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 Annales internationales de criminologie, 30 Sol4, ANNALES INTERNATIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIE INTERNATIONAL ANNALS OF CRIMINOLOGY ANALES INTERNACIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIA ANNEE 1992 (volume 30 - n°° 1 et 2) R 'i,î) 3 q z w q rount cN ANNALES INTERNATIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIE organe officiel de la Société Internationale de Criminologie Président : Albert J.R. REISS Jr. (U.S.A.) Secrétaire général : Georges PICCA (France) COMITÉ DE RÉDACTION DES ANNALES Président : Hans-Jürgen KERNER (R.F.A.) Président de la Commission Scientifique Secrétaire : Pierre-Henri BOLLE (Suisse) Secrétaire de la Commission Scientifique Rédacteur en chef : Georges KELLENS (Belgique) Rédacteurs associés Lolita ANIYAR DE CASTRO (Amérique Latine), Setsuo MIYAZAWA (Asie), Louise SHELLEY (Amérique du Nord). Table des matières Table of contents Indice Avant-propos . ° ° . - . . . . . . . Û . . . . . . . . . . ° . . . . . . . . Û . Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - . . . . . . . N Noticia preliminar . . Û ° . . . . . . . . . . ° . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l International courses in criminology : an initiative with a bright future, G. Picca . . . . . . . . . - . . . . . . . . ° . . . . . . . . . . . . . ° . . Crime prevention in urban communities a western perspective, A.J. Reiss, Jr 17 3 Medios de comunicaciôn y campañas de ley y orden, . . . . . . . . . . . - - - . . . . . . . . . ° . Û . . 27 L. Aniyar de Castro Les perspectives actuelles de la recherche criminologique en Europe, D. Szabo 43 Freedom of the press in a democracy. J. McCord . . - . . . . . . . . . ° . . . . . - . . . . Û Û . . ° . . . . . . 55 Urban crime prevention : development of policy and practice in England, P. Ekblom . Û . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - . . . . . . . . . . . . Û . . 65 Crime in the mass media, H.J. Schneider . . . . . . Û . - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ° . . Û . . . 85 . . . . . . . . Seconde annonce : 11* Congrès international de criminologie 101 Second announcment : 11th international Congress on criminology 113 121 Segundo anuncio : 11* Congreso internacional de criminologia —“ 5— Avant-propos Ce numéro des Annales est consacré tout entier à l’une des activités les plus riches de la Société : les Cours internationaux de Criminologie. Il donne aussi la deuxième annonce du 11° Congrès international de criminologie, qui se tiendra à Budapest en 1993. Je remercie Jorge PALMA et Gordon HUMPHREYS de leur pré- cieuse aide dans les textes en espagnol et en anglais. Preface This edition of the Annals is entirely devoted to one of the richest activities of the International Criminology Society : international criminology courses. It also makes a second announcement of the 11th international criminology congress, which will take place in Budapest in 1993. I would like to thank Jorge PALMA and Gordon HUMPHREYS for their helpful assistance in drawing up the spanish and english texts. Nota preliminar El presente nûmero de los Anales està consagrado por completo a una de las actividades mâs ricas de la Sociedad : los cursos internacionales de Criminologta. El contiene también el segundo Anuncio del 11° Congreso internacional de Crimi- nologia que se realizarä en Budapest en 1993. Agradezco a Jorge PALMA y a Gordon HUMPHREYS por sus preciosas ayudas en las traducciones de los textos al español y al inglés. Georges KELLENS —_7— International courses in criminology : an initiative with a bright future Georges PICCA General Secretary of the International Society for Criminology Organising International Courses in Criminology in various parts of the world has for some considerable time been a distinctive feature of our Society. Saying that they have a bright future is not however as paradoxical as might at first appear. Among the different activities organized by the Society these Courses must surely count as one of its original and most exciting initiatives, and they play an important part in the implementation of our scientific policy aimed at spreading knowledge and encouraging research in the field of criminal law. Initially designed to circulate information within a fairly limited international community and assit in the training of those involved in the administration of criminal justice, these Courses have today set themselves an even more ambitious goal : to make a valuable contribution to the development of different schools of thought and research in fields as varied as greater insight into criminality, crime prevention, the analysis of different systems of justice and policy trends in criminal justice. Despite their title — which may perhaps be somewhat misleading — these Courses are not «teaching sessions» in the generally accepted sense of the term, but are rather symposia offering an interested and motivated audience the opportu- nity to obtain and exchange information on a central theme 1llustrated by experts from various parts of the world. À brief glance at topics dealt with between 1952 ! — the date of the first Course — and 1992 (which saw the holding of the 47th Course in Tokyo) shows that they have always been at the heart of contemporary concerns and of great interest to the audience — officials and researchers in the field of criminology — for whom the International Courses are designed. The regular holding of such meetings, once or twice a year, thus enables the International Society for Criminology to be at the center of contemporaneous research and action in the various sectors of criminal justice. (1) See the list at the end of this text. — 9— Our International Courses are quite different from the numerous Congresses or Seminars which themselves offer Academics, researchers and practitoners oppor- tunities for periodic comparison of their work and experiences in the scientific field. The International Society for Criminology moreover holds a World Congress every five years which, thanks to its large and varied attendance, makes it possible to compare the state of knowledge and different research in the field of criminology. The last Congress, held in Hamburg in 1988* was attended by more than 700 par- ticipants from all over the world. À similarly substantial attendance 1s expected for the next Congress dur to be held in Budapest (August 1993) on the theme « SOCIO-POLITICAL CHANGES AND CRIME : A CHALLENGE FOR THE 21ST CENTURY>» One of the main tenets of the Society's policy over the past few years has been to increase the number of International Courses and hold them, circumstances per- mitting, in various parts of the world. Although Europe and Latin America have often hosted our Courses in the past, a welcome new development has been the new influence of our Society in Asia, Japan and the People’s Republic of China. A similar phenonemon has also been encountered as regards the circulation of the INTERNATIONAL ANNALS OF CRIMINOLOGY and contributions to the Courses. The summary of this No. 30 of the Annals thus includes extracts from the Courses held in Rio De Janeiro, Barcelona and Tokyo. We thus hope to make a greater selection of published texts available to readers of our Review together with regular updates of our current activities. The occasion also seems particularly propitious for a closer look at the merits and future prospects of the International Courses in Criminology. AN ORIGINAL INITIATIVE Several specific aspects of the International Courses in Criminology are partic- ulary worthy of mention. Firstly, these meetings make it possible to obtain high quality information on the various aspects of a given topic, the study of which has been requested by the Inviting Authorities of the Course. The originality of this information lies mainly in the fact that it is being communicated in places or areas where 1t 1s often un- known or insufficently known. Such may be the case with new legislation, crime prevention programs or research elaborated or carried out in other parts of the world. It has thus been possible to deal with a wide and varied range of issues of interest to researchers. practitioners or specialists in comparative law. It should be empha- (2) See International Annals of Criminology No. 27 (1989) and in particular the special issue published in 1988 for the tenth World Congress of the Society. (3) See No. 29 (1991) of the /nternational Annals of Criminologv, information concerning the BUDAPEST C'ongress due in August 1993, updated in the last pages of this issue. — 10 — sized at this point that due attention should always be paid to differences in legisla- tion and criminological research in the different countries of the world. Insofar as our Society is essentially designed to be international and multicultural, it is indis- pensable that diversity in the orientation and development of knowledge in our field be taken into account. This principle of diversity leads in practice to the coexistence of sociological or statistical research in North America, more clinically orientated research in Italy, and even to research inspired by a «criminology of liberation» in certain countries of Latin America. This diversity 1S moreover reflected in the geo- graphical siting of the Courses and in the choice of topics. Of the sixteen Inter- national Courses held over the past ten years (1982-1992), seven took place in Europe (in seven different countries), seven on the American Continent (in four different countries) and one in Asia (Japan), while discussions are currently under- way regarding a possible Course in the People’s Republic of China. What better proof can there be of the international and multicultural vocation of the International Courses in Criminology! The unifying element of our special field of interest — criminology — goes hand in hand with an unfailing respect for regional diversities in progress and development. The holding of these Courses is not always left to the initiative of the Society. Things often proceed in the following manner. An approach is made to the Society by National, Local, Administrative, University or Judicial Authorities requesting 1t to organize a given Course. The Scientific Committee then adopts the program for that Course, and chooses a limited number of specialist Rapporteurs from different linguistic and training backgrounds. The Inviting Authorities look after the material organization and the financing of the meeting and ensure the presence of national experts, which makes 1t possible to usefully compare different points of view. The meeting concludes with a summarized report of proceedings in preference to the passing of any resolutions. It should be stressed that scientific objectivity of the work of the Course 1s guaranteed by the Society. Attendance at any one Course is normally limited to a hundred persons, all of whom are given a diploma attesting their enrolment and regular attendance. Partic- ipants vary depending on the region or the body behind the holding of the Course : Academics, students, members of the Judiciary and the Legal Professions, re- searchers, professionals in the field of justice and social welfare, Police Academies and so on. Experience has shown that the topics dealt with and the methods used arouse even greater interest when local organizers are given considerable latitude to carry out their task. À second particularity of the International Courses 1s their intellectual open- mindedness and tolerance together with the absence of any apriorism. Our Society does not seek to promote any ideology or doctrine; it is not a shool or thought, nor even less a sectarian body. The International Society of Criminology 1s above all a forum for the various contemporary trends in the field of criminal justice which ar reflected in the different approaches encountered in this discipline (sociology, cli- nical, comparative criminal law, criminal justice policy making etc.). — 11 — It has thus been possible to treat different issues before audiences of equal diversity, as 1s attested by the following examples : the Influence of new technolo- gies in the system of criminal justice (Montreal 1987); crime prevention in different socio-political systems (Havana 1987); deprival of freedom in the system of crim- inal justice from the point of view of Human Rights (Athens 1989); public opinion, the Media and crime (Rio de Janeiro 1991); alcohol, drugs and crime (Quito 1984). Several Courses were devoted alternately to clinical approaches (Paris 1952; Rome 1955; Madrid 1960; Tübingen 1986), to the study of sentencing and the treatment of offenders (London 1954; Rome 1965; Belgrade 1968; Lagos 1970); to the teaching of criminology (San Sebastien 1989), to victims of offences (Vancouver 1983), to statistics (Aix-en-Provence 1981) to juvenile delinquency (Pau-Bayonne 1976; Wuppertal 1977), to scientific research in the field of criminology in Europe (Barcelona 1991) and to Crime prevention in the urban community (Tokyo 1992). Reports presented and the work of the various International Courses are gener- ally published by the local organizers. Major reports and papers are however given pre-publication in the International Annals of Criminology. The regular organizing of these Courses, together with the publication of their proceedings makes 1t possible to achieve one of our Society’s chief objectives, i.e., to promote the spread of knowledge about the various components of the criminal justice system. The regular publication of the International Annals of Criminology since 1951 has made it possible not only to attest to the scientific activity of the Society, but also to offer a forum for original contributions or reports on hitherto unpublished research. The regular long standing publication of this Review 1s in itself a precious source of information as regards the evolution of criminological thought over the past forty years. The balance sheet of the International Courses 1s therefore highly positive. To what extent then can further progress be envisaged ? CRIMINOLOGY IN ACTION The 47th International Course in Tokyo (April 1992) — the very first one to be held in that part of the world — confirmed the wisdom of the decision to organize Courses dealing with topics of common interest to several countries. The topic chosen for the Course « Crime prevention in the urban community » afforded a good example in that it revealed the existence of common interests and led to a most fruitful exchange of experiences proper to the region between experts from Japan, Korea, Thaïland, Indonesia, Singapore, the Philippines etc. This meeting highlighted the existence of similar methods of crime prevention in these countries. This 1s a useful lesson for the future. The countries of Latin America have, in similar fashion, demonstrated their interest in studying topics of concern to them all. The 46th Course in indeed with this very fact in mind that the 49th Course organized in Salvador (Bahia) in September 1992 chose as its theme Human Rights in the trial of criminal offences. — 12 — À second line of action, and one already well underway, concerns the choice of 1issues studied. This stems from a wider conception of criminology, favoring topics of more general interest to society as a whole yet of direct relevance to criminologist and professionals of the administration of justice. The place of human rights in the trial of criminal offences, an issue already dealt with in two Inter- national Courses, Athens (1989) and Miskolc, Hungary (1990) affords a first ex- ample of the outcome of such a choice. À second example can be found in the topic chosen for the Course in Rio de Janeiro (1991) on Public opinion, the Media and crime. The latter Course not only introduced the Society and its activities to a whole new public — the Press and the Media — but also enabled it to incite this public to take a fresh look at its own problems. Ît would, in our opinion, be most desirable to broaden our approach even further, particularly in fields such as social and criminal policy, the progress of knowledgge in medical science and biology and communication technics. Such a step would be highly beneficial for all the different trends in criminological thought and research, in particular due to the contributions made by experts from other scientific disciplines. Each Course, at a given time and in a given place, fulfils a twofold objective : it 1s of interest to those attending and it helps advance knowledge and the spread of ideas. In addition, mention should also be made of the contribution of the Inter- national Courses to the progress of criminology in action. À good 1llustration