

39

Finland

80

60

25

France

75

95

27

Ê

Slovenia

70

30

57

Denmark

65

65

65

T5

+ 15

Belgium

Spain

60

105

+ 75

Ireland

55

55

Sweden

50

65

+ 30

Norway

45

55

+ 229

Greece

35

55

+ 57

Netherlands

35

65

+ 86

30

30

Cyprus

Source

The Sentencing Project 1997

— 112 —

TABLE VII

Table 1 : Delivered deprivations of liberty per 100,000 inhabitants,

1990-1994

Country

1990

1992

1994

Trend-

Andorra

245

290

146

Austria

83

82

81

Azerbaijan

28

38

62

Belarus

75

96

ISI

100

100

92

Bulgaria

Cyprus

28

30

31

Czech Republic

55

12

108

England and Wales

81

84

101

58

78

I11

Estonia

Finland

ms t

234

215

143

Georgia

40

29

81

34

34

38

Germany

Hungary

105

126

99

Italy

111

191

213

Kazakstan

93

106

191

Latvia

86

110

115

Lithuania

76

83

164

Macedonia

70

81

96

Moldova

166

145

258

Netherlands

282

263

286

Northern Ireland

111

100

98

106

128

134

Portugal

Russia

121

136

205

Scotland

188

202

220

Slovakia

63

87

92

Slovenia

75

47

Switzerland

205

199

194

81

319

394

D'e<Quur1<00900901I0<01909<131391<1310<<

Turkey

Mean

107

126

141

Variance

4438

6103

6674

Standard deviation

66,6

78,1

81,7

257

0

4

quartile

66,5

81

92

Median

84,5

100

113

75 % quartile

116

191

192,5

EU mean

135,6

1443

146,0

Source

Kuhn

— 113 —

TABLE VIII

International trends in non-custodial sanctions

Table 2 : Percentage of adults convicted to non-custodial sanctions

in the world, 1994

Control

Total

Country

Wurning

Fine

Commumnity

in freedom

service order

Sentenced

Andorra

42.94

0

31,56

0

659

Austria

0,5

54

0

66.136

18,96

70.61

Azerbaljan

35,48

0.10

6.98

12,83

11.563

Belarus

11,02

46,12

9.15

0

47.317

Canada

28,16

2,58

38.65

0

106.638

Costa Rica

42.11

20.51

0

5.913

Cyprus

2,87

28.82

32,32

0

628

Czech Republic

66,25

0

[1,15

0

50.651

Egypt

0

0.22

—

77.66

0

4.141.399

Estonia

0

408

31.50

0

6.101

Finland

0

15,66

72,90

1.89

76.474

Georgia

7,17

19,12

7.49

11.63

8.283

13,92

0.84

78.31

0

445.051

Germany

Greece

0

4.07

0

78.985

Israel

52,02

0

26.78

1,94

66.721

0

0

202.943

Italy

39,95

Japan

0,43

2,69

94.93

0

|.141.407

Kazakstan

0

51,06

8,84

0

81.293

Lithuania

51,43

0

411

0

13.710

Mexico

6,58

0

116.489

Myanmar

0.38

0,28

82.49

0

478.407

Netherlands

0

0.04

46,82

8,63

98.984

Portugal

0,17

29,88

24.58

0,43

29.2377

Qatar

0

3455

0

3.048

Rep. of Korea

54.40

1.26

18.01

0

121.460

Rep. of Moldova

0

0

16.82

0

13.524

0

0

0

23.13

14.506

Singapore

Slovenia

0

73,67

11,75

0

6.289

South Africa

0,01

22,51

7,78

0

318.068

0

16,67

45,07

(

751.147

Turkey

England & Wales

7,07

7.98

79.33

0

1.183.963

Zambia

5,67

9.44

12,50

0

16.520

Hong Kong

5,84

12,75

31,19

19

24.216

Northern Ireland

8.80

35,26

28,26

6.02

7.671

Scotland

8,13

|1,35

48,51

7,01

51.129

Source

Zvwekic 1997

— 114 —

TABLE IX

Table 16. Other measures ordered in 1994

Reference : Council of Europe, SPACE 96.16

Pronouncement

Exemption from

Commumnity

punishment

of sentence

Duv fine

Service

deferred

Germany (*)

4.300

& À À

578.419

X #X

Austria (*)

46.961

*AX

%%x

* # *

# # À

Belgium (*)

6.146

Bulgaria

531

83.185

Æ À À

Cyprus (*)

E S

LS

X #

Croatia (*)

59

Denmark (*)

* #%x

479

Finland (*)

1699

#*

337.270

1.487

e dn dart

21.461

France (*)

17.246

5,222

Greece

Hungary

2.975

16.950

35.141

450

159.908

1.617

Ireland (*)

%%x

X#*

E S

% ÀXX

[Italy

Latvia (*)

*x

Lithuania (*)

5.728

* À#*

*#x*

1.735

% % À

% #*

Luxembourg

12

Macedonia

1.134

Malta

À À À

#X*

Moldova (*)

% # %

4461

1.867

Norway (*)

55

2.764

1.224

Nedherlands (*)

546

# % À

16.614

Poland

Portugal

Slovak Rep. (*)

4.430

% À% *

1.613

* à À

* % *

Czech Rep.

% % *

Æ % À

xx*

Romania

United Kingdom

131.400

#***

% % *

49.500

England (*)

LS

##*

Scotland (*)

17.433

5.456

Northern Ireland

Slovenia

% % *

% #%

645

Sweden

+ à X

% & %

# X *

23.162

Switzerland

1.097

Turkey

* %*

LR S

* % *

# * *

4111

4.794

À % À

6.077

Ukraine (*)

(*) voir remarks infra

%%*

not applicable

— 115 —

TABLE X

FIGURE 3

Favoured sentence for a young recidivist burglar by six global regions:

IC(V)S 1996 (urban area)

sÛ

Suspended

70

Community

60

Prison

50

Fine

44)

30

20

10

0

Western

New

Countries

Asta

Africa

Laun

Europe

World

in transition

America

Source: Ist, 2nd, 3rd, 4th and Sth UNCIS. Countries may vary mn each yeur and survey

See notes to Snapshots for complete information. including individual country rates.

— 116 —

12th WORLD CONGRESS

OF CRIMINOLOGY

Panel Sessions

TuEspAaYy, 25 Auc 1998

1:30 P

1. Community Policing

Room : Rose

Language : English

Chair : Amir. Menachem

Hebrew University (Israel)

« Community Policing in Israel »

Amir, Menachem

Hebrew university (Israel)

« Community policing and Domestic Violence »

Byrd, Gloria T.

« Implementing Community policing in Israel. An Organizational

Change in a National Police Organization »

Gimshi, Daniel

[Israel National Police (Israel)

« Selection of Successful Community oriented Problem-Solving Police

Officers »

Lord, Vivian Baumgardner

University of North Carolina-Charlotte (U.S.A.)

« Community Participation in community oriented Policing »

Green, Thomas M

National University (U.S.A.)

e

Community Supervision of Offenders

Room : Lotus

Language : English

Chair

Paterson, Fiona Mary Spencer

The Scottish Office (Social Work Services) (U.K.)

« The Changing Role of Community supervision in Scotland »

Mclivor, Gill

University of Stirling (U.K.)

Paterson, Fiona Mary Spencer

The Scottish Office (Social Work Services) (U.K.)

— 117 —

« Risk and Supervision of Offenders in Scotland »

Mclvor, Gill

University of Stirling (U.K.)

Paterson, Fiona Mary Spencer

The Scottish Office (Social Work Services) (U.K.)

« The Implementation of Community Service Orders in Korea »

Leef Hyung Jae

(Korea)

Comparative Criminal Procedure

Room : Wisteria

Language : English

Chair

Choi1, Jong Sik

Kokugakuin University (Japan)

« À Comparative study on the Juvenile Law in Korea and Japan »

Choi, Jong Sik

Kokugakuin University (Japan)

« US Mandatory Exclusionary Rules »

Cho, Kuk

Dr

(Visiting Scholar, University of Leeds Centre for

Criminal Justice Studies) (U.K.)

« The Role of the Criminologist as an Expert Witness in Accusatorial

Criminal Proceedings »

Cassim, Yusuf

University of North-West (South Africa)

Methods

«'Teaching International/Comparative Criminal Justice

and Ideas »

Dammer, Harry Richard

Niagara University (U.S.A.)

« Legality and Juvenile Procedure »

Won, Hae Wook

(Korea)

Controlling Economic Crime

Room : Camellia

Language

English

Chair

Simpson, Sally Sue

Univ. of Maryland (U.S.A.)

« Economic Crime in Finland in International Perspective »

Laitinen, Ahti

University of Turku (Finland)

— 118 —

« Corporate Criminal Liability in Scotland »

Mays, Richard

Robert Gordon University (U.K.)

« Shaming the Corporate Criminal »

Simpson, Sally Sue

Univ. of Maryland (U.S.A.)

« The Sanctions of Economic Offenders in Taiwan, the Republic of

China »

Wang, Hsiao-Ming

Sam Houston State University (U.S.A.)

« Alternatives to Punishment in Environmental Criminality »

Cheng, Kun-Shan

Tung-Hai University (Taiwan)

Corruption Poliey !

Room : Carnation

Language

English

Chair

Saito, Toyoji

Konan University (Japan)

« Bribery and Its Countermeasure in Contemporary China »

Wang, Yunhai

Hitotsbashi University (Japan)

« The Smiling Face of Corruption in Indonesia »

Sahetapy, Jacob Elfinus

Airlancga University (Indonesia)

« Anti-corruption Policy in Japan »

Saito, Toyojl

Konan University (Japan)

« Anti-Corruption Policy in Korea From a Comparative Point of

View »

Cho, Byung Sun

Changju University (Korea)

« Police Corruption Control : The English Model »

Pyo, Changwon

(Korea)

6. Crime and Crime control : The Story of Five Nations !

Room : Water Lily

Language

English

Chaur

Barak, Gregg

Eastern Michigan University (U.S.A.)

— 119 —

« Criminal Justice and Crime in the FRG »

Albrecht, Hans-Jôrg

Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Penal

Law (Germany)

« Crime and Control in Japan »

Miyazawa, Setsuo

Harvard University (U.S.A.)

« Crime and Control in the Netherlands »

Van de Bunt, Henk

UODC (Netherlands)

Marshall, Ineke

University of Nebraska at Omaha (U.S.A.)