of this fact can be found in the last three Courses reported in this issue of the Annals. Barcelona saw the drawing up of a very vivid and hitherto unpublished survey of the state of criminological research in Europe and its comparison with that of North America. Following that, Rio de Janeiro saw a comparison between the achieve- ments of international criminology as regards the relationship between crime and the Media and the experience of experts in communication. Las but not least, Tokyo was the forum for an analysis and original synthesis on the part of researchers and officials from the Police and Administration of Justice of the various approaches to crime prevention in the urban community adopted in different Asian countries. The comparison of legislation, practices and research from different parts of the world (standard practice in all International Courses) subsequently enhances the values of both proceedings and conclusions and constitutes a privileged source of information concerning the evolution of criminological thought. It is by continuing along this path that the International Courses in Criminology will continue to thrive and prosper to the greater benefit of all the different trends encountered in the study of criminology throughout the world. LISTE DES COURS INTERNATIONAUX DE CRIMINOLOGIE — L'examen médico-psychologique et social des délinquants — Paris (France) 1952. — Le problème de l'état dangereux — Paris (France) 1953. — 13 — Société et criminalité — Stockholm (Suède) 1953. Récents progrès en matière d’étude et de traitement des délinquants — Londres (Royaume-Uni) 1954. Rapports de la personnalité et du crime — Rome (Îtalie) 1955. Prévention du crime — Lausanne (Suisse) 1956. La criminologie et l’accident de circulation — Vienne (Autriche) 1957. La prévention des infractions volontaires — Bruxelles (Belgique) 1958. Le traitement des criminels au Danemark — Copenhague (Danemark) 1959. Criminologie, régime pénitentiaire et pédagogie — Fribourg (Allemagne) 1960. Délinquants mentalement anormaux — Madrid (Espagne) 1960. La criminalité dans les pays en voie de développement — Jerusalem (Israël) 1962. Le développement économique et les problèmes du comportement social — Le Caire (Egypte) 1963. L'équipement en criminologie — Lyon (France) 1964. Le traitement des délinquants adultes — Rome (Italie) 1965. La criminologie dans les pays francophones d’Afrique — Abidjan (Côte d’Ivoire) 1966. Criminologie en action — Montréal (Canada) 1967. Le problème du récidivisme sous ses divers aspects — Belgrade (Yougoslavie) 1968. La fonction de la criminologie dans le droit pénal, l’exécution des peines et le traitement des délinquants, la recherche et l’enseignement. Mendoza (Argentine) 1969. Le traitement non institutionnel des délinquants — Lagos (Nigéria) 1970. Criminologie générale et spéciale — Sao Paulo (Brésil) 19772. Problèmes criminologiques du Brésil — Sao Paulo (Brésil) 1973. La violence — Maracaibo (Vénézuela) 1974. Drogue et criminalité — Teheran (Iran) 1974. Criminalisation et décriminalisation — Guayaquil (Equateur) 1975. Recherche scientifique en délinquance et inadaptation juvéniles — Pau-Bayonne (France) — San Sebastian (Espagne) 1976. Conflits des jeunes avec les institutions — Wuppertal (Allemagne) 1977. Police, justice et communauté — Montréal (Canada) 1980. Le rôle de la criminologie dans les démocraties nouvelles — Pampelune (Espagne) 1980. New dimensions in crime transnational forms of criminality — New York (U.S.A.) 1981. — 14 — Connaître la criminalité le dernier état de la question — Aix-en-Provence (France) 1987. Recherche, planification et prévention dans le système de la justice criminelle, perspectives comparatives — Prague (Tchécoslovaquie) 1982. Les victimes du crime — Vancouver (Canada) 1983. Alcool, drogue, criminalité — Quito (Equateur) 1984. Tendances actuelles de la politique criminelle — Belem (Brésil) 1985. La criminologie appliquée — Tübingen (Allemagne) 1986. Le droit pénal en action dans une société en évolution — Lisbonne (Portugal) 1986. Nouvelles technologies et justice pénale bilan, évaluations et controverses — Montréal (Canada) 1987. La prévention du délit dans les divers systèmes socio-politiques — La Havane (Cuba) 1987. L'enseignement universitaire de la criminologie dans le monde d’aujourd'hui — San Sebastian (Espagne) 1989. La privation de liberté dans le système pénal selon l'optique des droits de l’'homme — Athènes (Grèce) 1989. Droits de l'homme et justice pénale approche comparée de l'application des droits de l'homme dans la justice pénale — Miskolc (Hongrie) 1990. Dialogue entre criminologie et défense sociale — San Marino (Italie) 1991. Opinion publique, média et criminalité — Rio de Janeiro (Brésil) 1991. Perspective actuelles de la recherche européenne en criminologie — Barcelone (Espagne) 1991. — Crime prevention in the urban community — Tokyo (Japon) 1992. — Les droits de l'homme et le procès pénal — Salvador de Bahia (Brésil) 1992. — 15 — Crime prevention In urban communities : a western perspective” Albert J. REISS, Jr. Yale University INTRODUCTION There has long been a cleavage between individual and family centered strate- gies of crime prevention and situational and organizational strategies. These ap- proaches divide both academic and practitioner communities. One approach contends that the central focus of any crime prevention program should be on individuals and their behavior. Prevention programs should intervene in the lives of individuals or their families so as to change their propensity to commit antisocial or criminal acts. An alternative approach to prevention focuses on changing the structure of societies, communities, and situations to alter either the risks of criminal victimization or the environmental opportunities for offending. We shall briefly examine what is known about these two major strategies of crime prevention. ‘ The idea of preventing crimes 1s far from new. Historically in western societies the idea of preventing crime was closely linked to ideas of punishment and protec- tion. Collective rather than individual interests determined what was crime and how violations should be punished. In the days of the hundreds in England, for example, it was the basic clan organization of the hundred that was held responsible for the crimes of any member. Vengeance dominated the institution of punishment and recompense was demanded of one's clan. * Presented at the 47th International Course, « Crime Prevention in the Urban Community », sponsored by the International Society of Criminology and the Japan Security Research Ins- titute, April 13, 1992. (1) This paper simplifies argument for the sake of exposition. To simply expostition, we set aside other ways of describing preventive strategies. Especially neglected is the role of various protective strategies such as preventive police or security patrolling which are treated here as part of the environmental or opportunity strategies. — 17 — Gradually the idea of individual responsibility for crimes and the practice of punishing responsible persons replaced those of vengeance and collective responsi- bility. Personal responsibility, however, was closely linked to the idea that punish- ment of individuals also protected the collectivity. The belief arose that punishment of those held responsible for a crime deterred not only them from continuing to commit crimes but that their punishment deterred others from ever doing so under the threat of a similar punishment. À major objective of punishment thus became prevention as well as vengeance or compensation for wrongs. PUNISHMENT AS A DETERRENT Preventing crimes by punishing their perpetrators depends, however, upon the apprehension of persons either in the act of committing one or more crimes or by proving they were responsible for some known or detected crimes. This has proven to be increasingly problematic in modern western societies and indeed in all com- plex societies where there is considerable individual residential mobility and most people are strangers to others. Whether or not punishment has a preventive deterrent effect, its effect is diminished by any incapacity of law enforcement and the sanctioning system to detect and apprehend violators. Elsewhere I have noted that offenders are necessary to keep a criminal justice system going but they are not needed for compliance or prevention systems *. Recent evaluations of the deterrent effects of punishment further undermine the belief that punishment has significant specific deterrent effects. The 1978 report of the panel on Deterrence and Incapacitation of the National Academy of Sciences in the United States* concluded that the major preventive effect of punishment is achieved by removing the offender from the open society and thereby reducing crime by physically preventing the offender from committing crimes in that society. This is expressed as the incapacitation effect. The incapacitative effect, however, 1s easily overestimated since over time most offenders desist from further offending, seemingly regardless of the punishment or treatment. For most violators, the crim- inal career is of relatively short duration and most offenders would have desisted before serving their full sentence, especially when sentences are long. The longer the sentence, therefore, the less the incapacitation effect. There 1s indirect evidence that the general deterrent of preventive effect of current modes of handling offenders has little effect on the prevalence rate as new offenders enter the population of (2) See Albert J. Reiss, Jr., « Selecting Strategies of Social Control Over Organizational Life ». In Keith Hawkins and John M. Thomas (eds.) Enforcing Regulation, Kluwer-Nijhoff, 1984 : 23-26. (3) See Alfred Blumstein, Jacqueline Cohen, and Daniel Nagin (eds.), Deterrence and In- capacitation : Estimating the Effects of Criminal Sanctions on Crime Rates. Washington, D. C. : National Academy Press, 1978. — 18 — offenders at the same rate. Moreover changes in the schedule of punishments ap- pears to have little effect on the prevalence rate though they may have a marginal effect on the overall crime rate because of the incapacitative effect on individual rates of offending. AIl in all, however, research provides little support for specific deterrent effects of law enforcement and criminal justice practices. The generally discouraging results of criminal justice practices in preventing crimes by apprehending and punishing offenders has led over time to the demand for other forms of interventions to prevent crimes. These interventions focus on changing individuals from delinquent or criminal to law-abiding persons. The major change technology generally introduced in most western societies to change in- dividuals is some form of medical therapy. Two forms of therapy have come to dominate practice : drug therapy and psychotherapy. Various forms of drug therapy have been devised to prevent behaviors associated with the crimes of the drug dependent or those considered prone to aggressive and violent behavior. Individual and group psychotherapy seek to alter behavior patterns. Again, it has been difficult to demonstrate that these modes of treatment intervention have major specific de- terrent effects. They appear to be only marginally effective in preventing individuals from continuing their offending behavior. Treatment programs are generally thought to have no general deterrent effects. Despite the discouraging results of studies of the specific deterrent effects of current law enforcement and criminal justice punishment and treatment practices on crime rates, we know surprisingly little about whether and in what ways current interventions in the lives of individuals have general deterrent effects. This is largely Owing to the fact that we cannot measure general deterrent effects of individual change technologies. THE INDIVIDUAL PROPENSITY MODEL OF CRIME PREVENTION Given these generally discouraging results on preventing crimes by current individual change technologies, attention has shifted recently to preventing crimes by reducing individual propensities to commit them. À major effort has been un- derway for several decades to learn whether we can select individuals with propen- sities to commit certain kinds of crime, especially violent crimes. The idea of propensity to commit crime 1s in itself somewhat puzzling since inherently it is a prediction. The general idea 1s to predict who will commit various kinds of crimes at some future time, or to identify those individuals who are at greatest risk of offending so as to be able to intervene in their lives to prevent their doing so. Parenthetically, ! wish to emphasize that the focus on propensity is on individual, not situational, risks of offending. Tests of individual selection or prediction instruments show high false positive and false negative error rates in prediction. That is, the instruments identify a large — 19 — number of individuals who will not offend, as predicted, and fail to detect others who will. Several of the more carefully done studies have false positive rates of 50 per- cent or more and false negative rates only somewhat below those rates“*. They also have been generally unsuccessful in predicting either continuation in or desistance from offending’. A recent review by Monahan ° concluded that clinical predictions likewise have high error rates in predicting dangerousness. Clustering individual propensity factors has generally not improved predictions very much and these instruments usually have poor performance on follow-up samples ”. Morcover, be- cause individuals on the whole show a diverse pattern of offending in their criminal careers, it appears more feasible to predict who is likely to commit particular types of crime and at what stage of a criminal career than to predict whether or not they will continue to commit crimes®. Additionally, we generally lack knowledge of how to intervene in the lives of individuals prior to their offending so as to forestall of prevent it. There are literally no known programs for effectively doing so, although some, like head start, that are not based on individual propensity, show some promise. What is lacking then is some knowledge of what technologies or programs might be effective in altering the propensity to commit crimes. Of course, at issue, 1s the very idea of what constitutes propensity since, as noted above, it is a predictive statement about in- dividual lives. Owing to the generally pessimistic results from decades of research on reducing crime by intervention in the lives of individuals, current work is focusing on trying to understand the individual and social conditions at each stage of human develop- ment — biological, psychological, and social — that lead individuals to develop antisocial and criminal conduct. Before we can intervene, they contend, we must have a developmental or causal understanding of how individuals behave in proso- (4) See, for example, the review by David Farrington, «Predicting Crime Rates». Prediction and Classification, vol. 9, edited by Don M. Gottfredson and Michael Tonry (Chicago : Uni- versity of Chicago Press, 1987, pp. 91-93). (5) See Alfred Blumstein, David Farringtion, and Soumyo Moitra, «Delinquency C'areers Innocents, Desisters, and Persisters» in Crime and Justice : An Annual Review of Research, vol. 6, edited by Michael Tonry and Norval Morris (Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1985). (6) See John Monahan, Predicting Violent Behavior : An Assessment of Clinical Techniques. Beverly Hills, Calif. : Sage. (7) See Stephen D. Goottfredson, « Prediction An Overview of Selected Methodological [ssues», in Prediction and Classification : Criminal Justice Decision Making, edited by Don M. Gottfredson and Michael Tonry, Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1987, pp. 40-42. (8) See Jacqueline Cohen, «Research on Criminal Careers Individual Frequency Rates and Offense Seriousness», in Alfred Blumstein, Jacqueline Cohen, Jeffrey Roth and Christy Visher (eds.) Criminal Careers and Career Criminals Washington, D. C. : National Academy Press, 1986. — 20 — cial and antisocial ways. To achieve that understanding, researchers must follow individuals from the prenatal family through their adult lives. The search is on for factors early in the lives of individuals that predispose them to antisocial and crim- inal behavior, factors that could be altered to reduce the likelihood of criminality. These early interventions should be based on a causal understanding of individual behavior, a position that distinguishes them from those who would alter opportuni- ties and social situations of environments. To achieve that causal understanding a new generation of longitudinal studies 1s being planned or underway in Australia, Canada, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The major one planned in the United States, however, 1s distinguished by the fact that 1s will attempt to separate the influence of community development and change from that of individual development and change with interventions possible at both levels ”. This represents a major modification of the typical individual model of causation and intervention to prevent delinquency and crime. STRUCTURAL AND SITUATIONAL DETERMINANTS OF CRIME Those who focus on social structural and situational determinants of crime by contrast assume that one can prevent crimes without any understanding of in- dividual propensities. Underlying these models of intervention and crime prevention Is a simple model of human behavior based on cognitive and perception psychology — the model of rational choice over behavior. The model assumes that every human being makes rational choices about whether to commit crimes and that they will refrain from doing so whenever one calculates the losses from behaving in a crim- inal way exceed the gains ”. Interventions accordingly must focus on altering op- portunities so as to increase the losses from behaving in criminal ways. This relatively simple model of rational choice has been challenged by those with a perceptual deterrence perspective who contend that one must take into ac- count individual perceptions of the relative risks of detection and of the certainty and severity of punishment "!. Test of this model generally support the importance of perceptions of risk in deterring criminal behaviors, especialy the risks of detec- (9) For a brief description of this proposed study, see Program on Human Development and Criminal Behavior, The Roots of Crime, Harvard School of Public Health, Boston, Massa- chusetts, 1992. (10) See the essays in Derek B. Cornish and Ronald V. Clarke (eds.) The Reasoning Crimi- nal : Rational Choice Perspectives on Offending, New York : Springer-Verlag, 1986. (11) For a review of the perceptual deterrence research, see Kirk Williams and Richard Hawk- ins, «Perceptual Research on General Deterrence : A Critical Overview», Law and Society Review, 20 : S45-572. tion and of the certainty and severity of punishment, though their relative impor- tance of certainty severity is not consistently demonstrated. Morcover, most tests focus solely on the costs of law-breaking and not on their incentives as well !* Two closely related models of crime prevention that do not rely on individual perceptions of behavior are now receiving major attention. The first model is iden- tified as risk analysis and the second that of changing opportunities to commit CrIimes. THE RISK ANALYSIS MODEL OF PREVENTION The risk analysis is a relatively simple one and may best be 1llustrated by 1ts development in connection with efforts to reduce deaths from automobile accidents in the United States. It is useful to focus on its application in reducing automobile deaths because of its considerable success in doing so. In considering the model, it should first be noted that the major previous attempt to reduce automobile accidents with their corresponding property loss, personal injury, and deaths had concentrated on altering the behavior of individuals. For beginning drivers, it focused on driver education with an emphasis on learning driving skills and how to drive safely. For those with special problems such as alcoholic drivers, it focused on educational programs that emphasized the seriousness of the harms they could inflict. Programs for apprehended intoxicated drivers were often a condition of continuing certifica- tion as a licensed driver. Evaluations of such programs show they fail to have any significant effect on automobile accidents and are not significant in identifying individuals or groups at risk. Given this general lack of support for retraining and educational programs operating at the individual level, the emphasis shifted from the individual to ways of increasing highway safety. For some dozen or more years considerable effort was expended on engineering highways to make them safer for automobile travel. In- ventions such as Jersey barriers — those concrete barriers that deflect automobiles when they are intersected at high speeds — led to a considerable reduction in automobile fatalities. To achieve further reductions, the emphasis shifted to en- gineering the automobile to make it safer mechanically rather then to depend solely upon safe driving behavior. Às automobile engineers focused on vehicle safety they came to depend less and less on driver behavior. Seat belts reduced auto fatalities when drivers used them, but many didn’t. Education pointing out the risks in not wearing seat belts had limited effect. So engineers developed automatic retraction (12) For the two investigations measuring both costs and incentives, see Irving Piliavin, Rose- mary Gartner, Craig Thornton, and Ross L. Matsueda, «Crime, Deterrence, and Choice » American Sociological Review 52 : 101-119 and Steven Klepper and Daniel Nagin, «The Deterrent Effect of Perceived Certainty and Severity of Punishment Revisited», Criminology 27 : 721-46. seat belts. Most recently they have developed air bags that automatically restrain passengers on vehicle impact. This brief history of the highway and auto safety engineering 1llustrates how interventions that do not rely upon individual behavior for their effectiveness are more effective in reducing injury and death from automobile accidents. The experience in implemented risk analysis models suggests that their successful application in crime prevention should seek to alter situations, opportuni- ties and behaviors in ways that do not depend upon individual choice. Modes of crime prevention that operate either situationally, environmentally, or technolo- gically without requiring individual decisions are most likely to be effective. To illustrate, just as a traffic control signal system 1s effective when it 1s system rather than signalman operated, so a burglar alarm or detection 1s more effective when 1t does not depend upon individual activation of that system. The risk reduction model begins with a risk assessment that identifies different risk groups. The model then focuses on how to reduce the risk for any aggregates at risk. It does not assume that one can readily reduce risks to zero. In reducing risks, the major objective iS to seek ways to reduce risks by changing situations, environments, means, or any factors that create differences in risk. Although the primary goal of this model is to reduce the likelihood of a particular outcome, a secondary goal is to reduce the harmful consequences that any outcome has for individuals or society. For example, while a primary goal may be to reduce the likelihood of victimization from a particular kind of crime, a secondary goal may be to reduce its harmful consequences for its victims, e.g., financial loss or the severity of injury. In this model, crime prevention is concerned not only with pre- venting occurrences but also, given an occurrence, in reducing the harms it causes. CHANGING OPPORTUNITIES TO PREVENT CRIMES Criminologists for the most part have focused on only a special case of the risk assessment and reduction model, that dealing with changing the opportunities to commit crimes. Yet although changing opportunities is a cornerstone of crime pre- vention, the approach has clear limitations because of organized bureaucratic re- sistance to change and an absence of knowledge about how to organizationally implement risk reduction programs. Criminologist are generally ill prepared to deal with the issues of organizational change that underlie crime prevention. An understanding of risks and ways of reducing them and the harms caused 1s important for private security as well as public law enforcemnt. Although there is some tendency to equate private security with the provision of personnel to provide quasi-police protection, there 1s also a burgeoning technological industry. Yet that industry is not for the most part based on research that begins with an understanding _— 23 — of risks and then seeks to develop means for reducing them and their consequences. It ranks low among industries in expenditures for research and development. CONCLUSION Most research on crime prevention is done within the context of a particular culture or society. There are relatively few attempts to do cross-cultural or cross- national research on crime prevention. In a recent review of crime prevention pro- grams in the British Journal of Criminology, Tony Bottoms reviews several different programs, such as Crime Watch, that have been implemented and eval- uated in a number of countries. He concludes that all seem to suffer from the same deficiences of research design and evaluation so that conclusions about their effec- tiveness is limited. Moreover, when effects are observed, they are generally short- run effects. We have yet to learn how to maintain commitment to such programs — a commitment that makes them work. Perhaps too much attention has been given in crime prevention programs to reducing the likelihood of given events such as crimes and too little to reducing their consequences for individual and organizational victims. As an example, con- siderable gains have been made in reducing homicide levels in some countries by controlling the production and sale of guns. While controlling guns does not nec- essarily reduce conflicts that lead to violent assault, the injury consequences of those assaults can be limited by controlling the availability of means, such as guns. Sim- ilarly, trauma centers can substantially reduce death rates from violence. Crime prevention programs, therefore, might well focus more attention on developing means to ameliorate the harmful consequences of crimes. Although emphasis in this essay has been placed on the role of technology and of engineering social organization in preventing crime, it is well to keep in mind that criminals and criminal enterprises often develop counter technologies that facil- itate their crimes. What is developed to prevent crime gives rise to a technology to subvert it. Moreover, much of the counter technology used to subvert security measures is borrowed from legitimate enterprises and adapted to criminal activity. To 1llustrate that ingenuity, recently youthful offenders in the United States devised a quick way to render inoperative a lock in a steel bar that was designed to reduce car theft. À commercial product that quickly freezes made it easy to break the lock. NOTE DE LA RÉDACTION Le 47° Cours International de Criminologie a eu lieu à Tokyo du 13 au 17 avril 1992, organisé par notre Société avec le concours du Japan Urban Security Research Institute. Il avait pour thème général «CRIME PREVENTION IN THE URBAN COMMUNITY». La plupart des pays de la région (Corée, Philippines, Singapour, __ 24 — Indonésie, Chine, etc.) étaient représentés. Plusieurs experts nord-américains et eu- ropéens étaient également présents. Ce cours qui était le premier organisé par la Société Internationale de Criminologie en Asie a été remarquablement dirigé par le prof. Koichi MIYAZAWA, Vice-Président de notre Société, et le prof. Setsuo MIYA- ZAWA, Membre de la Commission Scientifique. Il a bénéficié de la présence des meilleurs experts japonais dans le domaine de la criminologie. Le rapport que nous reproduisons ici est un des deux rapports introductifs, présenté par le prof. Al. J. REIss, Président de notre Société. EDITOR’S NOTE The 47th International Criminology Course took place in Tokyo between 13 and 17 April 1992 and was organised by our Society with the assistance of the Japan Urban Security Research Institute. The general topic of the course was : «CRIME PREVENTION IN THE URBAN COMMUNITY». The majority of the countries in the region were represented (Korea, the Philipines, Singapore, Indonesia, China, etc.). À number of North American and European experts were also present. This Course, which was the first to be organised by the International Society of Criminology in Asia, was outstandingly chaired by Professor Koichi MIYAZAWA, Vice-president of our Society, and Professor Setsuo MIYAZAWA, a member of the Scientific Commission. The Course benefitted from the presence of the best Japonese experts in the field of criminology. The report which is reproduced by us here is one of two introductory reports presented by Professor Al J. REISS, President of our Society. NOTA DE LA REDACCION El 47° Curso internacional de Criminologia se realizô en Tokio, del 13 al 17 de abril de 1992. La organizaciôn estuvo a cargo de nuestra Sociedad con la parti- cipaciôn del Japan Urban Security Research Institute. Su tema general fué «crime prevention in the urban community ». La mayoria de los paîses de la regiôn (Corea, Filipinas, Singapur, China, etc.) estaban representatdos. Estuvieron tambien pre- sentes varios expertos norte-americanos y europeos. Dicho Curso, el primero orga- nizado por la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia en Asia, fué excelentemente bien dirigido por el Prof. Koichi MIYAZAWA, Vice-Presidente de nuestra Sociedad, y el Prof. Setsuo MIYAZAWA, miembro de la Comisiôn Cientifica. El Curso bene- ficiô de la presencia de los mejores expertos japoneses en materia de Criminologfa. El informe reproducido aqui es uno de los dos informes introductorios presentados por el Prof. Al. J. REISS, Presidente de nuestra Sociedad. — 25 — Medios de comunicaciôn campanas de ley y orden Lolita ANIYAR de CASTRO Universidad del Zulia, Maracaibo. Cuando se Ilega de ültimo. como he llegado yo, no puede hacerse casi nada mâs que recoger lo que los otros han ido dejando en el camino. En efecto, en cada una de las conferencias, de las mesas redondas, se fueron esclareciendo aspectos parciales de la naturaleza de los medios y de sus potenciali- dades constructivas. Después de haberse hablado aqui, del impacto social de los medios, de su influencia en la opiniôn püblica, de los efectos de la violencia, mi tarea se ha 1do reduciendo a una de sintesis, con miras a señalar hipôtesis para una explicaciôn, posible — aunque no necesaria —, de los efectos de las «Campanas de Ley y Orden ». Tambien servirä para reorganizZar, totalizandolas, las fracciones de conoci- mientos que aqui se han invertido. Qué son Campanas de ley y Orden? Campañas son el conjunto de actividades y de mensages, concertados y masi- vos, orientados hacia una misma direcciôn, durante un mismo periodo de tiempo. Las campañas, pues, no nacen en un vacio histôrico. Obedecen a intereses, a veces generales del sistema, a veces de una séla instituciôn. No siempre son explicitas. Pero pueden ser descubiertas a partir de una serie de datos de la realidad. Campañas de Ley y Orden : Qué es Ley ? se presume que todos lo saben. Pero esta es la mayor ficciôn del sistema politico. Alli comienza su mitologia. Para la gente comün, la ley es un conjunto muy vago, que suele a veces caer sobre sus cabezas con un peso insospechodo, pues ya se sabe que, en esto de la Ley, el peso que tiene en las balanzas se inclina mas hacia los que no tienen poder, ya que su aplicaciôn es generalmente selectiva. En cuanto al «Orden», este es un concepto mâs complejo, y ademâs, subjetivo. Lo que es orden para unos puede ser desorden para atros. No siempre el orden deriva de la ley. À veces proviene de actitudes que res- guardan intereses de quienes tienen el poder social o politico de imponerlo. — 27 — Con razôn Manomie dice que «el orden introduce desorden en el orden natural de las cosas ». De lo que se trata, pues, es de abordar los temas de la publicidad del delito y de la inseguridad ciudadana. Si comunicaci6n es poder, lo que estamos analizando son, lisa y llanamente, las relaciones entre el poder y la inseguridad ciudadana y, desde luego, las relaciones entre el delito y el poder. Dicho objetivo supone definir de manera clara los conceptos de publicidad, de delito, de inseguridad. Publicidad : es algo mâs que «hacer püblico» un hecho acaecido. Es generar representaciones, crear nociones, repetir afirmaciones, sumergir el perceptor en una reiteraciôn de situaciones, de manera que se concentre sobre ellas su atencion y que crea en ellas. La publicidad puede fundarse en hechos reales o ficticios el cine inventa historias de violencia y publicita la violencia cuando la entrega al pûblico. De esta manera, tanto la llamada «pâgina roja », que transmite hechos supuestamente reales. como los tele-films, estän generando publicidad. Sélo articulando la totalidad de los medios es posible entender