7

Domestic Violence Around the Globe I

Room : Orchid I

Language : English

Chair

Kangaspunta, Kristina

Institute

for

Crime

Prevention

and Control

Furopean

(Finland)

« Domestic violence and Crime Against Women in Nigeria »

Crivifon,

« Domestic Violence and crime Against Women in India »

Chakrabarti, Nirmal Kanti

Caleutta University (India)

« Violence Against Women in Finland : Results of the Women's

Safety Survey »

Kangaspunta, Kristina

European Institute for Crime Prevention and Control

(Finland)

« Domestic Violence in Indonesia »

Purnianti, Mungansong

University of Indonesia (Indonesia)

« Punishment and Sentencing of Domestic Violence

Comparing

Korea and the U.S. »

Lee, Young Rahn

(Korea)

8. Juvenile Delinquency Around the World

Room : Chrysanthemum II

Language

English

Chair

Fink, Daniel

Swiss Federal Statistical Office, Switzerland (Switzerland)

— 120 —

« The Recent Trend of Juvenile Delinquency in Japan »

Ako. Hiroshi

Showa Women's Univ. (Japan)

A

« Social Change and Juvenile Delinquency in Modern Algeria

Study in Comparative Criminology »

Mana, Al1

Algiers University (Algeria)

« Examining Antisocial Behaviors and Delinquency Among Youth in

a Southeast Asian Country »

Maxwell, Sheila

Michigan State University (U.S.A.)

« Juvenile Delinquency in Switzerland : 1982-1997 À Country with

Little Youth Crime »

Fink, Daniel

Swiss Federal Statistical Office, Switzerland (Switzerland)

Korean Language Session 01 (to be announced)

Room : Conference Room Il

Language

English

10. Korean School Violence I

Room : Chrysanthemum !

Language

English

l1. Les Crimes Sexuels et Collectifs : Recherches Mondiales

Room : Paeonia

Language : French

Chair

Oliveira, Edmundo

Société Internationale de Criminologie (Brazil)

« Sexual Crimes Among Amazon Indians »

Oliveira, Edmundo

Société Internationale de Criminologie (Brazil)

« New Trends in Sexual Crimes in Italy »

Guarino, Alfredo

Conseil de l'Ordre des Avocats de Naples (Italy)

« Conditions de la victimisation »

Mathé, André

Société Internationale de Criminologie (France)

« Quelques considérations sur le concours indirect dans l'infraction

collective »

Back, Won Ki

(Korea)

— 121 —

12. Organized Crime in Four Countries

Room : Maple

Language : English

Chair

Leps, Ando

Member of Parliament (Estonia)

« Organized Crime in China »

Kanda, Hiroshi

Kinki University (Japan)

« Organized Crime in Estonia »

Leps, Ando

Member of Parliament (Estonia)

«'The Perception of and Response to the National and Transnational

Criminal Activities of Asian Organized Crime Groups in the

United States »

McKenna, Jr. James J.

Villanova University (U.S.A.)

« Organized Crime in Russia : History and Reality »

Gilinskiy, Yakov

Institute of Sociology, St.Petersburg Branch (Russia)

13. Police Decisions and Their Effects

Room : Orchid II

Language

English

Chair

Muhammad, Farouk

Florida State University (U.S.A)

« Indonesian Police Decision-Making »

Muhammad, Farouk

Florida State University (U.S.A.)

« À Cross-National Assessment of the Police Criminal Investigation

Process and Emerging Research Challenges »

Meesig, Robert Thomas

Michigan State University (U.S.A.)

«'The opinion of the Crime Victim of the Police : À South African

Perspective »

Snyman, H.F.

«'The Effect of policing strategies & situational Factors on Police

Officers’ Decision to Initiate Criminal Proceedings »

Canale, Claudia

Mendias University of New South Wales (Australia)

— 122 —

14. Police Misconduct

Room : Conference Room I

Language : English

Chair

Ivkovich, Sanja Kutnjak

« Police Perceptions of the Seriousness of Police Corruption in Four

Countries »

[vkovich, Sanja Kutnjak

« Issues of Police Accountability in Turkey »

Aydin, Ahmet Hamdi

Turkish Police Academy (Turkey)

« Police Violence Against Arabs in Israel : Facts and Social Percep-

tions »

Herzog, Serg1o

Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Israel)

« Determinants of Citizen Complaints Against the Police use of

Excessive Physical Force »

Cao, Liqun

Fastern Michigan University (U.S.A.)

« Public Order Police Training and Its Impact on Police use and

Abuse of Force in Crowd Events in Turkey »

Cerrah, Ibrahim

Turkish Police (Turkey)

15. Prosecutorial Discretion

Room : Cosmos

Language : English

Chair : Choo, Kwang Il

Committee on Citizen Complaints

« Control of Prosecutorial Discretion »

Choo, Kwang Il

Committee on Citizen Complaints

— 123 —

16. United Nations Center for International Crime Prevention I ( Vienna)

Room : Azalea

Language

English

TuUESDAY, 25 AuG 1998

3:15 P

[7. Biology and Crime

Room : Rose

Language

English

Chair

Verga, Massimiliano

H Gorgonzola (Italy)

« Tryptophan Hydroxylase Gene and Criminal Behavior in Male

Schizophrenic Patient »

Macciardi, Fabio

H Gorgonzola (Italy)

Mencacci, Claudi

Pedrini, Sylvi

Verga, Massimiliano

« Amplitype DM + DQA | Typing on Aged Seminal Status »

Kido, Akira

Yamanashi Medical University (Japan)

« À Genetic Study of Criminal Behavior and Mental Disorders »

Macciardi, Fabio

H Gorgonzola (Italy)

Mencacc1, Claudi

Pedrini, Sylvi

Verga, Massimiliano

« HIV/AIDS in Asia

Implications for CJ »

Anderson, Allen Franklin

Indiana University Kokomo (U.S.A.)

« Catechol-O-Methyl-Transferase (COMT) Activity and Criminal

Behavior in a Population of a Psychotic Patients) »

Macciardi, Fabio

H Gorgonzola (Italy)

Mencacci, Claudi

Pedrini, Sylvi

Verga, Massimiliano

— 124 —

18. Child Abuse and victimization

Room : Paeonia

Language

English

Chair

Abe, Tetsuo

Hokuriku University (Japan)

« Criminalization of Child Sexual Abuse in Japan »

Abe, Tetsuo

Hokuriku University (Japan)

«The Abuse of Child Abuse

Unanticipated Consequences of a

Moral Panic or Social Movement for Children's Rights ? »

Horovitz. Menachem

Hebrew University (Israel)

« Adverse Impact of Child-Abuse Victimization among Substance-

Using Women in Treatment »

Kang, Sung-Yeon

National

Development

and Research

Institutes,

INC

(U.S.A.)

« Preventing the Crimes of Rape and Sexual Abuse on Children »

Teh, Yik Koon

University Utara Malaysia (Malaysia)

19. Commerce and crime

Room : Wisteria

Language : English

Chair

Maree, Alice

University of South Africa (South Africa)

« (Plenary Session 4) Organized Crime in Hungary »

Irk, Ferenc

National

Institute of Criminology and Criminalistics

(Hungary)

« Preventing Commercial Crime in South Africa »

Maree, Alice

University of South Africa (South Africa)

« The Economy of crime »

Leps, Ando

Member of Parliament (Estonia)

« Money Laundering and the Underground Banking System »

Lee, Younjo

(Korea)

— 125 —

« Current Situation and Counter-Measures Against Infringement of

Intellectual Property Rights In Korea »

Kim, Sang Hee

(Korea)

20. Computer Crime

Room : Camellia

Language

English

Chair : Grabosky, Peter Nils

Australian Institute of criminology (Australia)

« Crime in Cyber Space »

Grabosky, Peter Nils

Australian Institute of Criminology (Australia)

« Computer Crime and Its Treatment in The World »

Ding, Hou-dun

Peking University (China)

« Internet & Crime »

Spencer, Jon

University of Manchester (U.K.)

« Internet Crimes and Their Control »

Takemura, Noriyoshi Toin

University of Yokohama (Japan)

« Research on Computer Crime »

Park, Sun Young

(Korea)

—

Corruption Poliey II

Room : Carnation

Language

English

Chair

Saito, Toyoji

Konan University (Japan)

« Singapore Anti-Corruption Strategy : Is It Transferable ? »

Quah, Jon Siew-Tien

National University of Singapore (Singapore)

« Combatting Corruption with Penal Measures

À Comparative

Perspective »

Eser, Albin

University of Freiburg (Germany)

« Corruption in Hungary »

Farkas, Akos

University of Miskolc (Hungary)

— 126 —

« Corruption in Italy »

Savona, Ernesto

University of Trento (Italy)

22. Crime and Crime Control : The Storv of Five Nations II

Room : Water Lily

Language : English

Chair

Barak, Gregg

Fastern Michigan University (U.S.A.)

« Crime and Control in Russia »

Pridemore, William Alex

University of Albany State University of New York

(U.S.A.)

«

»)

Pavlich, George C.

University of Auckland (New Zealand)

Discussant : Stanko, Elizabeth A.

Brunel University (U.K.)

23. Crime in Latin America

Room

Lotus

Language : Spanish

Chair

Nascimento, Jose Flavio Braga

Universidade Paulista de Ojreito (Brazil)

« Organized crime in Sao Paulo Brasil »

Nascimento, Jose Flavio Braga

Universidade Paulista de Ojreito (Brazil)

« Guatemalan Indigenous Victimization »

Reyes Calderon, Jose Adolfo

CORPOCRISA (Guatemala)

« Organizacäo do Crimena Asia/Europe

»

Ana Cristina, Neves

Universidade Paulista De Direito (Brazil)

« Youth Violence — Scenes of a Useless Passion »

Ruidiaz Garcia, Carmen

Universidad Publica de Navarra (Spain)

— 127 —

24. Crime Prevention : Research and Practice

Room : Conference Room !

Language

English

Chair

Kaiser, Günther

Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Law

Criminal (Germany)

« Homicide and Violence Prevention

The Implementation of

Workplace Violence Policy in State Government »

Lord, Vivian Baumgardner

University of North Carolina-Charlotte (U.S.A.)

« European Efforts on the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman Treat-

ment »

Kaiser. Günther

Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Law

Criminal (Germany)

« Causes of Crimes in Youths and Prevention (A research survey in

Lahore) »

Mansoor, Muhammad Abdullah

Alliance for Bright Citizens (Pakistan)

«Comparison of Crime

Prevention

in

the

Former

German

PDemocratic Republic and the United Germany »

Northoff, Robert

Fachhochschule Neubrandenburg (Germany)

« Prevention of Gang Delinquency : À Proposed Model »

Shoemaker, Donald J.

Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University (U.S.A.)

25. Domestic Violence Around the Globe II

Room : Orchid I

Language

English

Chair

Repetskaya, Anna Leonidovna

Law School (Russia)

« Domestic Violence in Russia, Problems of the Prevention. »

Repetskaya, Anna Leonidovna

Law School (Russia)

« Crime Against Women : An Indian Perspective »

Singh, D.R.

« Trends of crimes Against Women in India »

Chockalingam, Kumaravelu

University of Madras (India)

— 128 —

« An Overview of Domestic Violence and Crime against Women in

Nigeria »

Oloruntimehin, Olufunmilayo

Obafemi Awo Lowo University, Ile-Ife (Nigeria)

« Intimate Femicide : The African Experience »

Sarup. Shohana

26. Gettinge Tough on Crime

Room : Orchid Il

Language

English

Chair

Weitekamp, Elmar G.M.

University of Tuebingen (Germany)

« Repressive Reactions toward Crime

The Case of the USA and

England »

Weitekamp, Elmar G.M.

University of Tuebingen (Germany)

« Incarceration as a Treatment for Victimization ? The U.S. Response

to Impoverished Victims of Sexual and Domestic Violence »

Britton, Brandy

University of Maryland, Baltimore County (U.S.A.)

« Sentencing Trends in Australia »

Freiberg, Arie

University of Melbourne (Australia)

« Social Contexts of Crime control : The Economy, Political Repres-

sion and Prosecutions in Korea, 1964-1993 »

Yoon, Okkyung

University of Georgia (U.S.A.)

27. Korean Language Session 2 (to be announced)

Room : Conference Room Il

Language

English

28. Korean School Violence II

Room : Chrysanthemum !

Language

English

29. Organized Crime

Global Perspectives

Room : Cosmos

Language

English

Chair : Chang, Dae Hong

Wichita State University (U.S.A.)

— 129 —

« Globalization of Organized crime : Where do we Go From Here ? »

Chang, Dae Hong

Wichita State University (U.S.A.)

« The Criminal Justice Systems Facing the Challenge of Organized

Crime

Specific Incrimination of Organized Crime »

Zeid, Mohamed

Global Security Foundation (Italy)

« Organized Crime in Japan »

Fujimoto, Tetsuya

Chuo University (Japan)

« The Internationalization of Organized Crime in Korea »

Chul, Kim Young

(Korea)

30. Police and Crime

Room : Chrysanthemum II

Language : English

Chair

Nalla, Mahesh

Michigan State University (U.S.A.)

« Community Based Crime Prevention. Police and the Development

of Community Leadership. »

Gimshi, Dan

[Israel National Police (Israel)

« Reducing Firearm Related Violence

Cross-National Police Prac-

tices in Combating Ilicit Firearms »

Nalla, Mahesh

Michigan State University (U.S.A.)

« Policing Wildlife and Ecological Crime in South Africa »

Swanepoel, Gerhardus

The Criminological

Research Centre

for Wildlife and

Environmental Crimes (South Africa)

« Two British Programs for Improving Criminal Investigation »

Pyo, Changwon

(Korea)

« Memory Distortion from Post-Event Priming Cues »

Lee, Soo Jung

(Korea)

— 130 —

31.

United Nations

Internutional Crime

Prevention

Il

Center for

( Vienna)

Room : Azalea

Language : English

TuESDAY, 25 Auc 1998

5:00 P

32. Cupital Punishment Around the World

Room : Rose

Language

English

Chair

Kvashis, Vitaly

Ministry of the Interior (Russia)

« The Death Penalty & Public Opinion in Russia »

Kvashis, Vitaly

Ministry of the Interior (Russia)

« Capital Punishment in Japan »

Fukushima. Itaru

Ryukoku University (Japan)

« Capital Punishment in Russia »

Gilinskiy, Yakov

Institute of Sociology, St.Petersburg Branch (Russia)

« Legal Aspects of Capital Punishment in India »

Gupta, Subhash Chander

Indian Red Cross Society (India)

« The Capital and Corporal Punishment : An Analysis »

Murad Farouk A.A.

Dr. Farouk A.A. Murad Foundation (Saudi Arabia)

33. Corruption Poliey III

Room : Carnation

Language : English

Chair

Saito, Toyoji

Konan University (Japan)

« Corruption in Poland »

Plwaczewsk1, Emil W.

University of Biasystok (Poland)

« Worldwide Initiatives against Transnational Corruption »

Pieth, Mark

University of Basel, Switzerland (Switzerland)

— 131 —

« Strategies for Preventing White Collar Crime and corruption

The

Case of Korea »

Kim, Young Jang

(Korea)

« Corruption in International Business »

Kim, Jong Bum

(Korea)

Kim, Joon K

34. Crime and Control in Mali

Room : Lotus

Language : English

Chair

Sidibe, Almamy

International

Organisation

of Good

Templars

(IOGT)

(Republic of Mali)

Sidibe, Almamy

International

Organisation

of

Good

Templars

(IOGT)

(Republic of Mali)

Kante, Oumar

International

of

Good

Organisation

Templars

(IOGT)

(Republic of Mali)

Diabate, Mamadou

International

Organisation

of

Good

Templars

(IOGT)

(Republic of Mali)

Kone, Dramane

International

Organisation

of

Good

Templars

(IOGT)

(Republic of Mali)

35. Economics and Crime

Room : Wisteria

Language : English

Chair

Joubert, Sandra

University of South Africa (South Africa)

« Gender Issues and White Collar Crime in South Africa »

Joubert, Sandra

University of South Africa (South Africa)

« Economic Reforms and Women Crime in Deng's Era in China »

Li, Hua

« Crimes Experienced by Commercial Institutions in South Africa »

Naude, CMB (Beaty)

Univ. of South Africa (South Africa)

— 132 —

« The Impact of the Socio-Economic Changes on crime in the Czech

Republic »

Valkova, Jana

Institute of criminology and Social Prevention (Czech

Republic)

« Regulations on Monopoly, Oligopoly, and Unfair Trade »

Kim, Sang Bong

(Korea)

36. Homicide

Room : Water Lily

Language

: English

Chair

Brochu, Serge

Université de Montréal (Canada)

Brochu, Serge

Université de Montréal (Canada)

Gatti, Uberto

University of Genoa (Italy)

37. Korean Language Session 03 (to be announced)

Room : Conference Room Il

Language

: English

38. Korean Language Session 4 (to be announced)

Room : Maple

Language

: English

39. Koreun School Violence III

Room : Chrysanthemum 1

Language : English

40. New Dimensions of Criminality in the Arab World

Room : Conference Room !

Language

English

Chair

Zeid, Mohamed

Global Security Foundation (Italy)

« Global Security and Criminality in Arab countries »

Murad., Farouk

Dr. Farouk À. A. Murad Foundation (Saudi Arabia)

« Strategy to Face Terrorism in Arab Countries »

Al Mualla, Mohammed Khalifa

Sharjah Police (United Arab Emirates)

— 133 —

«

»

Kara, Mustafa À.

Under Secretary General (Tunis)

« New Dimension of Criminality in Arab World

Scientific and

Legal Aspects of Organized Crime in Arab Countries »

Zeid. Mohamed

Global Security Foundation (Italy)

4

p

Organized Crime in China

Room : Cosmos

Language

English

Chair

Kang, Junxin

Wuhan University (China)

Kang, Junxin

Wuhan University (China)

Mo, Hongxian

Wuhan University (China)

Liu, Yawen

Wuhan University (China)

Peng. Weidong

Wuhon University (China)

42. Prisonization and Prison Violence

Room : Paeonia

Language

English

Chair

Lee, Yoon Ho

Kyonggi University (Korea)

« Prisonization and Prison Violence : An Assessment of Inmate Mis-

conduct in Korean Prisons (co-presenter

Yoon Ho-Lee) »

Reisig, Michael D.

Michigan State University (U.S.A.)

Lee, Yoon Ho

Kyonggi University (Korea)

« Structure and Organization of Prison Population in Puerto Rico’s

Correctional System »

Rodriguez Alvarez, Angel

(U.S.A.)

A Cross-Cultural

«Imprisoned Mothers and Their Children

Perspective »

Weston Henriques, Zelma

John Jay College (U.S.A.)

— 134 —

« Theory and Practice of 40 Years’ Remolding Work in Jidong

Prison »

Zhang, Mendong

Jidong Prison of Hebeï Province (China)

« Prison Systems in Asia

An International Perspective »

Walmsley, Gerald

Roy Home Office (U.K.)

43. Special Address

A Theory of Interpersonal Crime

Conflicets,

Escalation, Third Parties and Violent Networks

Room : Orchid I

Language : English

«

»»

Cusson. Maurice

Université de Montreal (Canada)

44. Special Address : Gun Control Policy Through Buybacks in Australia

Room : Chrysanthemum Il

Language

English

Chair : Graycar, Adam

Australian Institute of Criminology (Australia)

45. Special Address : Office of the Parliamentary Commissioner Office

(Hungarv)

46. Special Address : Modeling Reoffending Risk of Chinese Offenders

Room : Camellia

Language : English

«

»

Liu, Jianhong

Tianjin Academy of Social Sciences (China) and Rhode

[sland College (USA)

47. Special Address : The International Crime Victims Survey

Room : Orchid II

Language : English

Van Dijk, Jan J.M.

Ministry of Justice (Netherlands)

48. United Nations

Center for International Crime

Prevention

IIl

( Vienna)

Room : Azalea

Language

English

— 135 —

WEDNESDAY, 26 Auc 1998

1:30 P

49. Corruption in Business and Government

Room : Camellia

Language

English

Chair

Yokoyama, Minoru

Kokugakuin University (Japan)

« Victims of Corruption Among the Population Seeking Various

Kinds of Licenses at Transport Offices in Chennai City in India »

Chockalingam, Kumaravelu

University of Madras (India)

«AÀ General View of Fraud and Corruption in Developing and

Developed countries »

Teh, Yik Koon

University Utara Malaysia (Malaysia)

« Analysis of Corruption by Fixers at the General Meeting of Stock-

holders in Japan »

Yokoyama, Minoru

Kokugakuin University (Japan)

50. Crime and Crime Control Around the World

Room : Carnation

Language

; English

Chair

Lopez, Manuel Juan Jose

Result Crime Management (Netherlands)

Titus, Richard M.

National Institute of Justice (U.S.A.)

Tomita, Nobuho

Tokiwa University (Japan)

Sheu, Chuen-Jim

Central Police University (Taiwan)

Traver, Harold

Hong Kong University (China)

Discussant : Lopez, Manuel Juan Jose

Result Crime Management (Netherlands)

S1. Crime in History

Room : Lotus

Language

: English

Chair

Hofer, Hanns von

Stockholm University (Sweden)

— 136 —

« Government and the Decline of Violence

Some Comparative

Historical Perspectives »

Finnane, Mark

Griffith University (Australia)

« The Comprehensive Control Society Public Order : Modern China

and Ancient China »

Zhou, Mi

Peking University (China)

« State Terror during the Third Empire (Third Reich) in Germany

(1933-1945) »

Brusten, Manfred

University of Wuppertal (Germany)

« Corporal Punishment Revisited »

Tamburrini, Claudio M.