la publicidad del delito y la violencia. Delito : es algo mâs que hurtos, atracos, homicidios, violaciones. El titulo del tema pareciera remitirnos sôlo a estos «delitos» estereotipados y no à otros, los de los poderosos por ejemplo, ni à la violencia insitucional. Inseguridad : es una situacion real de desprotecciôn, la cual, à veces, no pasa por la conciencia de los ciudadanos y no Ilega a configurar un «sentimiento» de inseguridad. Por lo demâs, dicho sentimiento puede ser puramente imaginario, de manera que un ciudadano puede sentirse inseguro cuando no lo estä, y viceversa. Existen muchas investigaciones en este campo, pero el fenômeno es muy complejo. Complejidad que desciende de niveles muy globales, como el poder de comunicar (qué, como, quien y por qué), hasta los mas particulares de los fenôme- nos sicosociales y sicolôgicos puros, que se producen en el momento de la percep- ciôn, y luego en el momento de la acciôn posterior. LA PUBLICIDAD DEL DELITO Y EL SENTIMIENTO DE INSEGURIDAD 1. Una tendencia epistemolégica en boga actualmente nos anuncia que nunca aprehendemos el fenômeno social tal cual es. Toda interpretaciôn perceptiva es una construcciôn. La realidad que pretendemos describir es algo construido socialmente. En el campo que nos interesa, una cosa seria la estructura latente de la noticia y otra la noticia tal como nos es transmitida. Habria que comenzar entendiendo la noticia como «construcciôn social de la realidad». — 28 — Si los actores sociales, segûn SCHULTZ, crean significados y a la vez una conciencia compartida del orden social, el orden social seria dependiente de los resultados compartidos. Eso es lo que hace transcendente esta perspectiva. Una frase de HOFFMAN ilustra lo dicho : El titular del Daily News anuncia hoy : «mujer de pelo castaño apunalada a muerte». Debajo, en tipos de caja baja «6000 muertos en terremoto irant. Me pregunto de qué color tentan el pelo». O lo que es lo mismo : entre una muerte y seis mil. Todos los detalles por revelar, todos los detalles por encubrir. Sabemos algo de una persona, nada de muchas. Y entre esos extremos, toda una realidad por construir. La noticia va a asumir la forma que determinan multiples factores : 1) necesi- dades técnico-profesionales : resumir, llamar la atenciôn, atraer compradores, diver- tir, o bien, simplemente transmitir la propia ecuaciôn personal del periodista que recibe y redacta; 2) intereses politicos y comerciales : los « porteros», es decir, los que filtran el flujo de la informacién, decidirän cual es noticia y cual no es, de acuerdo a los intereses de la empresa o de las presiones que puedan recibir. No siempre se trata de decisiones definidas por intereses en ocasiones, la « construcciôn de la realidad» es acusada por la rutina profesional y la urgencia de obtener informacién o de transmitirla. Seleccion de los factores de informaciôn : Pero siempre, de alguna manera, hay una selecciôn de las fuentes de informaciôn, como bien dice Tuchman « la red informativa se basa en instituciones legitimadas… se invoca a la autoridad legitima- da al buscar a los gobernadores, a los alcaldes, los aspirantes a la presidencia, los senadores, otros legisladores y a los lideres casi legitimados… como si fueran la encarnaciôn de los procesos politicos… vuelven borrosas las distinciones entre lo politico…. y lo privado, puesto que objetivan a los representantes politicos y bur6- cratas como «la ciudad», «el Estado», «el paîs».… y se deja a cargo de los info- madores determinar qué es la ciudad y qué es el pûblico ». Existe lo que Schultz Ilama «la actitud natural» de la gente los perceptores asumen como objetiva y total una realidad que se les presenta de manera tan pre- caria. 2. La noticia revela y oculta : Cuando revela, da a la noticia carâcter püblico. Es alli cuando, sumado a «la actitud natural», puede generarse un sentimiento de implicacién, por parte de los perceptores, que puede alcanzar niveles imaginarios y conformar, en relaciô6n a una supuesta realidad delictiva, sentimientos de inseguri- dad que no siempre son acordes con «el fenôémeno tal-cual-es ». Por otra parte, no séôlo los medios imponen, deciden, lo que los perceptores deben conocer, independientemente, inclusive, de lo que éstos quieran efectiva- mente conocer, sino que orientan selectivamente la atenciôn del pûblico a cierto nûmero de noticias, aun dentro del mismo dfa de aparicién. Asf, por ejemplo, se sabe con suficiente fundamentaci6n cual es la preferencia de las lecturas del pûblico. En realidad, no es facil saber qué debe hacerse en relaciôn con problemas como la renegociaciôn de la deuda pûblica, la carrera armamentista, el mercado cambiario. Eso requiere de continuidad en la informaciôn pero también de una cierta cultura 0 especializaciôn. Por eso es que, en realidad, en la prensa, la clase alta se encuentra a si misma, a sus iguales, a sus amigos o sus cômplices. Sélo en la pâgina roja, con motivo de crimenes, catâästrofes o sucesos pintorescos, se verâ retratada la clase subalterna. Por eso puede decirse que «la crônica roja es la pâgina social de la clase explotada ». La atracciôn que ejercen las informaciones llamadas sensaciohalistas es tan importante que el gran volumen de ventas de un diario, por ejemplo, no depende de la calidad de sus pâginas de opiniôn, de especialidad internacional, politica o econômica sino de la cantidad de noticias de tres indoles : Sexo, Deporte y Crimen. Esta parece ser la regla de oro del periodismo informativo para la obtenciôn de lucro. « Editar un periédico sin cubrir la parte policial es como hacer una torta sin harina u operar un carro sin gasolina» dice Carl Warren, reportero del N. Y. Daily News, y profesor universitario. 3. Acontecimientos y sucesos Si esto es asi, la capacidad que tienen los medios de convertir simples acontecimientos en sucesos, segûn las caracteristicas que adopte la informaciôn y la pâgina donde aparezca, también orienta la posibili- dad de que la gente asuma un mayor o menor grado de inseguridad, especialmente cuando se trata de informacién sobre delitos. La pâgina donde aparece, pues, no deja de tener su significaciôn, hasta el punto de que su precio varia, para la publi- cidad, segun el tipo de pâgina que se lee mâs, y en cual lugar de la misma se ubica la noticia (la ûltima pâgina — sucesos — y el extremo superior derecho son los mâs caros). Tambien influyen la presencia de fotos, la cantidad de espacio dedicado y los caracteres de los titulares. Una vez que el acontecimiento se ha transformado el en suceso, se le ha dado a este un caracter particular, que es el siguiente acontecimiento tiene siempre una explicaciôn contextual, histôrica, politica, socio- lôgica o psicolégica, que puede o no buscarse cuando se conoce la noticia, pero que insta o motiva a su interpretaciôn, en cambio, el suceso es mitico, es autônomo, no remite a nada fuera de si, se convierte en simbolo de algo (violencia, infelicidad, maldad o vicio). Para construir un suceso, no es necesario que haya «un gran hecho », basta que se pongan en juego elementos que permitan al lector sentirse afectado, movido en su rutina. Esto acaece cuando le pasa algo a un «personaje» de la farändula, de la politica o de los deportes, por ejemplo. Lo delictivo participa de esta mitica sustan- cia del suceso : «su trama, su magia, su misterio, su extrañeza, su poesia, su caracter tragicômico, su poder de comprensiôn y de identificaciôn, el sentimiento de fatali- dad que lo habita, su lujo y su gratuidad». Y mientras que el acontecimiento sélo se comprende en relaciôn con otros, el suceso es una inforamaciôn total, inminente; «no es preciso saber nada del mundo, no remite a nada fuera de si mismo», dice Barthes. — 30 — El suceso es «como un agujero por el que se conecta con otro mundo, mara- villoso mundo de los enigmas, de los «por qués» sin respuestas. Los detalles del suceso interesan al pûblico : ;quién es ?, ;cômo es ?, ÿcômo pas6? La dramatizaciôn dada al suceso lo convierte en « parte de la vida real, en algo asit como la telenovela de la cotidianeidad ». Aün cuando el suceso es, pues, en realidad, lo banal, tiene el poder de lo mitico, es decir, de ser «la categoria cardinal de nuestro pensamiento mâgico ». Los mitos, por lo tanto, innecesariamente explicables, despiertan la fantasia y la emotividad. Serfan de esta manera otro elemento facilitador del sentimiento de inseguridad. Agréguese a ésto que hay un sincretismo en el diario, que junta lo real con lo imaginario y los confunde. Ello da a lo «noticiado » su carâcter de realidad total. El mito estä también relacionado con los grandes principios : el principio de la dicotomia entre buenos y malos, y el del suspenso. Ambos son tipicamente elemen- tos de la informaciôn sobre delitos. Una vez que se ha tomado partido y que se espera un resultado demorado en el tiempo (suspenso) hay mâs posibilidades que la implicaciôn y la emotividad jueguen un papel en el sentimiento de inseguridad. Las dicotomias maniqueas y los mitos, sin embargo, tienen un efecto asegura- dor a un nivel mâs general. Por eso dice Burguelin. «Si compramos cada dia nuestro diario, no es sélo para estar informados; es también porque el orden del diario (el mito) se hace cargo del desorden del mundo». Es el poder, pues, como dijimos, de reducir complejidad y de crear un conocimiento, falso 0 no. De las caracateristicas antes indicadas podemos extraer una primera gran conclusién interpretativa : el sentimiento de inseguridad esté socialmente construido y es, por ello, selectivo. Veamos ahora como funciona uno de los elementos que hemos destacado como modificadores de la informaciôn. EL PODER El poder econémico o politico (generalmente no hay posibilidad de deslindar ambos conceptos), que hace de la prensa un instumento mediatizado y selectiva- mente mediatizador, se refleja en los siguientes datos concretos. 1. La concentracién progresiva de los medios en pocas manos : Jacques Kay- ser en su obra Mort d’une Liberté (la libertad de prensa), analiza como desaparecen, por aparente muerte natural, centenares de periôdicos de Estados Unidos, Suecia, Alemania y Francia, entre los comienzos y la mitad de este siglo. Este proceso general es lo que Kayser Ilama «imponer el silencio a los po- bres», a menos que éstos, los diarios pobres, vivan de suscripciones privadas. — 31 — En América Latina la prensa escrita estäà en pocas y ricas manos : en Argentina, en manos de la aristocracia ganadera de los Mitre (La Naciôn), de los Gainza Paz (La Prensa) y los Nobles. En Chile, la gran industria de los Edwards tiene 3 diarios en la capital y 7 en provincia, entre ellos El Mercurio. En Colombia estän los Santos, los Cano y los Ospina Pérez (6 familias, absorben el 75 % de la circulaciôn total y S presidentes de los ültimos 40 años Ilevan el apellido de esas 6 familias, en tanto que dos habfan sido directores del El Tiempo). Existen los periôdicos «lan- cros» de Uruguay. El Comercio, de Mantilla, en Quito. El Universal, de Caracas, de la familia Nuñez, y dos famososs periôdicos mexicanos (Excélsior y Novedades), han pasado a ser la mano larga de los grandes consorcios norteamericanos. En Venezuela, durante los pertfodos pre-electorales, los diarios suelen ubicar sus representantes en el Congreso a cambio de la subordinaciôn de sus contenidos a diferentes partidos politicos del estatus. 2. Los mediatiza también su dependencia de los grandes centros de poder internacionales, en razôn de los recursos tecnoléôgicos que allf se generan, asf como de los monopolios de tinta y de papel. Y, por ûltimo, dependen hasta de los servicos de distribuciôn. El Consorcio Hachette, por ejemplo, controla la distribuciôn de casi todos los periédicos franceses. 3. Mâs importante aûn es la dependencia de las Agencias Internacionales de Noticias. En Europa, Charles Havas organizé una oficina de noticias en 1825, con corres- ponsales en varias capitales europeas, con la finalidad de reunir noticias para sus- cripciones privadas(generalmente, hombres de nogocios y diplomâticos). Después, algunos diarios se suscribieron a ella. Wolff y Reuter, ex empleados de Havas, decidieron poner sus proprios negocios en Alemania, Europa del Norte (1848); y en Londres, en 1851, respectivamente. Fue el primer comercio de noticias. Ellas se vendfan a quien las pagara. Du- rante la década de 1840, surge la Associated Press, aunque con otro nombre. Entre esos 4 grupos se instaura el primer cartel de noticias. «Para luchar contra ese mono- polio» (dirlamos mejor, para integrarse a él), Schripps funda la United Press en 1907, la cual se une con la News Service, de la cadena Hearst, para formar la actual UPI. La Havas se convierte en la Agence France Press en 1944. Hoy hay pocas agencias mudiales, centros donde se elabora nuestro conocimiento del mundo, y su ignorancia también. Por eso, ya Balzac decia, con intuiciôn de literato que intentô descrubrir la sociedad en que vivia : «El püûblico puede creer que hay varios periôdicos, pero en definitiva sôlo hay un periôdico. Cada cual tiñe en blanco, en rojo o en azul la noticia que le manda M. Havas». 4. Un ültimo gran factor de mediatizaciôn de la informaciôn son las Compa- nias Trasnacionales y Nacionales de Publicidad. J. Walter Thompson, Mc Cann Erikson, Young and Rubican y la BBDD... manejan mâs dinero que muchos de los — 32 — nuevos Estados africanos o centroamericanos, cuyos presupuestos anuales son infe- TIOres. En Venezuela se importan 11000 mediometrajes, lo que quiere decir que hay 11000 veces mas posibilidad de ver un programa norteamericano que uno colom- biano o brasileño. Y, como si fuera poco, en el Canal 8, del Estado, se transmite los domingos un 79 % de tele-cine norteamericano; Ante todas estas evidencias, (cômo puede cumplirse el articulo 59 de la Consti- tuciôn y el 11 de la Declaraciôn de los Derechos del Hombre, que protegen «el derecho de expresarse libremente y por todos los medios ? ». Subliminalmente, los medios crean los estereotipos. Por eso han sido Ilamados « Seductores Secretos ». De ellos hablô Carmen Antony. La delincuencia de los poderosos Este es un ejemplo muy reciente de una real situacion de inseguridad que no es percibida por la ciudadania. À estos delitos no se les tiene miedo, pasan debajo de la mesa de la zona. Las campañas de Ley y Orden, al manipular el sentimiento de inseguridad, tienen efectos en varios sentidos : Politicos 1. Sirven para desviar la atenciôén pûblica de acontecimientos nacionales mâs importantes. Esto es lo mâs habitual. 2. Para movilizar la actividad pûblica, y formalizar la reacciôn en Leyes o Decretos. 3. Para que la opiniôn pûblica acepte medidas autoritarias para el aseguramien- to del orden politico, créandose asi una imagen de fuerza en medio de una crisis econ6mica o de liderezgo y especialmente por la crisis del sistema politico. Este fue el caso de la campaña contra drogas en Venezuela, en 1984, y la respuesta de los Ilamados operativos policiales (o redadas), que militarizaron el control de la vida ciudadana. Como consecuencia, centenares de «presuntos» de- lincuentes estän siendo asesiandos en «presuntos » enfrentamientos con la policia. Econômicos 1. Un ejemplo reciente en el paîs estä representado por la publicidad de apa- ratos que dependerian del delito : puertas, cerraduras y rejas de seguridad (T-V- Lock, mul-T-Lock, etc.), y cajas fuertes (Mossler). La publicidad de una — 33 — inseguridad que se presenta como real, mediante gräficas terribles y agresivas, esti- mula el sentimiento de inseguridad, y las ventas. 