University of Gothenburg (Sweden)

« Crime and Punishment in Sweden, 1750-2000 »

Hofer. Hanns von

Stockholm University (Sweden)

52

Crime-Specific Analysis

Room : Maple

Language

English

Chair

Swanepoel, Gerhardus

The Criminological Research Centre for Wildlife and Environ-

mental Crimes (South Africa)

« Psychological and Pedagogical Prophylaxis of Children — Refugee

Offences »

Popova, Yelena (Russia)

« Crimes in Street Boys »

Ikram. Muhammad Faheem

Alliance for Bright Citizens (Pakistan)

« Introduction To wildlife and Ecological crime »

Swanepoel, Gerhardus

Research Centre for YWildlife and

The Criminological

Environmental Crimes (South Africa)

« Specialties and Peculiarities of Home-made Explosive Recipes »

Mueller, Othmar

PDocucenter + Library for Explosives/forensic/Techniques

(Hungary)

« À Theory of Crime Negation »

Yun, Hyun Sub

— 137 —

53. Culture Conflict and Crime

Room : Water Lily

Language : English

« The Conflict Between Chinese Culture and Western Effects on the

Public Security of China »

Ding, Jin Fu

Jiangx1 College of Public Security (China)

« Race, Ethnicity, and Cultural University : À Study of Asian and

Non-Asian Adolescent Deviance in America »

Jang, Sung Joon

The Ohio State University (U.S.A.)

«The Impact of Sino-Western Cultural Conflict on the Public

Security of China »

Zhou, Liang Tuo

Jiangx1 College of public Security (China)

54. Dungerous Offenders

Room : Rose

Language : English

Chair

Mathers, Robert

Greater Manchester Probation Service (U.K.)

« Dangerous Recidivists and the European Criminal Law Regula-

tions »

Kinzig, Jorg

Max-Planck-Institut f. Strafrecht (Germany)

« Sex Offender Re-Arrest

Estimating the Probabilities of Repeat

of Re-Arrest

for

Sex

Offending and of the Probabilities

Offenders »

Broadhurst, Roderic

The University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong)

« Management of Dangerous Offenders »

Mathers, Robert

Greater Manchester Probation Service (U.K.)

Rainford, Roy

Greater Manchester Police (U.K.)

SS. Domestic Violence Reseurch

Room : Orchid !

Language

English

Chair

Landau, Tammy Ryerson Polytechnic University (Canada)

— 138 —

« Repetitious Conjugal Violence

the dynamics within the rela-

tionship »

Casoni. Dianne

University of Montreal (Canada)

« An Evaluation of the Mandatory Charging Policy for wife Assault

in Ontario, Canada »

Landau, Tammy

Ryerson Polytechnic University (Canada)

« Stalking and Modern Society »

Lee, Si Hyung

(Korea)

56. Roundtable : Evolution of the Belgian Penitentiary

Room

French

Language

Chair

De Coninck. Gérard

Université de Liège

57. Global Perspectives on Crime Prevention

Room : Paeonia

Language

English

Chair

Irk, Ferenc

National Institute of Criminology and Criminalistics (Hungary)

« 1.Crime Prevention in Germany — an overview »

Northoff, Robert

Fachhochschule Neubrandenburg (Germany)

« Religious Role, particularly Islam, in Prevention of Crime »

Bargahi, Mohamad Reza

[slamic Azad university (Iran)

« Crime Prevention, with a special focus on the Czech Republic »

Valkova, Jana

Institute of Criminology and Social Prevention (Czech

Republic)

« Hungary's National Crime Prevention Program »

Irk, Ferenc

Director,

National

Institute

of = Criminology

and

Criminalistics (Hungary)

5S8. Human Rights and Capital Punishment

Room : Conference Room !

Language

English

Chair

Ishizuka, Shinich1

Pyukoku University (Japan)

— 139 —

« The Capital Punishment and Prisoners’ Rights from Asian and

Global Perspectives. Are the Human Rights in Criminal Justice

Local or Universal ? »

[shizuka, Shinich1

Pyukoku University (Japan)

« Basic Human Rights and Criminal Justice Reform at the Transition

Period in Mongolia »

Ganzroig, Gombosuren

(Mongolia)

« Crime, Justice and Human Rights in À Developing Country »

Liebert, William Thomas

National Narcotics Bureau (Papua New Guinea)

59, Juvenile Gangs and Delinquents Around the World

Room : Wisteria

Language

English

« The Problems of Links between the Triad Societies and Delinquent

Youths in Hong Kong in the 1990s. »

Che, Wai-Kin

Lingnan College (Hong Kong)

« Delinquent Networks in Stockholm Patterns of Choice of Co-

Offenders and Victims »

Sarnecki, Jerzy

Stockholm University (Sweden)

« À Case Study of Juvenile Delinquents in Penang, Malaysia »

Sundramoorthy, Pathmanathan

Universiti Sains Malaysia (Malaysia)

60. Juvenile Offenders and Juvenile Victims

Room : Conference Room IIl

Language

English

Chair

Dussuyer, Inez

« Juvenile Delinquency Indicators »

Abdulla, Mohammed Murad

Research and Studies Center (United Arab Emirates)

« Violence Among Juveniles in Egypt, Sociological Interpretation to

the Phenomenon »

Hafez, Nagwa Abdel-Wahab

National Center for Social & Criminological Research

(Egypt)

— 140 —

« Re-Offending Patterns in Juveniles »

Dussuyer, Inez

Neguyen, Tho

« Application of Hirschi’s

Social

Control

Theory

to Korean

Juveniles »

Cha, Gyung Taek

(Korea)

61. Korean School Violence IV

Room : Chrysanthemum !

Language

English

62. Roundtable : Legitimacy of the Police

Room

Language

English

Chair

Weitekamp, Elmar G.M.

University of Tuebingen (Germany)

63. Restorative Justice I

Room : Chrysanthemum II

Language

English

Chair

Braithwaite, John

Australian National University (Australia)

« Comparative Perspectives on Victim/Offender

Mediation with

Adult Offenders in Austria and Germany »

Kilchling, Michael

Max-Planck Institute for Foreign & International Criminal

Law (Germany)

Loeschnig-Gspandl, Marianne

University of Graz (Austria)

« Restorative Justice and the Victim's Perspective »

Strang, Heather Jane

The Australian National University (Australia)

« Victims’ Rights

Piecemeal Reform or a Change of Paradigm ? »

Groenhuijsen, Marc

Tilburg University (Netherlands)

« Juvenile Justice in China

The Quest for a Just Restorative

Approach »

Wong, Sing-Wing Dennis

City University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong)

Discussant : Braithwaite. John

Australian National University (Australia)

— 141 —

64. Roundtable

Thematic Discussion : Causes and Prevention of Crime

Room

Language

English

Chair

Renzetti, Claire Marie

St.Joseph's University (U.S.A.)

65. Victimology and Victimization Research !

Room : Azalea

Language : English

Chair : Wang, Dawei

« Victimization and Delinquency Among Army Recruits of 1997 »

Daphnee, Margaret

Haas, Henriett

« Methodological Problems of Victim Surveys »

Kury, Helmut

« Witchcraft in South Africa : À Victimology Study »

Masemola, Michael Selemela

University of Durban Westville (South Africa)

«Rape and Sexual Molestation Victimization Survey of Female

University Students »

Zarco, Ricardo M.

University of the Philippines in Quezon (Philippines)

66. Violence and Organized Crime in Colombia I

Room : Cosmos

Language

Spanish

Chair

Rubio P.. Mauricio

Universidad de los Andes (Colombia)

« The Contemporary Colombian Guerrilla Movement »

Echandia, Camilo

Universidad de los Andes (Colombia)

« Paramilitary Groups and Conflict with Guerrillas »

Rangel, Alfredo

Universidad de los Andes (Colombia)

« Colombian Criminal Organizations »

Thoumi, Francisco

Universidad de los Andes (Colombia)

« The Vicissitudes of the Colombian Army during the Government of

Ernesto Samper, 1994-1998 »

Davila L. Andres

Universidad de los Andes (Colombia)

— 142 —

WEDNESDAY, 26 Auc 1998

3:15 P

67. Crime Against Women

Room : Camellia

Language

English

Chair

Renzetti. Claire Marie

St.Joseph's University (U.S.A.)

« Women's Economic Power and Risk of Domestic Assault in the

U.S. »

Britton, Brandy University of Maryland, Baltimore County

(U.S.A.)

« Domestic Violence & Crimes

Against

Women (Sexual

and

Domestic Violence »

[hema, Stephen Ernest

Law Reform Commission of Tanzania (Tanzania)

« Culture and Fear

A Catalyst for Domestic Violence Among

Korean (Asian) Immigrant Women »

Langston, Sandra Denise

N.Y.C. Dept. of Correction (U.S.A.)

« Sexual Harassment : What Working Women Need to Know »

Yunus, Faizah

University of Malaya (Malaysia)

« Equality of Sexes & Protective Discrimination for Women Under

the Indian Constitution »

Chandra, Brijesh

Institute of Social Sciences (India)

68. Crime and Demography

Room : Lotus

Language : English

Chair

Dellasoppa, Emilio Enrique

Universidade do Estado de Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)

« Violence and Demography : Years of Life Lost in the Metropolitan

Areas of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo »

Dellasoppa, Emilio Enrique

Universidade do Estado de Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)

« Transition of the Causes of Delinquency in Japan in the Last

50 years »

Mugishima, Fumio

Teikyo University (Japan)

— 143 —

« The Flowing Population in the Urban and Organizational Crime in

Urbanization Process »

Wei, Xinwen

« Crime Reporting Behaviour in Korea and Germany — À Com-

parative Study »

Lim, Joon Tae

Federal Police Agency (Germany)

69. Crime Prevention : French and Spanish Perspectives

Room : Carnation

Language

French & Spanish

Chair

Ciafardini, Mariano Alberto

Ministerio de Justicia de la Republica Argentina (Argentina)

« Crime Prevention in Argentina »

Ciafardini, Mariano Alberto

Ministerio de Justicia de la Republica Argentina (Argen-

tina)

« Soccer Hooliganism Prevention »

Comeron, Manuel

Liège University (Belgium)

« Impact of Treatment for Drug Addicted Offenders »

Brochu, Serge

Université de Montréal (Canada)

70

Criminal Justice Policy

Room : Rose

Language

English

Chair

Fine, Robert

Warwick University (U.K.)

«Contemporary Problems

of Criminal

Justice

System

and

Administration »

Kalam, Mohammed Abul

Institute of Epidemiology, Disease Control & Research

(Bangladesh)

« Criminal Situation and countermeasures in P.R. China »

Kang, Shuhua

« Criminal Policy in Duckburg »

Kunz, Karl-Ludwig

University of Berne (Switzerland)

— 144 —

« Crimes Against Humanity : Risk, Responsibility and the State »

Fine, Robert, Warwick University (U.K.)