2. La noticia como mercancia, la distracciôn como mercancia y la conforma- ciôn de un estado de inseguridad. En América Latina, de cada 10 personas, 2 leen diarios, 3 ven televisiôn, 5 escuchan radio. El delito agresivo, pues de esto se trata, se publicita a través de la prensa, y los noticieros de radio y televisiôn. Aparece, pues, allf, como informaciôn, esto es, como realidad. También la estructura comunicacional recreativa publicita la agresi- vidad, especialmente a través del cine, la radio y la televisién. Aparece allf como diversiôn. Por eso no extraña que no haya a veces correspondencia entre los este- reotipos transmitidos por la prensa oral o escrita y la televisiôn. En esta ûltima hay policias torpes y ladrones fascinantes. En la prensa los ladrones generalmente resul- tan repugnantes. La historia de la prensa comienza con el Ilamado «amarillismo» (viene de un Comic de la época de la empresa Hearst : The Yellow Kid), que fue, como arma para ganar lectores, tan agresiva, que hay una época conocida en la historia como «la guerra de los tab’s (o guerra de los tabloides). Se afirma que un televidente de unos 15 años en nuestro continente ha visto unos 15000 crimenes. Los delitos exhibidos por canales de televisiôn norteamericanos, si hubieran sido cometidos por una persona sumarian 3633 anños de carcel, segûn un estudio hecho en California en 1977. Por eso se ha dicho que algunos editores son vampiros : lo que les interesa es la sangre. Y es que en el proceso de cambiar un acontecimiento en suceso, hay que generar mucha violencia. Hay un sistema de clasificaciôn de los acontecimientos que separa los hechos en «politicos, econôémicos, culturales, policiales, deportivos». Ese es el momento en el cual empieza la distorsiôn ; alli empiezan a tomar su significaciôn. Por ejem- plo, es mucho mas eficaz ideolôgicamente convertir un hecho politico en delictivo que simplemente censurarlo en otras pâginas. EL DELITO COMO HEROÏISMO O EL DESORDEN COMO ORDEN La violencia que se transmite en todos los medios viene a veces disfrazada de otra cosa : herofsmo, por ejemplo. Los westerns son considerados por los criticos cinematogräficos verdaderos paradigmas de la dicotomia entre el bien y el mal. Y representan la romantizaciôn de un pasado histérico de valentfia y nobleza. La rea- lidad, segûn el mimo Times parece ser otra Billy the Kid, dice, era un enfermo mental que asesinô alevosamente a sus 21 victimas. Jese James fue un tacaño per- vertido. Wyatt Earp un usurero ladrôn : organizé personalmente el barrio de pros- titutas de Dodge City, cobrändoles semanalmente la proteccién, y sélo Ilegé a matar algunos borrachos fastidiosos con el mango de su pistola. Bat Masterson fue un fanfarrôn cobarde : acostumbraba pegar a los pordioseros con su pesado bastén, y — 34 —_ una vez llegado à viejo compré su primera pistola en una casa de empeños de Nueva York. le grabô las marcas de las 22 victimas imaginarias y como corresponsal del Telegraph se dedicô a inventar su propia leyenda. En realidad los vaqueros eran sucios (incluidos los representantes de la ley), tenfan piojos y solo podian acostarse con prostitutas, que eran las ûnicas mujeres disponibles, disparaban mâs que nada à las moscas (se contaron 3620 diparos en el techo de un establo), los revôlveres eran muv pesados v pocos podian dar en el blanco ma sallà de 6 metros. (Estas historias. ademâäs, han dado, entre otras cosas, por concepto de venta de juguetes vaqueros, 125 millones de délares en sélo un ano (1960). y de David Crocket por 300 millones). El mensaje oculto en los filmes y novelas de vaqueros y de policias podria también sustentar un sentimiento de inseguridad : de ello se deduce que el mal (en definitiva) es invencible («siempre habrâ criminales»), que es el impuesto que se paga por la Ilamada libertad y que la convivencia humana no se basa en la solida- ridad colectiva v la cooperaciôn, sino en la presencia mesiänica de superhombres. El problema de la televisiôn es mâs importante en Latinonamérica si se recuer- da que difunde 240000 horas de programas importados semanales. Hay investiga- ciones en Venezuela muy esclarecedoras, como la de Santoro, quien demuestra que el 63% de los niños teleaudientes tiene una fijaciôn de modismos extranjeros; un 56 % piensa que el héroe positivo es norteamericano, y que el 82 % de los buenos es da habla inglesa; que el chino es 17 veces mâäs malo que bueno, y el blanco 11 veces mejor que el negro; que el rico es bueno en el 72 % de los casos y el pobre en el 41%. Es importante la descodificaciôn del mensaje : Hay procesos que favorecen una mayor implicaciôn y una mayor influencia en el perceptor. 1. Los medios favorecen la creaciôn de actitudes sobre cuestiones nuevas (pues no hay pre-conceptos). Pero las favorecen mâs si es un mensaje de resfuerzo (algo en lo que ya creen); 2. Unos estudios de laboratorio, demostraron que la radio era mâs persuasiva que la letra impresa (antes de 1935), y por lo tanto, antes de que existiera la TV. La prensa exige una mayor participaciôn del Yô que los medios audiovisuales (ya que el mensaje aparece en estos mâs estructurado), y es mâs profesional, porque el perceptor no siente que se dirigen especialmente a él. 3. Los medios radiodifusores, incluida la TV, dan la sensaciôn de « acceso personal» al problema y «de realidad» a las noticias. Llegan a mayor variedad de pûblico (ancianos, niños y adolescentes), y a los menos instruidos. Frente a la radio, habfa menos concentraciôn. — 35 — RESUMEN CONCLUSIVO 1. Los medios construyen la realidad social, al fragmentar, descontextualizar, y vaciar de su significaciôn (y por lo tanto de su explicaciôn y comprensiôn) a la realidad tal-cual es. 2. Contribuyen a la construccién social de la delincuencia, al concretar sobre un solo tipo de delincuencia la informaciôn de «sucesos ». 3. Contribuyen a la construcciôn social del delincuente, a conformar el este- reotipo diferencial de delincuente, à través de la ubicaciôn de la noticia, los carac- teres, el uso de fotograffas, y un vocabulario particular para referirse a él. 4. Atraen la atenciôn del gran püblico, que es el mâs desinformado y con menor capacidad critica, hacia un tipo de delincuencia del cual dependeria exclusi- vamente el sentimiento de inseguridad. 5. El sentimiento de inseguridad relacionado a un solo tipo de delincuente, se amplifica hacia toda una clase social, à la cual se le temerita globalmente, creando un rechazo generalizado ante ella y canalizando la agresividad colectiva hacia la misma, en vez de hacia los detentores del poder. Ello, à su vez, quiebra la solida- ridad intraclase. 6. El sentimiento de insegridad selectivo atrae la atenciôn del gran puüblico. desviändola de otros tipos de conductas antisociales y de problemas sociales de mayor envergadura. (La encuesta «Datos», realizada en Caracas, en abril de 1985, demuestra que la gente teme mâs a un ladrôn que a perder el empleo, y que consi- dera que la delincuencia es el problema mâs grave del pais a pesar de estar éste viviento la peor crisis econômica en toda su historia. La encuesa realizada por el Instituto de Criminologia de la Universidad del Zulia (Marzo 1985) demuestra que la mayoria cree que «el corrupto es mâs dañino que el ladrén », pero le teme mâs a este ûltimo). 7. El Sentimiento de inseguridad creado por los medios sirve para que el Estado pueda implementar medidas autoritarias («Operativos», Leyes represivas, militarizaciôn del orden pûblico) y centenares de muertos en presuntos enfrenta- mientos con la policia. Todo ello con el concenso colectivo, sustituyendo como forma de gobierno, otras acciones posibles por la mâs facil actividad de la fuerza. De hecho, la investigaciôn del Instituto de Criminologfa demuestra que, à pesar de los excesos cometidos por los operativos (23000 personas detenidas en 3 meses en la sola ciudad de Maracaibo, por ejemplo, en busca de antecedentes, drogas, documentaciôn) la gente no teme a los cuerpos de seguridad sino, que por el contra- rio, solicita mayor vigilancia policial. Un informe preliminar de una investigaciôn realizada por Maritza Montero para Amnistia Internacional, sobre la imagen de la tortura en Caracas, demuestra que una mayoria piensa que la tortura puede ser necesaria. Ÿ todos saben que en Venezuela se tortura. — 36 — La campaña contra les drogas, segûn investigaciôn realizada por nosotros mis- mos en 1984, permitié aceptar una Lev Antidrogas sumamente represiva; chantajes al poder judicial para que mantenga detenidos a los procesados por delitos relativos à las drogas, aûn sin pruebas para ello; para que se realice la militarizaciôn de la frontera v el imperio del gatillo alegre. La fuerza pûblica comienza asi a sustituir la actividad del Poder Judicial, de modo que sin proceso legal y sin condena, se «anticipa» la pena. Una organizaciôn civil venezolana denominada Luto Activo, compuesta por familiares de personas muertas por las fuerzas de seguridad, ha reportado centenares de ejecuciones extra- Jjudiciales (en Venezuela no existe legalmente la pena de muerte). cifras obtenidas solamente à través de noticias de prensa y sôlo en la ciudad capital. La publicidad oficial insiste en el slogan « quien nada debe, nada teme », següûn la cual la poblaciôn deberia desentenderse de las violaciones al Estado de Derecho. Entre otras cosas, reposa en el Congreso, ya, un proyecto de ley de Eximentes especial para la policia, v hay un plan de policfas-conserjes en el Distrito Federal. en combinacién con la Asociacion de Administradores de Condominios (ANAD) que controla el 90 % de los edificios de la capital. La delincuencia pues, es entendida como un «problema de orden püblico» v no como problema social. Estamos, pues, frente a un problema politico y ético. Como decta Durkheim en sus «Reglas del Método Sociolégico ». no hay respuestas definitivas porque no hav preguntas finales. Pero vo espero, al menos, haberles dejado algunos interro- gantes. NOTE DE LA REDACTION Le rapport du Prof. Dra. Lolita ANIYAR DE CASTRO a été présenté à Rio de Janeiro (Brésil) à l’occasion du 45° Cours International de Criminologie (Août 1991). Ce Cours, qui a rassemblé un nombre important de participants, criminolo- gues, juristes et professionnels des média a contribué à élargir l’audience de notre Société et à susciter une intéressante confrontation régionale des problèmes posés par la criminalité dans sa relation avec l’opinion publique et les moyens de commu- nication moderne. Ce Cours International a bénéficié dans son organisation de l'efficace contribution du Prof. Nilo BATISTA, Vice-Gouverneur de l’Etat de Rio de Janeiro. EDITOR’S NOTE Professor Dra. Lolita ANIYAR DE CASTRO’s report was presented in Rio de Janeiro (Brasil) during the 45th International Criminology Course (Angust 1991). — 37 — This Course, which brought together a significant number of participants, crimino- logists, lawyers and media representatives, contributed to widening our Society’s audience and raising an interesting regional confrontation of the problems presented by criminality in its relationship with public opinion and modern means of commu- nication. This International Course benefitted, from an organisation point of view, from the efficient contribution made by Nilo BATISTA, Vice-Governor of the State of Rio de Janeiro. NOTA DE LA REDACCION El informe de la Profesora Dr. Lolita ANIYAR DE CASTRO fué presentado en Rio de Janeiro (Brasil) con motivo del 45° Curso Internacional de Criminologia (Agosto 1991). Dicho curso, que reunié un nûmero importante de participantes, criminélogos, juristas y profesionales de los mass media, contribuy6 a extender la audiencia de nuestra Sociedad y a suscitar una interesante confrontaciôn regional de los problemas planteados por la criminalidad en lo que respecta a su relaciôn con la opiniôn pûblica y los medios de comunicaciôn modernos. El Curso Interna- cional beneficiô en su organizaciôn de la eficaz contribuciôn del Prof. Nilo BATISTA, Vice-Gobernador del Estado de Rito de Janeiro. — 38 — PODER | | OOYBIE) CONVIERTE ACONTECIMIENTOS MANEJA GRANDES PRINCIPIOS SELECCIONA EN SUCESOS | | _ | L J | DICOTOMIA ENTRE SUSPENSO REVELA OCULTA JUNTA LO REAL Y LO MITIFICACION ATENCION DEL BUENOS Y MALOS IMAGINARIO (NOTICIAS, (AUTONOMIA) PUBLICO FARANDULA, ETC.) HACIA LO NO | | ESPECIALIZADO À / SENTIMIENTO CARACTER DE INSEGURIDAD PUBLICO SENTIMIENTO DE INSEGURIDAD Y SENTIMIENTO NIVELES IMAGINARIOS DE INSEGURIDAD É — DE LA IMPLICACION ESTEREOTIPOS | | TEMOR TODA UNA CLASSE SOCIAL NO TEMOR A LAS CLASSES ALTAS (AMPLIFICACION DEL SENTIMIENTO (REDUCCION DEL SENTIMIENTO pepunbasui ap ojuelWNues Jap JEIIJOS UOIDONIISUOI BT DE INSEGURIDAD) DE INSEGURIDAD) PODER ECONOMICO PODER POLITICO = — T J DEPENDENCIA DE LOS MEDIOS (LOS "PORTEROS") | | CONCEN- TECNO- TRACION LOGIA INFORMADORES EMPRESARIOS TRANSNACIONALES AGENCIAS TRANSNACIONALES Y NACIONALES DE MONOPOLIO DE TINTA BUCION DISTRAI- PRESENCIA DE DE PRENSA LA PUBLICIDAD Y PAPEL EMPRESARIOS DE LA INFORMACION EN EL PODER POLITICO 18pod À UOIDEULIOJUI — ‘Z OOB1F) LA NOTICIA COMO FORMA LA NOTICIA COMO MERCANCIA <# — DE CONTROL SOCIAL SENTIMIENTO DE INSEGURIDAD SELECTIVO SEXO, DEPORTE Y CRIMEN LOS MEDIOS FRENTE AL ESPECTADOR £ OOYB1E) : CLASES BAJAS E MULTIPLICAN LA REALIDAD SEXO, DEPORTE Y CRIMEN FRAGMENTAN LA REALIDAD (MUCHAS NOTICIAS SOBRE POCO) LOS MEDIOS FRENTE AL ESPECTADOR ("COMUNICACION INSTANTANEA"”) Ÿ Ÿ J« AVALANCHA DE INFORMACION DESCONTEXTUALIZACION INTRASCENDENTE REPRODUCCION DEL SISTEMA BEWB]SIS JOP UOIIINPOIdE1 À L »| VACIAN LA REALIDAD —— DE SIGNIFICADO , L---00000---8> QUEBRA DE LA ESTEREOTIPOS CONSTRUCCION SOCIAL — SOLIDARIDAD DIFERENCIALES _—> DE LA DELICUENCIA ‘soipau so| 10d BIdUENOUIOP B/ 8P JBIIOS UOIIINIISUOI BT INTRACLASE Les perspectives actuelles de la recherche criminologique en Europe Denis SZABO Président honoraire de la Société internationale de criminologie Le thème de ce cours, « Les tendances actuelles de la criminologie en Europe ». fut particulièrement riche d'enseignements épistémologiques, théoriques et empiri- ques. De nombreux exemples d'implications concernant des politiques sociales et criminelles furent relevés et analysés. Les problèmes particuliers touchant l’Espagne ont fait l’objet d'analyses détaillées. le choix des On doit souligner la grande intégrité morale des organisateurs thèmes et des conférenciers respectait scrupuleusement la diversité des réalités eu- ropéennes occidentales, celles-ci furent présentées dans toute leur complexité et avec toutes leurs contradictions. Les conclusions présentées ici ne constituent ni une synthèse de nos travaux. ni une revue critique des positions présentées. Elles sont le fruit de réflexions personnelles sur quelques thèmes majeurs qui ont surgi du Cours. Elles n'engagent donc que la responsabilité personnelle de l’auteur. Ces thèmes sont au nombre de 5, que voici 1) Le contexte socio-culturel et moral — 1idéologique, disent certains — du discours criminologique et pénal : a-t-on besoin d’un nouveau souffle pour le début du XXI* siècle ? 2) Les grandes servitudes de la criminologie que peut-elle pour la cause de la justice et de son administration ? Comment se présente l’interface entre les contri- butions empiriques et les enjeux normatifs ? 3) Comme se présentent les questions de l'’enseignement et celles de la forma- tion professionnelle, entre Scylla et Charybdis de la critique radicale et de la sou- mission servile à l'ordre établi ? 4) Les leçons nord-américaines comment la criminologie se présente-t-elle dans le contexte de la constitution lockienne et celui du système accusatoire ? 