Neary, Michael, University of Warwick (U.K)

« Analyzing Sentences in the Courts of Kwangju District and a

Proposal for Sentencing Guidelines in Korea »

Kim. Kwang Suk

7

mm

Drug Abuse Policy

Room : Wisteria

Language : English

« The Crime of Stimulant Drug in Japan »

Takeuchi, Tadatsugu

Urawa Branch Detention House, Kawague Juvenile Prison

(Japan)

Momose. Takahito (Japan)

Shibuya, Osamu (Japan)

« Drug Abuse of Jobless Youth »

Salek, Sukur

Bangladesh

Social

Welfare

Workers

Association

(Bangladesh)

« Demographic Characteristics

of Drug Associated Deaths

In

Korea »

Chung, Hee Sun

(Korea)

« Multinational Drug Syndrome : The Nigerian Pipeline »

Crivifon,

« Drug Trafficking in North Korea »

Cho, Sung Kwon

(Korea)

72. Human Rights and Criminal Justice in Latin America

Room : Conference Room I

Language

Spanish & English

Chair

Barros Leal, Cesar

State Attorneys Office and Federal University of Ceara

(Brazil)

— 145 —

« The Brazilian Penitentiary System and the Human Rights of the

Incarcerated »

Barros Leal, Cesar

State Attorney's Office and Federal University of Ceara

(Brazil)

« Human Rights of Prisoners »

Bouzon de Terzano, Emilia Beatriz del Valle

International Prisoners Aid Ass. (Argentina)

Discussant : Rodriguez-Manzanera, Luis

Sociedad Mexicana de Criminologia (Mexico)

73. Juvenile Delinquency and Juvenile Justice Across Societies !

Room : Maple

Language

English

Chair

Hedges, Madeleine

Catherine Residential and Youth Services (Australia)

« Juvenile Justice Developments in South Australia »

Hedges, Madeleine Catherine

Residential and Youth Services (Australia)

«The Juvenile Delinquent and the Family »

Cho, Jun Hyon

(Korea)

« An Event History Analysis of Recidivism Rates in Korea »

Lee, Hyun Hee

(Korea)

74. Korean Language Session 06 (to be announced)

Room : Conference Room Il

Language

English

75. Korean School Violence V

Room : Chrysanthemum I

Language

English

76. Les Crimes et les Droit de Homme

Room : Water Lily

Language

French

Chair

Gazan, Freddy

Ministère de la Justice (Belgium)

« European Initiatives Concerning Trafficking in Human Beings &

Combatting Violence Against Children and Women »

Gazan, Freddy

Ministère de la Justice (Belgium)

— 146 —

« The right to the privacy and family life regarding human rights

application in european prisons »

Bechlivanou, Georgia

(France)

« Imprisonment, Locality and the Labour Market : Relationships and

Communicative Difficulties. »

Romano, Carlo Alberto

Université de Brescia (Italy)

« Causes and Consequences of Criminal Homicide in India »

Benradi, Malika

Law Faculty Rabat Agdal Morocco (Morocco)

« Witness Protection Programs Under Korean Criminal Law »

Ha, Man Seok

(Korea)

77. Refining Meusures

of Spouse

Abuse

Among Asian

Groups

Collaborative Efforts

Room : Paeonia

Language

English

Chair

Hoffman, Vincent J.

Michigan State University (U.S.A.)

« Refining Measures of Spouse Abuse Among Asian Groups

Collaborative Efforts »

Hoffman. Vincent J.

Michigan State University (U.S.A.)

« A Frame Work and Implementation Recommendations for Com-

parative Research on Wife Abuse »

Morash, Merry

Michigan State University (U.S.A.)

« Domestic Violence in Korea »

Shim, Young Hui

Hanyang University (Korea)

« Measuring Domestic Violence in Korea »

Shin, Yeunhee

Michigan State University (Korea)

78. Restorative Justice II

Room : Chrysanthemum II

Language

English

Chair

Braithwaite, John

Australian National University (Australia)

— 147 —

« Shaming, the Emotion of Shame and Restorative Justice »

Harris, Nathan

Australian National University (Australia)

« Elaborating Power-Control Theory : Incorporating the Perceived

Threats of Shame and Embarrassment »

Blackwell. Brenda Sims

« From Confrontation

to Conciliation-The Role of Pardon

1N

Criminal Justice »

Sheleff, Leon

Tel Aviv University (Israel)

« Implementation Issues in Restorative Justice »

Van Ness, Shela

University of Tennessee at Chattanooga (U.S.A.)

Pennsylvania State University (U.S.À.)

Discussant : Braithwaite. John

Australian National University (Australia)

79. The International Crime Victin Survey

Room : Paeonia

Language : English

Chair

Zvekic, Ugljesa

United Nations International

Crime and Justice Research

Institute (UNICRI) (Italy)

«

»

Van Dijk, Jan J.M.

Ministry of Justice (Netherlands)

«International Crime Victim Survey

Criminal Victimization in

Countries in Transition »

Zvekic, Ugljesa

United Nations International Crime and Justice Research

Institute (UNICRI) (Italy)

« The International Crime Victim Survey : Victims of Crime in the

Developing World »

Alvazzi del Frate. Anna

United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research

Institute (UNICRI) (Italy)

80. The Project on Policing of Urban Neighborhoods

Results from a

Field Study

Room : Orchid !

Language

English

— 148 —

Chair

Mastrofski, Stephen D.

Michigan State University (U.S.A.)

Mastrofski, Stephen D.

Michigan State University (U.S.A.)

Parks, Roger B.

Indiana University (U.S.A.)

Reiss, Jr., Albert J.

Yale University

1

Victimology and Victimization Research II

Room : Azalea

Language : English

Chair

Valkova, Jana

Institute of Criminology and Social

Prevention

(Czech

Republic)

« Juvenile Victimization by Harmful Means »

Okamota, Miki

The Institute of comparative Law in Japan (Japan)

« À Comparative Research of Criminal Victimization Between Be1]-

ing and Other Major Capitals »

Wang, Dawet

« The Main Results of the International Crime (Victims) Survey in

the Czech Republic »

Valkova, Jana

Institute of Criminology and Social Prevention (Czech

Republic)

« À Study on Perception of Sexual Victimization among Students »

Uchiyama, Ayako

National Research Institute of Police Science (Japan)

« Victimization — À Criminological Debate on Whether Species Have

to Pay to Stay »

Swanepoel, Gerhardus

The Criminological

Research Centre for Wildlife and

Environmental Crimes (South Africa)

82. Violence and Organized Crime in Colombia II

Room : Cosmos

Language : Spanish

Chair

Rubio P., Mauricio

Universidad de los Andes (Colombia)

— 149 —

« Profile of the Colombian Police Force »

Llorente, Maria Victoria

Universidad de los Andes (Colombia)

« Violence, Organized Crime and the Criminal Justice System in

Colombia »

Rubio P., Mauricio

Universidad de los Andes (Colombia)

« Corruption and Crime in the Colombian Police »

Uruena, Nubia

Universidad de los Andes (Colombia)

WEDNESDAY, 26 Auc 1998

5:00 P

83. Hidden Sexual Victimization : An International Study

Room : Camellia

Language

English

Chair

Kirchhoff, Gerd Ferdinand

University of Applied Sciences (Germany)

Kirchhoff, Gerd Ferdinand

University of Applied Sciences (Germany)

Discussant : Dussich, John Peter Joseph

Tokiwa University (Japan)

84. Human Rights of Prisoners

Room : Conference Room I

Language

English

Chair

To be Named

« What Impressions do Prisoners and Visitors Have about Condi-

tions Inside Japanese Prisons ? »

Hamai, Koichi

Research and Training Institute (Japan)

« Religious Practice in American Correctional Facilities »

Dammer, Harry Richard

Niagara University (U.S.A.)

85. Juvenile Delinquency and Juvenile Justice Across Societies H

Room : Maple

Language : English

Chair

Mehlbye, Weiland, Jill Lillian

Institute of Local Government Studies (AKF) (Denmark)

— 150 —

« Juvenile Delinquency and Juvenile Justice in China »

Zhao, Guoling

Peking University (China)

« Confronting Youth in Europe — Juvenile Crime and Juvenile Justice

in Europe »

Mehlbye, Weiland, Jill Lillian

Institute of Local Government Studies (AKF) (Denmark)

« Juvenile Delinquency and Juvenile Justice »

Masanche, Joseph Judae

Judiciary (Tanzania)

« Integrated Juvenile Justice System-À Balance Between The Needs

of the Child and The Control of Crime »

Holland, Jack

Hampshire Probation Service (U.K.)

86. Koreun School Violence VI

Room : Chrysanthemum I

Language

English

87. Post-Repressive Liberation and Crime

Room : Lotus

Language

English

« Punishment and Restoration of Legality in the Post-Totalitarian

Countries »

Platek, Monika

Warsaw University (Poland)

« Strengthening the Criminal Justice System in Bosnia and Her-

zegovina-Assessment Mission on Post Release Treatment »

Holland, Jack

Hampshire Probation Service (U.K.)

« Merely Lawlessness or a Justifiable community Response : Vigilan-

tism in the new South Africa (post-April 1994) »

Minnaar, Anthonn de Villiers

Technikon sa (South Africa)

« Transformation in the Polish Contemporary Crimes (1989-1997) »

Slawik, Karol

University of Szczecin (Poland)

88. Prison and Corrections

What Works ?

Room : Conference Room Îl

Language

English

Chair

Lipton, Douglas S.

NDRI (U.S.A.)

— 151 —

« The Effectiveness of Correctional Treatment Revisited : Preliminary

Meta-Analytic Findings from the C Date Study »

Lipton, Douglas S.

NDRI (U.S.A.)

« Does Rehabilitation in Prisons Work ? »

Kury, Helmut

« Costs of alternatives to imprisonment »

Kerezsi, Klara

National

Institute

of Criminology and Criminalistics

(Hungary)

« Uncertain Deaths : Does it Matter Whether Capital Punishment

Deters ? »

Tamburrini, Claudio M.

University of Gothenburg (Sweden)

(Hungary)

39. Protecting Juvenile Delinquents

Room : Cosmos

Language

English

Chair

Lee, Wing Lin (Francis)

The Chinese University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong)

« Protection of Juveniles and Social Surroundings in Japan »

ÂAbe, Tetsuo

Hokuriku University (Japan)

« Special Obligations as Educational Measures for Juvenile Delin-

quents »

Peto-Kujundzic, Lana

Municipal Court in Zagreb (Croatia)

«The Encountering of Police and ‘Unattached Youth' in the

Occurrence of Juvenile Delinquency »

Lee, Wing Lin (Francis)

The Chinese University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong)

90. Punishing and Treating Juvenile Delinquents

Room : Azalea

Language

English

Chair

Sakata, Jan

Tokiwa University (Japan)

« Juvenile Delinquency : The Meaning of Punishment »

Nikolic, Zlatko V.

Ministry of Justice of the Republic of Serbia (Republic of

Serbia)

— 152 —

« The Efficacy of Institutional Treatment of Juvenile Delinquents in

Nigeria »

Onivehu, Abel Omuya

University of Ilorin, Kwara State Nigeria (Nigeria)

« The First Juvenile Court Judge of Japan »

Sakata, Jan

Tokiwa University (Japan)

91

Recent Trends in Crime and Justice

Room : Water Lily

Language

English

Chair

Lewis. Christopher Gray

Offenders and Corrections Unit (U.K.)

« Trends in Crime reported to the police

an analysis of the United

Nations Sth Survey of Crime Trends 1990-1994 »

Lewis, Christopher Gray

Offenders and Corrections Unit (U.K.)

« Current Trends and Patterns of Violent Crimes in Malaysia »

Sundramoorthy, Pathmanathan

Universiti Sains Malaysia (Malaysia)

« Public Participation in, and Control Over, Prosecution : À Com-

parative Study and Search for a New System »

Chung, Soung Jin

(Korea)

« Women in the police

evolution and questioning »

Lebeuf, Marcel-Eugene

Police College of Canada (Canada)

92. Special Address : Crime, Law Justice in China and Hong Kong :

Implications for Comparative criminology and Theory-Building

Room

carnation

Language : English

Jones, Carol Anne Goodwin

Australian National University (Australia)

93. Special Address : Juvenile Delinquency in Korea

Korean

Room : Rose

Language

«

»

Kim. Joon Ho

Korea University (Korea)

— 153 —

94. Special Address

Organized Crime in Global Perspectives

Room : Chrysanthemum Il

Language

English

Chair

Levi, Mike

Cardiff University (UK)

Discussant : Simpson, Sally Sue

Univ. of Maryland (U.S.A.)

95. Special Address

The Global Expansion of. Restorative Justice

Learning from Asia

Room : Orchid !!

Language

English

Chair

Braithwaite, John Bradford

Australian National University (Australia)

96. Transnational Organized crime

Room : Wisteria

Language

English

Chair : Shelley, Louise

(U.S.A.)

Shelley, Louise

(U.S.A.)

Amir, Menachem

Hebrew University (Israel)

Levi, Mike

Cardiff University (UK)

Paoli, Letizia

Max-Planck-Institut

Ausländisches

und

Internationales

Strafrecht (Germany)

Repetskaya, Anna Leonidovna

Law School (Russia)

Discussant : Ivanov

University of Vladivostock (Russia)

THURSDAY, 27 AuG 1998

1:30 P

97. The Present Situation of Victimology in the World I

Room : Orchid Il

Language

English

Chair

Kirchhoff, Gerd Ferdinand

University of Applied Sciences (Germany)

— 154 —

Schneider, Hans Joachim

University of Westphalia (Germany)

« Victimology : New Tendencies in Research and Victim Policy »

Schneider, Hans Joachim

University of Westphalia (Germany)

« Victimisation and Victimology »

Bogale, A.K.

« Fhe Present Situation of Victimology in the World »

Schneider, Hans Joachim

University of Westphalia (Germany)

« Teaching Victimology and Caring for Victims »

Gosita, Arif

Tarumanagra University (Indonesia)

Discussant : Kirchhoff., Gerd Ferdinand

University of Applied Sciences (Germany)

THURSDAY, 27 AuG 1998

3:15 P

98. The Present Situation of Victimology in the World II

Room : Orchid II

Language

English

Chair

Kirchhoff, Gerd Ferdinand

University of Applied Sciences (Germany)

Schneider, Hans Joachim

« Victims of Crime in Barbados, West Indies »

Brathwaite, Farley Silvan

University of The West Indies (Barbados)

« Crime Victims in The UK : Actuarial or Individualised Justice »

Duff. Peter Robert

Aberdeen University (U.K.)

« Paper

An Empirical Test of the Impact of Victimization on

Violent Crime »

Dawkins, Nicola

Emory University (U.S.A)

« Once a victim always a victim ? À study of how victimisation pat-

terns may change over time. »

Hopkins, Matthew

Nottingham Trent University (U.K.)

— 155 —

« Does Crime Victimization Affect Perceptions of Safety ? »

Dussuyer, Inez

Jones, Eva

Discussant : Schneider, Hans Joachim

University of Westphalia (Germany)

FRIDAY, 28 Auc 1998

1:30 P

99. À Paradigm Shift : Eliminate Crime !

Room : Cosmos

Language

English

Chair

Salerno, James

School of Success & Human Edification (Australia)

« À Paradigm Shift — Eliminate crime ! »

Salerno, James

School of Success & Human Edification (Australia)

100. Crime and Prevention in Latin America

Room : Wisteria

Language : Spanish

Chair

Ciafardini, Mariano Alberto

Ministerio de Justicia de la Republica Argentina (Argentina)

« Investigation Criminal y Justicia »

Cabiedes Torres, Fernando Alfonso

Universidad del Vakke de Nexuco (Mexico)

« La Mediaciôn en el Proceso Penal »

Basilico, Ricardo Angel

Poder Judicial (Argentina)

« Changing Rules in the Use and Consumption of Drugs - An

Analysis of Reality »

Ruidiaz Garcia, Carmen

Universidad Publica de Navarra (Spain)

« Penalty, Punishment and Education »

Grillo, Elio Gomez (Venezuela)

101. Crime and Social Change

Room : Water Lily

Language

English

Chair

Findlay, Mark

« Crime and Globalisation : Impacts for Development »

Findlay, Mark

— 156 —

« Organized & Multinational Crime During Periods of Political

Transition : À Case of South Africa »

Kgosimore, David L.

University of the North (South Africa)

« Secret Societies and Social Change »

Mak, Lau-Fong

Tamkang University (Taiwan)

« The Automation of Criminal Justice — Benefits and Dangers »

Fox, Richard George

Monash University (Australia)

102. Roundtable : Domestic (Intinate Partner) Violence and the Status

of Women

Room

Language

English

Chair

Dawkins, Nicola

Emory University (U.S.A)

103. Domestic Violence : Prevention and Control

Room : Chrysanthemum I

Language : English

Chair

Stanko, Elizabeth A.

Brunel University (U.K.)

« Singapore'‘s Approach to Domestic Violence

Seeking the Middle

Path »

Chan, Wing-Cheong

National University of Singapore (Singapore)

« Truth and Reconciliation : Treating the Perpetrator of Domestic

Violence in South Africa »

Padayachee, Anshu

University of Durban Westville (South Africa)

« Strategic Thinking about Domestic Violence »

Stanko. Elizabeth À.

Brunel University (U.K.)

« Policing Domestic Violence »

Kim. Bo Whan

(Korea)

104. Roundtable : Fraud Victimization

Room

Language

English

Chair

Titus, Richard M.

National Institute of Justice (U.S.A.)

— 157 —

105. Geographic Crime Analysis

The Criminology of Place

Room : Orchid I

Language : English

Chair

Harada, Yutaka

National Research Institute of Police Science (Japan)

« Spatial Patterns of Offending »

Harada, Yutaka

National Research Institute of Police Science (Japan)

« The Technological Proactive Policing

Geographic Information

Systems in Law Enforcement »

Chung, Tae-Jin

Michigan State Univ. (U.S.A.)

« Using a Mapping Software in the Criminological Survey : The Case

of Residential Survey about Fear of Crime and Victimizations »

Tatsuno, Bunri

Tokiwa University (Japan)

« The Measure of Security in Korea »

Lee, Seung Ho (Korea)

106. Global Perspectives on Homicide I

Room

Carnation Language

English

Chair

Broadhurst, Roderic

The University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong)

« Homicide and Lethal Violence in Hong Kong »

Broadhurst, Roderic

The University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong)

« Criminal Homicide in Taiwan »

Yang, Shu-Lung

National Chung-Cheng University (Taïiwan R.O.C.)

« Various Studies on the Internal Motivation of Homicide Viewed

from the Dynamic Regarding the Maturation Process and Psy-

chological Regression »

Ambrosi, Astrid

Study Center and Research in Psychopathology (France)

107. Roundtable : Juvenile Delinquency and Justice

Room

Language

English

Chair : Winterdyk, John Albert

Mount Royal College (Canada)

— 158 —

« Round : Juvenile Delinquency and Justice »

Winterdyk, John Albert

Mount Royal College (Canada)

108. Juvenile Justice Around the World

Room : Conference Room IIl

Language : English

Chair

Braithwaite, John

Bradford Australian National University (Australia)

« Juvenile Justice in India »

Pande, B. B.

(India)

« Juvenile Justice in South Africa »

Frank, Cheryl

(S. Africa)

Skelton. An

« Juvenile Justice Reform toward the Punitive & Tough Approach »

Saito, Toyoj1

Konan University (Japan)

« German Juvenile Justice System »

Dunkel, Frieder

University of Greifowaeld (Germany)

Discussant : Braithwaite, John Bradford

Australian National University (Australia)

109. Korean Association of criminology : Summer Meeting I

Room : Rose

Language

English

110. Looking at crime Across Countries

Room : Chrysanthemum II

Language

English

Chair

Kalish, Carol Barry

Bureau of Justice Statistics (U.S.A.)

«

»

Burnham. Robin William

Visiting Fellow, National Institute of Justice (U.K.)

« Comparative Research and Standardization of Crime Data »

Zvekic, Ugljesa

United Nations International Crime and Justice Research

Institute (UNICRI) (Italy)

— 159 —

« Comparing Crime

The United States and Selected Countries »

Kalish, Carol Barry

Bureau of Justice Statistics (U.S.A.)

111

Managing Offenders in the Community

Room : Conference Room !

Language : English

« Community — Based Rehabilitation in Test Supervision in Japan »

Arimoto, Miyuki

Kwansei Gakuin University (Japan)

« Crime Control in Community »

Nishimura, Haruo

Kokushikan University (Japan)

« An Australian Model for Managing Serious Young Offenders in

the Community »

Watson, David

Warminda Intensive Intervention Centre (Australia)

« Pre-sentence Investigations in Korea »

Lee, Sang Cheol

(Korea)

112. Police Use of Violence : Justifications in Japan and the USA

Room : Orchid II

Language

English

Chair

Dussich, John Peter Joseph

Tokiwa Universtiy (Japan)

Dussich, John Peter Joseph

Tokiwa Universtiy (Japan)

Yamagami, Akira

Tokyo Medical and Dental University

Okada, Takayuki1

Tokyo Medical and Dental University

[13. Prison Populations Around the

World ;

Growth,

Overcrowding,

Parole, and other Problems and Solutions

Room : Lotus

Languages : French and English

Chair

Kuhn, André

University of Lausanne (Switzerland)

Kensey, Annie

Ministère de la Justice (France)

— 160 —

Kuhn, André

University of Lausanne (Switzerland)

Kim, Young Joon

(Korea)

Kang, Dong Woon

(Korea)

114. Privatization of Criminal Justice

Room : Maple

Language : English

Chair

Moyle, Paul

(Australia)

« Privatization in Australian Prisons »

Moyle, Paul

(Australia)

« Privatization of Police

Models of Accountability »

Sarre, Rick (W.T.)