5S) Finalement, peut-on concevoir une stratégie globale mais différenciée pour le succès de l’entreprise criminologique ? En d'autres termes, comment gagner sans se trahir ? — 43 — 1. LE CONTEXTE SOCIO-CULTUREL ET MORAL DU DISCOURS CRIMINOLOGIQUE Ecartons le terme «idéologie» car il implique des références à la «fausse conscience », aux «intérêts (inavouables) de classes » en lutte, défendant des avan- tages catégoriels. Il survit en notre civilisation la nostalgie d’une société communautaire, norma- tivement intégrée (la Gemeinschaft de Toennies) qui s'est caractérisée par une congruence entre les valeurs et les aspirations individuelles d'une part, et les conduites, les pratiques sociales, d'autre part. La référence à ce type de société implique le jugement binaire entre le bien et le mal, qui apparaît avec une certaine netteté. Or, depuis le XVIII* siècle, notre société occidentale s'émancipe des contraintes normatives traditionnelles, se sécularise et consacre, dans ses Constitu- tions, les principes de pluralisme, inaugurés par la Réforme. Selon un rythme crois- sant, nos sociétés deviennent, de plus en plus, partiellement intégrées, sur le plan normatif. Dans ce type de société, subdivisée par nombre de sous-cultures, consti- tuées autour de certains points de ruptures normatifs, on conserve, néanmoins, une référence aux valeurs fondatrices communes. Ces dernières font l’objet toutefois d'interprétations contradictoires. Leur message devient imprécis. Ainsi, par exem- ple, la référence à la propriété privée est-elle équivoque. Pour les uns, c'est une source d'aliénation et, dans ses excès, une source d’exploitation et d'oppression. Pour d’autres, c'est le fondement même de la liberté individuelle et d'une organi- les sation sociale pluraliste, garantissant les droits de l'homme. Autre exemple règles bureaucratiques garantissent pour les uns une allocation rationnelle des res- sources, pour d'autres elles constituent l’armature d'un système orwellien d'oppression et d'aliénation. Il est donc difficile, voire problématique, dans ce contexte sociétal, qui est, normativement, partiellement intégré, de fixer avec clarté, les objectifs de la crimi- nologie. Celle-ci, science de l’homme et de la société, éprouve des difficultés à s'exprimer dans un paradigme clair et unitaire. Cette difficulté théorique et logique se présente, cependant, en face d’un net besoin psychologique d'adhésion à un système paradigmatique clair et convaincant. Or, il existe une grave difficulté épis- témologique pour y parvenir, dans ce contexte d'ambiguïté normative d’une société partiellement intégrée. Que conclure sur ce point’? Il me semble qu'il faut exiger l’effort de rendre explicites aussi bien les postulats scientifiques (les exigences d’une démarche logi- co-expérimentale, comme l’écrivait Pareto, que moraux. L'obligation kantienne de devoir justifier les raisons de notre action fait de la criminologie un champ de confrontation philosophique permanent. Il faut être conscient du fait que dans ce contexte d’impératifs moraux, ce qui est un jeu c’est bien l'homme, sa liberté, sa sécurité, ses aspirations irrépressibles de justice. C’était le message de plusieurs communications, en particulier celui d’A. BERISTAIN. — 44 — 2. DES SERVITUDES DE LA CRIMINOLOGIE Que peut-elle pour la cause de la justice et son administration ? La criminolo- gie n'est pas issue d’un mariage monogamique, d’époux fidèles à leur serment. L'épouse avait des mœurs libres, accordant ses grâces à de multiples amoureux, d'où une très grande richesse du patrimoine génétique : il est complexe, réunissant les aspirations ou les exigences contradictoires. Son objectif fut, d'abord, la connais- sance de l'homme, être multidimensionnel aux racines biologiques et socio-cultu- relles multiples et enchevêtrées. Les sciences humaines, anthropologiques se partagent ce terrain d'étude, analysent les phénomènes, les processus, les structures, inspirées par une éthique qui favorise, sans limitation aucune, la connaissance de l'homme. Les sciences de la société ont. de leur côté, comme thème central. l'étude de la genèse des normes qui fondent la cohésion sociale et règlent les mécanismes du contrôle social. L'étude des conformismes, des déviances — positives et néga- tives — y figurent en bonne place. Et, bien évidemment, ses corollaires : les conflits de normes. ses effets sur le contrôle social, formel, intormel, socio-judiciaire, etc. Les sciences juridiques, à leur tour, s'’ouvrent vers les sciences humaines et sociales : leur mission est d'ordonner, par des règles formellement sanctionnées, les relations et les normes sociales. Sanctionner l'homme, le juger, l'admonester ou le priver de sa liberté, exige la compréhension de la dynamique de sa conduite, de ses motivations, de l'origine de ses aspirations, voire les déterminants de celles-ci. La faute, la culpabilité est bel et bien une entité morale. Elle ne peut pas être comprise exclusivement en termes d'équivalences fonctionnelles, utilitaires ou purement ra- tionnelles. Toutefois, elle opère dans un contexte psychologique, social et culturel (politique exclusivement) que les sciences humaines et sociales analysent et révè- lent. L'agression criminelle, les dommages infligés, s'établissent et s'évaluent d'après les normes et les critères de la procédure pénale. Mais seules les sciences de la société les rendent intelligibles, véritablement, pour le législateur, le magistrat, le policier. Nous nous trouvons, par conséquent, à des points d'intersection, dans une zone de partage des eaux, entre la méthode et l'éthique de la recherche scientifique d'une part et les normes sociales juridiquement (légalement) sanctionnées d'autre part. De bien graves dilemmes résultent, pour la criminologie, de cette situation. L'éthique de la recherche postule, en effet, la primauté des faits, la soumission sans réserve, aux canons de la vérification empirique d'hypothèses théoriques énoncées. Tout est sujet, sans exception aux principes de la « falsification », énoncée par Karl POPPER, maître en méthodologie des sciences sociales contemporaines. La révéla- tion de la réalité psycho-sociale et socio-culturelle, politique a, en soi, une charge explosive (du point de vue de l'impact) considérable. Le «Sein» braque ses lu- mières, ou jette son ombre sur le « Sollen», l’Etre sur le Devoir Etre. Le droit pénal est l'expression même de la face négative du devoir être il interdit certains comportements, il prohibe certains actes, bläme et condamne leur auteur. Son ressort psychologique est l'indignation morale, comme l'a démontré — 45 — Hanna ARENDT. Il s’en suit que le drame judiciaire ne peut point être réduit à une interaction d'acteurs motivés par des valeurs différentes, parfois même contradic- si on les récuse, on toires. Certaines valeurs sont, effectivement, imposées s'expose à devoir en subir les conséquences. Certaines conduites et leurs auteurs, sont stigmatisés. IIs appellent la rétribution. Une fois de plus, on ne peut pas parler d’équivalences fonctionnelles. Or, les sciences humaines et sociales ne se reconnaissent d'autre devoir que la connaissance, de plus en plus approfondie, de plus en plus précise, de leurs sujets d'étude. Elles admettent qu’ils peuvent surgir de problèmes d'éthique. de l'utilisation des résultats de leurs observations. D’où de nombreux conflits aux points d'intersection entre le droit et la criminologie. Au service de qui est-on ? Aux côtés de qui se retrouve-t-on ? Ceux d’'entre nous qui prennent une position très critique à l’égard de l’ordre social normatif et juridique, récusent le terme même de criminologie. I ne s’'agit pour eux que d’une sorte de «sociologie judiciaire ». Pour eux, la criminologie épouse de trop près et sans suffisante distance critique, les contours de l’ordre social normatif dominant. D’autres s'imposent une claire limite elles révéèlent des ten- aux conclusions que l'on peut tirer des études empiriques sions, des contradictions. des inexactitudes entre les fonctions manifestes et latentes. Ils laissent cependant aux protagonistes de la politique pénale, aux décideurs admi- nistratifs, les soins à tirer des conclusions pratiques qui leur conviennent. L'époque crépusculaire de cette fin de siècle semble justifier les deux attitudes : ceux qui sont plus attirés vers les «orages désirés » — et à venir éventuellement —. préfèrent se garder les mains libres et… propres. IIs ont tendance à recrypter le langage criminologique par des néologismes. Ils préfèrent les reconstructions histo- riques d’objets évanescents devant les instruments d’analyse des sciences sociales contemporaines. De l’autre côté il y a ceux qui semblent être rassurés par les garanties proposées par un Etat de droit pluraliste et libéral. IIs ne craignent pas de se «salir les mains», quelque peu, du moins. On les rencontre autant dans les universités où 1ls travaillent sous contrat avec le gouvernement qu'au sein des services publics eux-mêmes où 1l n'hésitent pas à prodiguer leurs conseils aux « Princes» qui nous gouvernent. Soulignons-le, une fois de plus : nous sommes là dans une zone de partage des eaux, les uns prennent la direction du Sud, les autres du Nord… Ces questions furent touchées par les communications, principalement, de Esther GIMENEZ, R. OTTEN- HOF. Ph. ROBERT, C. GONZALEZ & F. SACK. 3. LES PROGRAMMES D’ENSEIGNEMENT ET LA FORMATION PROFESSIONNELLE DES CRIMINOLOGUES Avec ou sans guillemets, ils sont tributaires, naturellement, des problèmes sou- levés au point 2. Suivant que l’on se trouve plus ou moins proche de la critique __ 46 — normative à la base du contrôle social et judiciaire, on va privilégier des formules ou des modèles différents. La criminologie, conçue comme une discipline orientée essentiellement vers la recherche ou la formation des chercheurs peut, à la limite, se dissoudre dans les disciplines-mères telles que la psychologie, la sociologie ou l'histoire. Ainsi par exemple, l'étude de la personnalité peut parfaitement s'intégrer dans les sciences médico-psychologiques et comportementales. Un des exemples notables est relevé en Espagne même : parmi les plus de 30 mille psychologues de ce pays, 1l se trouve des « bataillons» de chercheurs et de praticiens attirés par l’étude des personnalités déviantes, des troubles divers de comportement, ayant une incidence judiciaire ou pénologique. L'analyse de la construction ou de la reconstruction de l'objet même de la criminologie pointe vers l’ethno-méthodologie, la problématique de la sociologie ou l’anthropologie du droit. voire même de la sociologie de la connaissance (voir à cet égard le beau livre de N. ROULAND intitulé Anthropologie juridique, publié par les PUF en 1989 ou les travaux de N. LUHMAN). De fascinantes études voient le jour, dont la connaissance est indispensable pour la compréhension des rapports entre les normes et leurs fonctions sociales, latentes ou manifestes. La pertinence de ce genre d'études pour la criminologie a toujours été capitale. Songeons seulement à ces deux sociologues français. TARDE et DURKHEIM, sans l'apport desquels il ne pourrait pas y avoir. aujourd'hui. une criminologie sans guillemets. Il serait cependant erroné de penser que toutes les tendances de criminologie européenne s'orienteraient vers une absorption dans les disciplines-mères. Certains conçoivent la criminologie comme une discipline qui investit un champ d'investigation et de pratique, démarqué, plus ou moins clairement, par des règles formelles (droit inclus) ou informelles du contrôle social et judiciaire. Les relations avec les disciplines-mères sont conçues sur le modèle de celles qu'entretiennent la physiologie ou l'anatomie (disciplines fondamentales) avec la médecine, ou bien l'économie mathématique ou l’histoire économique avec des Hautes études commerciales ou des Business Schools. Les uns se regroupent dans des centres de recherche criminologique (ou socio- logique du «pénal»). Ces institutions collent, en quelque sorte, aux contours du «système de justice pénal» ou de la «question pénale». On retrouve dans leurs programmes l’analyse des mécanismes socio-judiciaires, ceux du pouvoir politique, approvisionnant les instances du système pénal, l’étude des institutions où l’on traite des problèmes pénaux. Cette option.également fréquente, est légitimée dans le cadre d'un Etat de droit libéral, par la nécessité où l'on se trouve de reformuler les problématiques, d’ajuster, d’une manière constante, les besoins sociaux aux exi- gences de la justice. La situation des criminologues sans guillemets n'est pas sans poser des pro- blèmes. En effet, le concept de justice, sa perception dans les diverses couches de la société, changent. Il en va de même des principes de légitimation de l’ordre social et légal. Eux aussi, subissent des changements. C'est ainsi par exemple que les — 47 — politiques visant à assurer une effective égalité des chances entre citoyens furent acceptées comme conformes au principe de légitimation pour maintenir l’ordre so- cial. Ce principe a opéré effectivement pendant environ 150 ans. Cependant, le nombre de ceux qui trouvaient le principe insuffisant s’est accru, principalement au lendemain de la seconde guerre mondiale. On notait que l’application de ce principe avait, parfois, aggravé au lieu de réduire les inégalités sociales. Il produisait des conflits et des tensions, des délinquances, et aggravait des exclusions. C’est ainsi que le philosophe RAWLS a substitué, depuis un quart de siècle le principe de l’égalité des résultats à celui de l’égalité des chances, qui prévalait jusqu’alors. Il en résultait, surtout en Amérique du Nord, une acceptation de plus en plus généra- lisée de formes d'assistance sociale, basée sur une importante redistribution, par voie fiscale, des ressources. Au nom de la redéfinition des principes de la solidarité sociale (qui a inspiré au XIX" siècle les systèmes européens de sécurité sociale), on Vvisait à assurer à tous un niveau de revenu minimal et décent. Désormais, c'est à cette aune-là que l'on évalua la légitimité, la justesse, la justice d’une sanction. Les criminologues, qu'ils soient orientés vers la pratique ou vers la théorie, ne peuvent point se soustraire aux conséquences de ces débats. En effet, ils sont légion dans la pratique judiciaire et sociale. Ainsi, par exemple, faut-il ajuster le système de sanc- tions aux exigences d’un régime de traitement ou de resocialisation ? Faut-il, par voie de conséquence, des sentences indéterminées, des régimes de traitement pénitentiaire modelés sur les programmes de traitement de délinquants ? Faut-il, au contraire, as- surer la protection des droits des accusés en limitant le procès à la tarification pro- portionnelle des peines? Assurer le «just desert»? Les policiers doivent-ils être formés pour assurer la prévention communautaire, comme des îlotiers pour être les animateurs de réseaux de surveillance, de contrôle social en vue d’une prévention efficace de la criminalité ? Ou bien doivent-ils, dans le respect scrupuleux du principe de la présomption d’innocence, se contenter d'appliquer rigoureusement la loi? Les officiers de probation, les éducateurs de jeunes adultes, doivent-ils privilégier la relation d'aide dans leurs rapports avec leurs «clients» involontaires ou bien doivent- iIls se comporter comme des agents du contrôle judiciaire ? Voici un tout petit échan- tillon de problèmes réels qui résultant directement des options qui s’offrent aux criminologues, de quelque obédience philosophique qu'ils soient. Une chose est cependant certaine soit l’option finalement adoptée, l’engagement en son service n’est pas innocent. Voici quelques dilemmes qui ne manqueront pas de surgir : comment justifier la «radicale non-intervention », alors que les prisons brûlent (au propre et pas au figuré) dans leurs quartiers surpeuplés et impropres à l’habitation ? Comment justifier l’activité policière, quelle qu’elle soit, au vu d'une chute dramatique du taux d'arrestation de suspects ? Comment légitimer l’ensemble du système de protection de la sécurité des personnes et des biens au vu des statistiques de victimisation, révélant l’étendue insoupçonnée d’activités criminelles, jamais portées à l’attention des organes judiciaires? Les exemples les plus nombreux et impressionnants sont fournis par les délits commis au sein de la famille et contre les femmes. Des souffrances indicibles infligées aux plus faibles et aux moins protégés parmi nous, occultées par un mélange d’indifférence et de mauvaise foi, sont révélées journellement, dans nos pays. — 48 — Dans ces conditions, on peut légitimement s'interroger sur l’ordre des priorités à respecter lorsqu'on est criminologue ou lorsqu'on s'occupe de la question pénale. Des questions inconfortables doivent être posées : l'analyse de correspondance de médecins de prisons du XIX® siècle, instructive certes, doit-elle avoir la priorité dans les services d’études pénales sur les questions actuelles posées par les peines privatives de liberté’ D'un autre côté, comment assister, sans mot dire, à l’application des lois, surtout en matière de privation de liberté, dont le peu d'utilité sociale et l'absence de valeur rédemptrice furent démontrés par des générations de chercheurs ? Et l’on pourrait multiplier les exemples, hélas! ad nauseum. Les criminologues se trouvent donc devant un dilemme d'ordre éthique et déontologique gravissime. Personne ne peut se cacher, en se voilant la face, soit derrière un faux professionnalisme, soit derrière une étroite conception de la science, celle-ci dans notre domaine, n’est jJamais « pure». Que chacun juge d'après sa propre conscience et l'histoire jugera pour tous… Les communications de M. RôSSNER. de MUNOZ-CONDE, les ateliers consacrés à la criminologie en Espagne, illustrent la problématique évoquée ici. 4. LES LEÇONS D’AMÉRIQUE DU NORD Doivent être placées dans la perspective et à la suite du Cours International de San Sebastian, consacré, 1l y a deux ans, à l'enseignement de la criminologie dans le monde contemporain. On y a bien établi le caractère distinctif de la scène nord- américaine. Cette différence tient à de nombreux facteurs. Retenons-en deux aux fins d'illustration. a) La sociologie durkheimienne, qui s'est doucement assoupie dans l’Europe de l'entre-deux guerres, ravagée par des idéologies totalitaires et des conflits so- ciaux, pour se revigorer quelque peu postérieurement au cours des années 19'70, prit racine Outre-Atlantique. Des cohortes entières de sociologues se sont transformés en «criminologues», préoccupés par les sociétés et les cultures criminogènes. Il ne s'agissait pas seulement d’un intérêt purement théorique (comme cela fut le cas de la majorité des sociologues européens). Les épigones durkheimiens en Amérique du Nord, approfondissaient le concept d’anomie, de culture et de sous-culture, déve- loppaient des théories à portée moyenne, analysaient des conflits de normes, des mécanismes de contrôle social, la situation des jeunes dans les zones criminogènes, des «sociétés» aux coins de rues — « Street corner societies» —. Ainsi, 1ls furent parmi ceux qui ont stimulé les toutes premières interventions publiques dans le champ de la