University of South Australia (Australia)

« Private Policing Issues in China »

Nalla, Mahesh

Michigan State University (U.S.A.)

« Privatization of Prisons in Korea »

Jeong, Dong Jin

(Korea)

115. The Anti-Terrorism Strategy in the Gulf States

Room : Paeonia

Language : To be announced

Chair

Al Mualla, Mohammed Khalifa

Sharjah Police (United Arab Emirates)

Al Mualla, Mohammed Khalifa

Sharjah Police (United Arab Emirates)

Al Jallaf, Essa

Sharjah Police (United Arab Emirates)

Beyat, Mohammed Rashid

Sharjah Police Research and Studies Center (United Arab

Emirates)

Al Musharrakh, Abdulla Ahmed

Sharjah Police Sciences Academy (United Arab Emirates)

— 161 —

116. Victim Support Policy in Asia I

Room : Camellia

Language : English

Chair

Ota, Tatsuya

Keio University (Japan)

Chockalingam, Kumaravelu

University of Madras (India)

Zakaria, Abudl Hadi

University of Malaya (Malaysia)

Watanavanich, Prathan

Thammasat University (Thailand)

Reksodiputro, Mardjono

University of Indonesia (Indonesia)

117. Victimes et la victimisation

Room : Azalea

Language : English

Chair

Mathé, André

Societé Internationale de Criminologie (France)

« Psychothérapie des victimes »

Mathé, André

Société Internationale de Criminologie (France)

Discussant : Brochu, Serge

Université de Montreal (Canada)

FripAY, 28 Auc 1998

3:15 P

118. Criminal Law and Criminology

Room : Wisteria

Language

English

Chair

Vibhute, Khushal Irwantrao

University of Pune (India)

« Victims of Crime and the Law : An Indian Perspective »

Vibhute, Khushal Irwantrao

University of Pune (India)

« Limitations of Due Process Principles in German Criminal Proce-

dure »

Arnold, Jôrg

Max-Planck-Institut für Ausländisches und Internationales

Strafrecht (Germany)

— 162 —

« Protection of Witnesses »

Kim, Yong Hun

(Korea)

« Increasing International Cooperation in Criminal Matters »

Chae, Jung Suk

« The relationship between leader and follower in a cult

Com-

plementary goals »

Casoni, Dianne

University of Montreal (Canada)

119. Cultural Response to Threats of Violence

Room : Chrysanthemum II

Language

English

Chair

Yamagami, Akira

Tokyo Medical and Dental University

Yamagami, Akira

Tokyo Medical and Dental University

Okada, Takayuk1

Tokyo Medical and Dental University

Dussich, John Peter Joseph

Tokiwa Universtiy (Japan)

120. Global Perspectives on Homicide II

Room : Carnation

Language

English

Chair

Broadhurst, Roderic

The University of Hong Kong (Hong Kong)

« Women Who Kill in Sweden »

Moen, Elisabeth Kristina

Umea University (Sweden)

« Intimate Femicide : The Israeli Experience »

Landau, Simha F.

Hebrew University (Israel)

« The Psychological Characteristics of Homicide and its Counter-

measures »

Dong, Xinchem

121. /nnovations in Criminology and Criminal Justice

Room : Azalea

Language : English

Chair

Pridemore, William Alex

University of Albany State University of New York (U.S.A.)

— 163 —

« Innovations in Criminology »

Pridemore, Wilhiam Alex

University of Albany State University of New York

(U.S.A.)

«The New Thinking About the Development and Innovation of

Criminology in China »

Zhang Hanming

« Graphology

Inside

the Penitentiary System-AÀ Possible New

Criminological Approach (Preliminary Title) »

Stanescu, Andreia

Interdepartmental criminalistic Laboratory (Romania)

«Innovations of Korean Prosecutors in the 21st Century »

Yoonm, Jung Seok

(Korea)

122. Juveniles and crime

Room : Lotus

Language

French

« An Analysis of Delinquents Sentenced to Punishment in Open

Environments »

Moulin. Valérie

Criminal Sciences & Psychology (France)

« Conjugal Conflicts of a Sample of Monoparental Families in Côte

d'Ivoire »

Flola, Bilily

Centre Africain de criminologie Comparée (Cote d'Ivoire)

123. Korean Association of Criminology : Summer Meeting II

Room

Rose

Language

English

124. Korean Language Session 9 (to be announced)

Room : Conference Room II

Language

English

125. Korean Language Session 16 (to be announced)

Room : Paeonia

Language

English

126. Law and Polities in the Democratization of Korea and East Asia

Room : Conference Room !

Language : English

Chair : Ahn, Kyong Whan

Seoul National University (Korea)

— 164 —

« Legal Lustration Against the Authoritarian Past »

Han, In Sup

Seoul National University (Korea)

« Recent Debate on Detention Hearings in Korea

Human Rights

Narrative vs. Crime Control Strategy »

Sim, Hui-g1

Dongguk University (Korea)

« Constitutional Courts and Legal Change Since 1987 »

Ahn, Kyong Whan

Seoul National University (Korea)

« Understanding Corruption in the Context of Legal Culture

À

Critique »

Lee, Chulwoo

Hankok University of Foreign Studies (Korea)

127. Legal Issues in Korean Criminology

Room : Cosmos

Language

English

Chair : Cha, Yong Suk

(Korea)

« Legal Characteristics of the South-North Korean Relationship »

Lee, Young Kyuu

(Korea)

« AÂre Computer Fonts Copyrightable »

Kang, Dong Wook

128. Migration and Crime

Room : Maple

Language : English

« On Migration and Crime in P.R. China »

Mu Junfa

« Foreign Laborers and Crime

a Moral Panic ? »

Amir, Menachem

Hebrew University (Israel)

« Multinational Crime

Alien's Crime in Poland at the Time of

Transformation (Social Change) »

Rzeplinska, Irena

Institute of Law Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences

(Poland)

— 165 —

129. Police and Politics

Room : Chrysanthemum !

Language : English

Chair : Ozcan, Yusuf Ziya

Middle East Technical University (Turkey)

« Democratising the South African Police Service : The Role of Com-

munity Policing Forums »

Pillay, Kris

Technikon Southern Africa (South Africa)

« The Organization as a Problem : Strategies and Rationality in the

Police of The State of Rio de Janeiro »

Dellasoppa, Emilio Enrique

Universidade do Estado de Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)

« Police Organizations and Local Authorities : Power Relations to be

Specified »

Lebeuf, Marcel-Eugene

Police College of Canada (Canada)

« À Systems Approach to Managing a Community Police Service in

a Heterogenic Milieu »

Roelofse, C.J.

« Police and Politics in Turkey »

Ozcan, Yusuf Ziya

Gulin, Recep

Middle East Technical University (Turkey)

130. Police : Danger and Stress

Room : Orchid II

Language

English

Chair

Lee, Yung Hyeock

Michigan State University (U.S.A.)

« Perception of Police Stressors and Police Cynicism in South

Korea »

Lee, Yung Hyeock

Michigan State University (U.S.A.)

« Occupational Stress Among Police Managers in Slovenia »

Pagon, Milan

College of Police and Security Studies (Slovenia)

« An analysis of the Murder of Members of the South African Police

Service

1994-1997 »

Minnaar, Anthonn de Villiers

Technikon S.A. (South Africa)

— 166 —

What Works ? What Doesn't ?

131. Preventing Crime

Room : Orchid I

Language

English

Chair

Sherman, Lawrence W.

University of Maryland (USA)

«

»

Sherman, Lawrence W.

University of Maryland (USA)

Discussant : Cusson, Maurice

Université de Montreal (Canada)

Homel, Ross

Griffith University (Australia)

Sheu. Chen-Jim

Central Police University (Taiwan)

132. Victim Support Policy in Asia H

Room : Camellia

Language

: English

Chair : Ota, Tatsuya

Keio University (Japan)

Ota, Tatsuya

Keio University (Japan)

Mei, Chang Kan

National University (Taiwan)

Discussant : Cho, Byung In

Korean Institute of Criminology (Korea)

Kühne, Hans-Heiner

Purnianti, Munganson

133. Victim-Offender Mediation

Room : Water Lily

Language

: English

Chair

Hartmann, Ute Ingrid

University of Applied Sciences Braunschweig (Germany)

« Victims-Offenders-and No Mediation ? The Role of the Prosecutors

Office in Victim-Offender-Mediation »

Hartmann, Ute Ingrid

University of Applied Sciences Braunschweig (Germany)

« Victim-Offender Mediation & the Victim of Crime in Australia »

Spooner, Nicole Louise

University of Melbourne (Australia)

— 167 —

« Promoting Management in Community Based Serving Victims

Programs »

Gosita, Arif

Tarumanagra University (Indonesia)

« Mediation versus imprisonment ? »

Barabas, Tunde Andrea

National

Institute

of Criminology

and Criminalistics

(Hungary)

FRiDAY, 28 Auc 1998

5:00 P

134. Korean Language Session

10 (to be

announced)

Room : Rose

Language : English

135. Korean Language Session

11 (to be

announced)

Room : Conference Room

|

Language

English

136. Korean Language Session

12 (to be

announced)

Room : Conference Room II

Language

English

137. Korean Language Session

]8 (Î() /7('

announced)

Room : Maple

Language

English

138. Les Drogues et le Crime

Room : Water Lily

Language : French

Chair

Cusson. Maurice

Université de Montréal (Canada)

« Youth and Camorra in Napoli »

Sclafani, Francesco

Napoli Federico Il University (Italy)

«'Trafice de Drogue et Organisations Criminelles »

Cusson, Maurice

Université de Montréal (Canada)

Discussant : Sigales, Silvia

Centre d'études et de recherches en Psychopathologie, Maison

de la Recherche (France)

_—

_

_

168

139. Problems in Regulation

Sex Offenders,

Muafia,

Transnational

Polluters

Room : Chrysanthemum Îl

Language

English

Chair

Braithwaite,. John

Australian National University (Australia)

« How the Mafla was Purged From New York City's Economy »

Jacobs, James B

New York University (U.S.A.)

« Regulating Transitional Corporations in a Globalized Economy :

Safety and Environmental Crimes and the International Chemical

Industry »

Pearce, Frank

Queen's University (Canada)

« Sex Offenders and Communities »

Thomas, Terence Vaughan

Leeds Metropolitan University (U.K.)

« Transboundary Environmental Crime and the Role of Criminal

Law from a Korean Point of View »

Cho. Byung Sun

Changju University (Korea)

« Information Protection in the Information Society »

Han, Bong Jo

(Korea)

140. Psychological Aspects of Crime

Room : Azalea

Language

English

Chair

Sa. Jefferson

Sunrise Community Counseling Center (U.S.A.)

« Crime as a Deal »

Leps, Ando

Member of Parliament (Estonia)

« The Formation Process of Criminal Readiness in the Cases of Per-

petrators of Organizational Crime »

Nitta, Kenichi

Showa Women's Univ. (Japan)

« Validation of Anger Assessment in a Therapeutic Setting Using

Psychometric Measurements for Lethality Assessment »

Sa. Jefferson

Sunrise Community Counseling Center (U.S.A.)

— 169 —

« The Forensic Psychiatric Hospital of Korea : À Statistical Review

of Eleven Years’ History »

Choi, Sang Sub

(Korea)

« Myths and Realities concerning Female Terrorists »

Kuleshnyk, Irka

New Jersey City University (USA)

Wiedemann, Carl

141. Psychothérapie des Criminels

Room : Cosmos

French

Language

Chair

Mathé, André

Société Internationale de Criminologie (France)

« Psychothérapie des criminels en prison »

Mathé, André

Société Internationale de Criminologie (France)

142. Sex Crimes : Global Research

Room : Lotus

Language : English

Chair : Soothill, Keith

Lancaster University (U.K.)

« Patterns of Reported Rape Incidents in Metro Manila »

Gutierrez, Filomin

University of the Philippines (Philippines)

« Stalking »

Spencer, Jon

University of Manchester (U.K.)

« The Effectiveness of Stalking Legislation »

Dussuyer, Inez

McKelvie, Helen

« Intra-Familial Rape

Patterns of Concealment & Construction in

Country Court Trials During 1995 in Victoria, Australia »

Taylor, Shannon Caroline

University of Ballarat (Australia)

« Reviewing the Pantheon of Sexual Offending : Developing Criminal

Profiles of Sex Offenders »

Soothill, Keith

Lancaster University (U.K.)

— 170 —

143. Some Problems of the Juvenile Justice System in Japan

Room : Wisteria

Language

English

Chair : Araki, Nobuyoshi

Rikkyo University (Japan)

« Juvenile Law and the Children’s Welfare Law »

Maeno, Ikuzo

Kwansei Gakuin University (Japan)

« Some Defects of the Juvenile Justice System in Japan »

Araki, Nobuyoshi

Rikkyo University (Japan)

« Double Jeopardy and the Right to Appeal »

Kuzuno, Hiroyuki

Shizuoka University (Japan)

« Parole and Probation System »

Goto, Hiroko

Fuji College

144. Special Address : Employment and Crime : How Effects vary by Age

Room : Camellia

Language

English

«

»

Uggen, Christopher

University of Minnesota (USA)

145. Special Address : La Dynamique du Passage à l'acte ou le développe-

ment psychique entre violence et agressivité

Room : Chrysanthemum I

Language

French

»

«

Hirschelmann. Astrid

Université de Toulouse le Mirail (France)

«

»

Sztultman. H

(France)

«

»»

Favard, À.M

(France)

— 171 —

146. Special Addresses : Early Predictors of Crime in the Life Course

Room : Orchid II

Language

English

«The Impact of Pre/Perinstal

Disturbances and Disadvantaged

Environments in Predicting Violent Crime : From Birth to Young

Adulthood »

Piquero, Alex Russell

Temple University (U.S.A.)

to

adult

criminal

« Pathways

from early behavioral

problems

behaviors »

Juon, Hee-Soon

Johns Hopkins University School of Hygiene (U.S.A.)

147. Special Addresses : Marvin Wolfgang's Contributions to Criminol-

ogy

Room : Orchid I

Language

English

Chairs

Elmar Weitekamp,

Tuebingen University (Germany)

Leslie Sebba

Hebrew University (Israel)

148. Victims, Compensation, Assistance and Mediation

Room : Paeonia

Language

English

Chair

Rzeplinska, Irena

Institute of Law Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences

(Poland)

« Mediation : Conflict solving instead of punishment »

Northoff. Robert

Fachhochschule Neubrandenburg (Germany)

« Confiscation of Property as a Criminal Sanction from the Histori-

cal Perspective »

Rzeplinska, Irena

Institute of Law Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences

(Poland)

« Evaluation of Victorian Crimes Compensation Legislation »

Spooner, Nicole Louise

University of Melbourne (Australia)

« The Status of Victims in Korean Criminal Procedure »

Kang. In Chul

(Korea)

172 —

149.

V’iolence in Schools

Room

Carnation

Language

English

Chair

Ferreira. Bertus R

Washburn University (U.S.A.)

« Bullying and Violence in Schools »

Ferreira. Bertus R

Washburn University (U.S.A.)

« Violence in Schoo! : The Trilogy of Gangs, Drugs and Weapons »

Joseph. Janice O.

Richard Stockton College (U.S.A.)

« Proposals to Reduce School Violence in Korea »

Oh, Yoon Sung

(Korea)

« School Violence »

Lee, Joong Whan

(Korea)

« The Emergence of School Violence in Korea »

Kim. Ki Whan

(Korea)

173

IN MEMORIAM : MARVIN WOLFGANG

1924-1998 (*)

Freda Adler

G.O.W. Mueller

William S. Laufer

Marvin E. Wolfgang, tenth President of the American Society of

Criminology (1966-1967), died on Easter Sunday (12 April 1998) at the

Hospital of the University of Pennsylvania, just a few blocks away from

the Sellin Center for Studies in Criminology and Criminal Law where he

spent most of his professional life.

His name and work are known to everyl student, teacher and

researcher in criminology. When in 1994 the British Journal of Criminol-

ogy 1dentified him as « the most influential criminologist in the English-

speaking world », most of us regarded this as a typically British under-

statement. He was, indeed, the most influential criminologist in the

world. His works have appeared in many languages !

There are five areas of scholarly activity in Wolfgang's life. Each one

alone would have earned him accolades

|. AIl during his life Dr. Wolfgang was a man of culture. One of his

first research publications dealt with « Political Crimes and Punishments

in Renaissance Florence », followed by many other contributions of an

historico-cultural nature. He particularly appreciated the culture of Italy

and over the years visited and worked in Italy, often with his close

friend Franco Ferracuti.

2. His mastery of quantitative research became nationally respected

with his first major book-length contribution, Partterns in Criminal

Homicide, which astounded the professional community in 1958. His

analysis of 582 Philadelphia murders revealed that one-quarter of those

homicides were in fact prompted by their victims. The term « victim-

precipitated homicide » was born, a term once again appreciated in an

era when so many spousal homicides are but a response to victim

precipitation. The significance of this book to the growth of the sub-

discipline of victimology cannot be overestimated. Indeed, the World

(*) À special session of Seoul Congress was dedicated to Professor Marvin Wolfgang.

who died on Easter Sunday (12 avril 1998).

Re-printed from The Criminologist, the official newsletter of the American Society of

Criminology, vol. 23, No. 3, May/June 1998, with kind permission of the editor. Dr. Miriam

A. DeLone. and of American Society of Criminology President, Margaret A. Zahn.

— 175 —

Society of Victimology awarded Marvin its Hans von Hentig Prize in

1988.

3. Marvin next tackled the problem of measuring delinquency. With

Thorsten Sellin he published The Meusurement of Delinquency, m 1964.

This imaginative scaling of delinquency seriousness instantly influenced

the work of the federal government and of researchers everywhere.

4. Soon thereafter, in 1968. Dr. Wolfgang, with co-author Franco

Ferracuti of the University of Rome, presented to criminologists a new

theory of crime

the subeulture of violence theory. The book was a

theoretical treatise on the causes and correlates of violent behavior. This

book remains a definitive exposition of society's responsibility for breed-

ing violent criminal behavior. It also remained one of the most acknow-

ledged theories of crime.

S. Dr. Wolfgang, above all, became the most respected pioneer in

longitudinal studies when, in 1972, he published Delinqueney in a Birth

Cohort (with Thorsten Sellin and Robert Figlio). Many regarded this

Marvin's

finest

achievement.

His

research

longitudinal

study as

demonstrated that of 10,000 boys born in Philadelphia in 1945, by

age

18 one-third of the cohort had criminal records.

Yet he also

demonstrated that only 6 percent of the total accounted for 52 percent

of all offenses. Advocates of incapacitation seized on the study with

plans of detecting and isolating those 6 percent early on. Yet Wolfgang

himself warned about the dangers inherent in such an approach, includ-

ing the near impossibility of identifying them early enough, without run-

ning into problems with false positives and false negatives.

Ât the time of his death Dr. Wolfgang was directing a replication of

his cohort study in the People’s Republic of China. Thanks to Marvin'’s

leadership, cohort studies have been conducted elsewhere, including Ger-

many.

No recitation or explanation of Marvin’s scholarly contributions can

do justice to Marvin, the human being

idol for many aspiring

criminologists, teacher to hundreds of students (and well over 100 doc-

torates, dispersed over the world, as deans, directors and professors),

mentor to à select group of academicians, colleague, and friend. Mar-

vin's lectures were always marked by his erudition and informed by his

research experience. And he could be rousingly dynamiec, as when he

addressed a thousand students at Londrina, Brazil, during the time of

military dictatorship. His message : Become criminologists, curb crime.

resist being co-opted, strive for humane 1deals.

The profession rewarded Dr. Wolfgang richly for his immense con-

tributions to Criminology

besides the Hans von Hentig Prize, he

received both the August Vollmer and the Edwin Sutherland Awards of

— 176 —

the American Society of Criminology. Then there were two honorary

doctorates (City University of New York, and Academia Mexicana de

Derecho Internacional), the Roscoe Pound Award of the National

Council of Crime and Delinquency, the Wolfgang Award for Dis-

tinguished _ Achievement in Criminology (named in his honor), and

numerous fellowships, grants and honorary memberships. And just

shortly before his death. the criminologists of Germany, Austria and

Switzerland awarded him the Beccaria Medal in Gold.

Marvin will be sorely missed, not only by his personal family, but by

his professional family. He was called too soon, just a few short years

after his own beloved mentor. Thorsten Sellin had passed away. But in

grieving over Marvin'’s death, we also express our joy in having known

him. having worked with him, laughed with him and aspired with him.

Dr. Wolfgang is survived by his wife, Lenora, Professor of French at

Lehigh University ; his daughters,

Karen W. Swanson

and Nina

V. Wolfgang ; his sister, Patricia W. Mignogna ; and two grandchildren.

— 177 —

APPLICATION FORM

LAST NAME (Mr. Mrs. Miss)

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Profession

University Degrees

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ADDRESS (Home)

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