politique sociale, étroitement liée à la politique pénale. Occasionnelles avant 1960, ces politiques devinrent plus systématiques au cours des présidences Kennedy. Johnson et Nixon. Les sociologues d’importante stature tels que LI. Oh- lin, D. Cressey & A. Reiss (notre conférencier) appartiennent à cette génération de sociologues qui sont devenus criminologues. Cette transformation s’avérait à travers leur implication dans la politique et l’action sociales ainsi que dans les recherches — 49 — qui les sous-entendaient. S’impliquer dans la réforme sociale, être l’agent du chan- gement social, spécialiste orienté vers le «problem solving», caractérisait la scène criminologique nord-américaine. C’est une longue et passionnante histoire qui n’est point terminée. Elle a vu sortir des sociologues de leur tour d’ivoire. Elle les a vus descendre dans l’arène des politiques sociale et pénale, acceptant les risques que cet engagement comportait. C’est de cet engagement que sont nées les écoles de crimi- nologie, de justice criminelle comme on les appelait un peu plus tard. Elles regrou- pent des spécialistes des sciences sociales et politiques, mais également ceux du droit et des sciences du comportement, intéressés par l’étiologie des conduites dé- viantes et par les méthodes d'intervention auprès de ces populations institutionnali- sées ou non. La recherche fait partie intégrante de ces programmes d’études qui s'étendent souvent sur trois cycles universitaires. Certains sont seulement des pro- grammes post-gradués tels que Rutgers ou Toronto. D’autres dispensent un pro- gramme complet tels que Montréal, Florida ou la City University of New York. Le déuxième trait distinctif de la scène nord-américaine concerne la nature de son régime juridique. Il s'agit du droit accusatoire. Contrairement aux Facultés de droit européennes, les écoles de droit nord-américaines sont relativement peu hos- pitalières pour les enseignements criminologiques (à de notables exceptions près telles que les Facultés de Yale, de Harvard et de Chicago). Les juristes américains sont des plaideurs, des avocats préparés pour l’activité de «litigation », de contesta- tion devant les tribunaux. Ainsi, ils n'ont que faire de la prétention des scientifiques à l’objectivité. Pour un avocat, il faut plaider et surtout gagner une cause! Par ailleurs, dans l’esprit même du procès pénal, le dossier de personnalité, pierre an- gulaire de la criminologie clinique européenne, est difficilement compatible avec le principe de la présomption d’innocence, avec des règles d’exclusion. En un mot, 1l est difficilement adaptable dans le contexte du droit coutumier. Ici, on juge le fait et pas l'homme. Ce n'est que postérieurement au jugement que les ressources de la criminologie peuvent être utiles. Elle revêt une grande utilité dans l’exécution des sentences (les «corrections»), la classification des détenus d’après les régimes pé- naux disponibles, dans d’éventuels programmes de resocialisation, de prévention au niveau de la communauté, etc. Dans presque tous les cas, 1l s’agit d'interventions en marge et non pas au cœur, du procès pénal. Ainsi, la recherche criminologique dont A. REISS nous a dressé un tableau impressionnant, s’efforce d’identifier les facteurs ou les conditions de la production de la criminalité d’une part et l’évaluation des diverses interventions auprès des délinquants et dans les situations criminogènes, d’autre part. L'exemple des recherches entreprises par la Corporation RAND illustre bien ce trait caractéristique de la scène criminologique nord-américaine, dont REISS à em- prunté plusieurs de ces exemples. On voit, à travers ceux-ci, comment la recherche empirique, rigoureusement conduite, départage des opinions divergentes, apaise les controverses politiques, tout en suscitant de fertiles débats sur les actions éventuelles à entreprendre. Les travaux récents de PETERSILIA sur la criminalité des afro-amé- ricains et sur les pratiques discriminatoires dont ils seraient victimes, illustrent bien — 50 — le rôle de la recherche criminologique dans le contexte social et politiqùe de l'Amérique du Nord. Quels enseignements tirer de l'expérience nord-américaine ? Les Européens doivent suivre avec attention ce qui se passe Outre-Atlantique. Nous partageons, malgré nos différences notables, le même fonds de culture judéo-chrétienne et gré- co-romaine. Nous vivons dans le même système économique, celui de l'économie de marché libéral, corrigée par une politique sociale, plus ou moins systématique. Nous pouvons, par conséquent, retenir des idées intéressantes, en observant nos expériences respectives. De là, à parler d'un possible transfert de technologie, il y a des pas que beaucoup n'hésiteront à franchir. Les réalités et les pratiques socio- culturelles sont par trop différentes, sans mentionner la Constitution américaine qui, avec ses Amendements, assure à cette société un trait fortement distinct, par rapport à l'Europe. Sous cet angle, l'Europe s’étend véritablement, de l’Atlantique à l’Oural. Le monde qui se situe de l’autre côté de l’'Océan Atlantique est certes semblable à bien des égards, mais c'est loin d’être la même chose. Finalement. à la suite des travaux de ce 46° Cours International de Criminolo- gie, si brillamment conduits par notre collègue Esther GIMENEZ SALINAS Y COLO- MER, peut-on repenser les perspectives actuelles de la criminologie en Europe de l'Ouest. peut-on méditer sur une stratégie de développement au service de notre discipline ? Il me semble que le démonstration a été faite, durant nos travaux, que malgré des interprétations divergentes au sujet des alternatives normatives, surgissant lég1- timement, dans nos sociétés partiellement intégrées, le point de ralliement de tous demeure /a criminologie. C’est une observation importante qui ne doit pas être faite à la légère. On réalise, en y regardant de près, que ce qui nous sépare est bien moins important que ce qui nous unit. La démonstration est faite que nous pouvons sortir, si nous le voulons bien, de la pénible période «post-soixante-huitarde» où l’on appliquait la dialectique diabolique du « Freund» und « Feind ». Cette volonté de se distinguer de l’autre, à tout prix et en ne reculant devant aucune simplification, a affaibli notre discipline, a paralysé ceux qui travaillaient sur le terrain. On réalise, aujourd'hui que l'ennemi, s'il en faut absolument un, du réformateur plus radical, à la recherche des solutions alternatives plus poussées, n’est pas le réformateur moins radical, se contentant de la politique des «petits pas». L’ennemi, le véritable adversaire de tout criminologue, c'est l’indifférence, la volonté de puissance, le mépris de l’autre, le cynisme, en un mot, la réduction de l’homme au rôle de moyen, la négation de sa dignité, proclamée dans ses fins. Je pense que c'est un acquis important, bien 1llustré par ce cours. Il doit nous conduire à concevoir une stratégie sur la concorde et la concertation, au détriment de celle de la rupture, du conflit et de l’opposition systématique. En d'autres termes et à la suite de l’expérience réalisée lors de ce cours inter- national, 1l ne me paraît pas inconcevable de retrouver, sous les couleurs crimino- logiques, des tendances et des personnes dont les options normatives prennent, par ailleurs, des allures fort différentes, voire opposées. Personne n’est exclu des rangs — 51 — de cette criminologie. Mais nous ne pouvons, hélas rien, contre les auto-exclusions, qui demeurent toujours le privilège de l'homme libre dans une société libre… Plus concrètement, 1l me semble que l'on doit encourager et amplifier les efforts qui visent la formation des chercheurs et des praticiens dans notre champ. On devrait lancer moins d'exclusives et respecter davantage nos différences. Déjà. les difficultés qui résultent des différences dans les approches et qui proviennent des traditions disciplinaires différentes sont énormes. Les calendriers sont également différents en ce qui concerne les priorités des recherches en matière méthodologique et politique. Mais aussi longtemps que personne ne réclame l’exclusivité de la pierre philosophale, en sa possession, que personne ne se proclame être en possession tranquille de la vérité, la collaboration et la cohabitation demeurent possibles. Et ajoutons l'essentiel, que tout le monde admette le droit à l’erreur. S’il en est ainsi, et 1l est permis de l'espérer, c'est signe de bonne santé morale, qui assure une atmosphère favorable pour le développement de nos recherches. Toujours dans ce même esprit de pluralisme et de tolérance, — qui n'exclut point de fortes convictions et des engagements à risques —, peut-on émettre le vœu d'une participation de plus en plus enrichissante, pour nous tous, de nos collègues Catalans, Basques et Espagnols de toutes les régions aux activités de la SIC ? Notre prochain Congrès mondial à Budapest, à la fin août 1993, devrait être l'occasion pour concrétiser ce projet, que je souhaite de tout mon cœur. J'ai été. comme mes collègues étrangers, particulièrement impressionné par le progrès et la qualité des recherches empiriques dans l'Espagne et dans la Catalogne contemporaines. Nous aimerions mieux les connaître et partager davantage avec eux, les fruits de leurs travaux. S'il existait un forum institutionnalisé d'échanges entre chercheurs et intervenants, dans le cadre d’une Association de recherches criminologiques espagnole, par exemple, ces contacts seraient facilités. Sans parler de plus, de l’intérêét pour les Espagnols eux-mêmes, qui auraient sans doute des échanges fort stimulants. Mais surtout, ne surestimons point le rôle des organisations elles peuvent avoir une fonction éteignoir autant que de stimulation ! L'essentiel demeure toujours la qualité des personnes, la qualité de leurs recherches. Grâce à cela, elles trouveront toujours la publicité qui leur convienne. Car, telle est là ma péroraison, notre combat demeure toujours pour l’'homme; 1l est tourné contre la bêtise, l’indifférence et l’injustice. Ce combat ne connaît aucune barrière linguistique, ni philosophique, ni politique. Nous, criminologues, devrons nous retrouver tous, sans exception, du même côté de la barricade. NOTE DE LA RÉDACTION Le 46° Cours International de Criminologie, qui s'est tenu à Barcelone du 28 au 31 Octobre 1991, était consacré aux PERSPECTIVES ACTUELLES DE LA RECHERCHE CRIMINOLOGIQUE EN EUROPE. La Direction du Cours a été — 52 — assurée avec beaucoup d'autorité par le Prof. Esther GIMENEZ SALINAS, Directeur du Centre d'Etudes Juridiques et de Formation de la Généralité de Catalogne. Nous avons extrait des différentes contributions présentées à ce Cours (qui a réuni un nombre considérable de participants) le rapport de synthèse du Prof. Denis SZABO, Président Honoraire de notre Société. EDITOR’S NOTE The 46th International Criminology Course, which was held in BARCELONA between 28 and 31 october 1991, was devoted to CURRENT PERSPECTIVES IN CRIMINOLOGY RESEARCH IN EUROPE. The Course was chaired. with much authority, bv Professor Esther GIMENEZ SALINAS, Director of the Centre of Legal studies and General Training of Catalonia. We have taken from the various contri- butions presented at this Course (which brought together a considerable number of participants) the summary report made by Professor Denis SZABO, Honorary Presi- dent of our Society. NOTA DE LA REDACCION El 46" Cuso Internacional de Criminologfa, realizado en Barcelona del 28 al 31 de Octubre de 1991, estuvo consagrado a las PERSPECTIVAS ACTUALES DE LA INVESTIGACION CRIMINOLOGICA EN EUROPA. Con mucha autoridad. se encargoô de la direcciôn del Curso el Prof. Esther GIMENEZ SALINAS, Director del Centro de Estudios Juridicos y de Formaciôn de la «Generalitat» de Cataluña. De las contribuciones presentadas en dicho curso (que reuniô un nûmero considerable de participantes) extrajimos el informe de sintesis del Prof. Denis SZABO, Presidente honorario de nuesta Sociedad. — 53 — Freedom of the press in a democracy * Joan McCoRrDp, Ph. D. Temple University, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, U.S.A. In democracies a free press provides the forum for debate upon which good governement rests. The press is the means by which ideas are suggested, promoted, and criticized. Through the press, political positions can be formulated and ex- pounded, meetings can be organized. Nevertheless, the press also raises the specter of tyranny, particularly the tyr- anny of popular opinion that is s0 often represented through a free press. The press is a vehicle for propaganda and can be used to misinform, to shape the truth as well as to report it. Tension between the free expression of ideas and tyranny by public opinion in a democracy were, of course, evident even when Socrates questioned accepted opinions in the Athenian democracy two thousand years ago. Problems linked to these tensions become particularly acute when governement extends beyond local comunities. In his cogent analysis of life in the United States of America during the 19th century, Alexis de Tocqueville (1840/1945) described the central role of newspapers in building consensus. Administrative powers that were handled centrally in an aristrocracy, he noted, «must be either abolished or placed in the hands of very large numbers of men, who then in fact constitute an association permanently es- tablished by law for the purpose of administering the affairs… and they require a journal» (p. 120). Newspapers spread opinions and become more powerful in pro- portion to the equality among individuals. In America, de Tocqueville worried : «À newspaper represents an association ; it may be said to address each of its readers in the name of all the others and to exert its influence over them in proportion to their individual weakness» (p. 122). Although he worried about the potential tyranny of a majority that could be commanded through newspapers, de Tocqueville feared the loss of a free press in democracies. Describing revolutions in Europe, he wrote «The very vehemence of the press is sometimes a mark of its weakness… It screams only because its audience is growing deaf, and this deafness of the public makes it safe to silence the press later» (1959, p. 129). * Copyright. _— 55 — Schooled by twentieth century history, Hannah Arendt (1951) believed that social isolation paved the way for totalitarianism. She praised the voices of criticism and argued that democratic freedoms become meaningful «where the citizens belong to and are represented by groups» (p. 312). À free press can mitigate isola- tion, and «terror can rule absolutely only over men who are isolated against each other» (p. 474). The link between democracy and a free press becomes particularly salient in relation to criminal justice. Consider the case of Alfred Dreyfus. As you know, Dreyfus was wrongly convicted of treason in 1894. You may not know that a year after the exile of Dreyfus, Colonel Picquart discovered evidence that Dreyfus had been wrongly accused and that Major Esterhazy ought to be indicted for the trea- sonable deed. After Picquart brought the evidence to the attention of his superiors, he was exiled to Tunisia and ordered to be silent. Documents were then forged to give greater support for the conviction of Dreyfus. When nevertheless Picquart’s evidence showed up again, Picquart was imprisoned for allegedly revealing confi- dential papers. Had it not been for the press, the case might have ended there. The issue reached its height on January 13, 1898, when Emile Zola published his ac- cusations of a cover up in the newspaper l’Aurore. Following Zola’s trial and conviction for libel, Dreyfus was granted a new trial. Though Dreyfus was again convicted, he was later — in 1906 — vindicated. One might argue that Zola and his use of the press undermined the prestige and authority of the military. One might argue, as did the anti-Dreyfusards almost a century ago, that public order required having a conviction for so heinous a deed as treason. One suspects that similar reasoning occurs after serial killings and par- ticularly gruesome murders. l remember watching a trial a few years ago at Old Bailey in London. The accused was being questioned by the judge and adamantly denying knowledge about the brutal beating for which he was on trial. It seems the owner of a pub had been bludgeoned by a group of teenagers. The accused had been arrested several days later and, according to testimony, a bloody club had been recovered from the trunk of his car. The accused had signed a confession and the judge, exasperated, reminded him of having done so. « Your honor», asked the youth, «have you ever been sat before a piece of paper with six bobbies around you telling you to put your name to it?». Dreyfus was a credible villain. Belief that governmentis trustworthy helps to preserve public order. So once there had been a conviction, the argument went, public good was best served by letting people believe the conviction was justified. In describing totalitarianism, Arendt presented the inexorable logic behind the state view. History, she wrote, may require punishment of certain crimes and does not know the perpetrator. Under these circumstances, «more important than to be sure about the criminals is to punish the crimes…. You, therefore, either have com- mitted the crimes or have been called by the Party to play the role of the criminal — in either case, you have objectively become an enemy of the party» (1951, p. 473). — S6 — Echoing Dostoevsky (1866/1950, p. 67), in 1891 William James (1891/1949) emphasized the moral revulsion that would follow were it possible to keep millions « permanently happy on the simple condition that a certain lost soul on the far-off edge of things should lead a life of lonely torture» (p. 188). Subsequent events in France showed that everyone in a democracy is not equally repulsed by the bargain. Inadvertently, perhaps, Emile Durkheim (1893/1933) provided a rationale for the state to defend past actions in the criminal justice arena. Crime, in Durkheim's opinion, was simply a representation of what shocks the common conscience (p. 81). At the time a crime is discovered, Durkheim argued, if «the consciences which it offends do not unite themselves to give mutual evidence of their commun- ion, and recognize that the case is anomalous, they would be permanently un- settled » (p. 103). Yet a democracy is built on commitment to individual rights and individual responsibility. Dreyfus was not guilty. And in a democracy, one ought to punish only those guilty of having committed the crimes for which they are condemned. Only so, can people be assured of protection 1f they obey the law. Even in a democracy, of course, tensions between an individual’s rights and perceptions of public good continue. These tensions play themselves out in terms of questions about what the public has a right to know, what kinds of publicity compromise a fair trial, the extent to which the press ought to be restricted by conceptions of the public interest, how access to information ought to be restricted. and the degree to which expression of opinion ought to be protected. WHAT DOES THE PUBLIC HAVE ÀA RIGHT TO KNOW ? We have already touched upon the possibility that innocent people are sometimes convicted. Publicity about such cases is rarely welcomed by those responsible for the convictions. Yet getting the attention of a reporter has sometimes been key to a retrial. In one such case, a vagrant named Randall Adams was convicted for killing a Texas state trooper; while Adams was serving a life sentence, David Harris all but confessed to having framed him. Nevertheless, the state refused to acknowledge possible error until the movie «The Thin Blue Line» made the story a cause célèbre. Investigative reporting is critical to uncovering crimes committed by the powerful. The Watergate break-in stands out as an important example. Without a free press, governments could commit crimes, destroy evidence, and rid themselves of critics. In a democracy, there is little doubt that the public has a right to know when their representatives attempt to do these things. But a free press can also publicize information about how to commit crimes. Does the public have a right to know such information ? — 57 — Recently Derek Humphrey (1991) published a book describing procedures for committing suicide. The front page of the New York Times (Friday, August 9, 1991) carried an article about the book and the fact that it is a best seller. Commit- ting suicide is a crime in some states, and giving assistance to someone committing suicide is a crime in many. Some claimed that the book, Final Exit, is harmful to the public interest either directly through facilitating suicide or indirectly through promoting crime. According to their arguments, such books ought not be published. Before writing the procedural manual Final Exit, Humphrey had written a book describing how he had helped his wife commit suicide. If publishing a manuel about how to commit suicide should be illegal, should it be 1llegal also to write such biographies ? If biographies are too dangerous when they give details of crime, should mysteries be censored to eliminate descriptions that could be used for real criminal actions ? Where should a line be drawn ? Who should draw t Towards the end of July, 1991, police discovered dismembered bodies in a apartment rented by Jeffrey Dahmer, presented in the press as «a withdrawn, secre- tive 31-year-old laborer» (Newsweek, August 5, 1991, p. 40). The press described the apartment as containing male torsos stuffed in a barrel, heads on a shelf painted to look like sculptured busts, genitalia in a kettle, and heads stored in a freezer. The public buys newspapers that depict particularly gruesome crimes and crimes committed by «the rich and famous». That 1s, the public is interested in stories about certain types of crimes or certain types of people and the press caters to these prurient interests. According to Ralph Barton Perry (1926/1950), perhaps the epitome of democratic philosophers, a value is any object of any interest. If Perry 1s right, crime stories have moral value. Ought the value represented in newspaper stories about crime outweigh the possibility for bringing the case before a jury that has not yet formed an opinion ? Perry might argue against such a decision, for he believed that interests can be compared largely in terms of inclusiveness. Perry argued that in a democracy, « The new conscience not only requires that the majority shall be ad- mitted to happiness, but that no man shall be excluded from it» (p. 670). In this way, Perry focused attention on the democratic requirement that an individual’s interests ought not be subsumed under those of a majority. [Imagine, then, that a juvenile is brought to trial for larcenly. He is a handsome lad and well groomed for the occasion, so that he will appear to be repentant if not innocent. But his neighbors know that he has been caught repeatedly in attempted thefts and vandalism, though none have been officially recorded. Does the public have a right to know of these prior deeds ? Will such knowledge pollute the atmo- sphere by seeming to demonstrate guilt for an action perhaps not carried out by this boy — or is such knowledge likely to lead to a fairer judgment than would be possible without it? Without the knowledge about past behavior, judge or jury might give the boy yet another chance ; another victim might be the result. But will knowledge of prior behavior so cloud judgment that the present evidence will not be seen in proper perspective ? __ 58 __ Does the public have the .right to know the identities of victims? Wealthy victims of theft are often loath to have their stories told either for fear that the crimes will be repeated or because publicity is unpleasant. Should they be placed at further risk or given additional pain because they were victimized ? In a democracy, 1if the public has no right to know about the wealthy, how can they have the right to know about the poor ? Banks often successfully prevent their victimizations from being publicized out of fear that business might be affected. Does the public have the right to know about these instances ? Investors have legitimate interests in depositing money where it will be safe. The recent investigations into affairs of the Bank of Credit and Com- merce have unraveled intrigues and cover-ups for which the depositors will suffer. Whose welfare deserves protection ? In the United States, members of the public are currently reading about William K. Smith, Senator Edward Kennedy’s nephew who has been accused of rape. Early publicity broke tradition by providing the name of the putative victim coupled with descriptions of her that were less than flattering. The prosecution entered into the public record testimony by other women that they have been similarly accosted by William Smith. This testimony, though unlikely to be used in court, plays a role in fashioning public opinion. Should such pretrial publicity be permitted ? What is it that the public has a right to know? Rape shield laws are designed to protect women who have been victims of rape from becoming victims of defence lawyers. The shield laws prevent a victim’s character from being impugned at a trial. Does this act to discredit the possibility that some women falsely claim to be victims ? Should prior behavior be considered relevant to victimization ? We know from experimental studies that juries are likely to be swayed in their judgments of guilt of innocence by information about a victim's character. Should prior behavior be considered relevant to victimization for crimes other than rape ? Newspaper stories often include detailed interviews with those who knew victims of homicide. Should the selfishness or kindness of the victim influence what decision a jury makes about the killer? If a person is known to taunt and threaten another, ought that fact be known if the person becomes a victim of assault ? Fairness in trials implies both that an individual is judged guilty according to pre-established rules for evidence and that punishments are administered similarly for similar crimes, regardless of inadmissible characteristics of the accused. Power and social position are inadmissible characteristics. Pretrial publicity can influence jurors. In the Smith trial, the defense lawyers were able to get a postponement because they showed that public perceptions about Smith had been altered by the publicity given to additional accusations regarding his prior behavior. Public opinion polls were used as evidence to obtain the post- ponement, and an impoverished defendant would not have been able to purchase such polling. To some extent, then, pretrial publicity contributes to unequal justice. — 59 — À recent Appeals court decision (U.S. v. Olano, CA 9, Nos. 87-3128 etc… 5/31/91) vacated a conviction based on a jury decision in which the alternates sat through the deliberation. The alternates need not speak to convey information, the appeals court decided, so they may have interfered with deliberations of the jury. If the press has been covering a particular crime, even though members of a jury do not talk about the crime with anyone, it would seem reasonable to believe that jurors will pick up cues from the general public as easily as they might from alternate jurors. À fair trial, then, might require that crimes not be discussed in the press until after a verdict has been rendered. TO WHAT EXTENT OUGHT THE PRESS BE RESTRICTED BY CONCEPTIONS OF THE PUBLIC INTEREST? The public has an interest in reducing crime. Epidemics of hijacking and kid- napping, bank robberies and swindles attest to the power of imitation in crime. Gabriel Tarde (1912) reported numerous crimes in London for which the contagion seemed obvious to him. «Never perhaps has the pernicious influence of general news been more apparent », he wrote. « The newspapers were filled with the exploits of Jack the Ripper, and, in less than a year, as many as eight absolutely identical crimes were committed in various crowded streets of the great city. That 1s not all; there followed a repetition of these same deeds outside of the capital and very soon there was even a spreading of them abroad» (p. 340). Such evidence, however, could be interpreted as showing only that the modus operandi are influenced by imitation or that reporters began to notice similarities not noticed before. The murders would have occurred, this argument runs, though perhaps not in the same fashion. If that were the case, publicity ought have no affect on crime rates. To gather more than anecdotal evidence on whether publicity about violent crimes affects the occurrence of violence, Leonard Berkowitz and Jacqueline Mac- aulay (1971) studied crimes in four cities. They analyzed patterns of crime, includ- ing manslaughter, aggravated assault, murder, and robbery from 1960 through 1966. Manslaughter was measured as a control crime against which to evaluate changing rates of violence in correspondence with the assassination of John F. Ken- nedy in November 1963, the Richard Speck murder of eight nurses in Chicago during July 1966, and the Charles Whitman shooting of 45 people from the Uni- versity of Texas tower in August 1966. The results of the study showed that violent crimes other than manslaughter increased during the months following the target crimes. Although the study cannot eliminate all alternative interpretations, the con- clusion of the authors seems warranted. Berkowitz and Macaulay propose that the more aggressive members of society reduced their inhibitions against violence and that contagious influences have marginally magnifying effects on aggression. — 60 — Publicity about crime does seem to influence criminal behavior. It does not follow, of course, that this fact justifies prohibitions against having the press de- scribe crimes. Still, the spread of crime might be considered a reasonable ground for restricting newspapers from publishing descriptions of crimes. Let us turn now to some additional questions about access to information. HOW OUGHT ACCESS TO INFORMATION BE RESTRICTED? New technology has raised new issues related to crime and the press. Photo- graphy no longer requires elaborate equipment. Telephones can carry conversations on open air waves, and bugs can broadcast conversations. In the United States, information gathered through telephone conversations cannot be admitted in court without prior court approval for a wire tap or consent of the parties. This restriciton is governed by the idea that individuals have a right to privacy in their own homes. Yet one can take pictures from a public place without informing the subject of those pictures. Ought we consider the fact that visual aids are particularly persuasive as grounds for prohibiting their use in court ? Pictures can, of course, mislead as well as reveal. An influential example comes to mind in considering ex-President Richard Nixon in his early campaign against Helen Gahagan Douglas. The campaign included publicity over juxtaposing a picture of his opponent with that of à well-known Communist — in the midst of the anti-Communist fervor. Nixon won the election. Cameras have recently been admitted to some court rooms. Those in favor of this change have argued that the public will gain information not available when reports depend on recordings and sketches. Those against the change argue that the court will be disrupted as cameras interfere with decorum. The possible impact of pictures on accused, but innocent, persons has not been sufficiently considered. À decision of «not guilty» may be forgotten or unknown by many who recognize the accused and confuse accusation with guilt. Nor do we know enough about how a person’s looks influence popular opinion and, perhaps, the outcome of a trial. Studies to understand socialization of children have demonstrated that adult judgments of children’s misbehavior is conditioned by such characteristics as attrac- tiveness and demeanor. Replicating methods of an earlier study (Cantor & Gelfand, 1977), Daphne Bugental and William Shennum (1984) trained children to be re- sponsive or unresponsive; the children misbehaved similarly in an experimental environment. On the basis of visual cues, adults interacting with an unresponsive child were judged to give more negative responses to the child and, on their own accounts, perceived the child as much more difficult to handle than did adults interacting with a responsive child. In another study, Karen Dion (1972) included — 61 — a picture of either an attractive or an unattractive seven-year-old along with identical descriptions of behavior; college students judged that the less attractive child was more likely to repeat serious transgressions. These studies suggest that judgments of guilt may be influenced by the appearance of the accused. Several studies show that physical attractiveness affects beliefs about ability (e.g., Dion, Berscheid, & Walster, 1972 ; Horai, Naccari, & Fatoullah, 1974). Those who are attractive are doubly advantaged. Murray Webster and James Driskell (1983) coupled their summary of one such study with an observation « While discrimination because of race or sex may decline because of changes in laws and educational practice, discrimination based on attractiveness evidences no com- parable movement » (p. 162). These studies suggest that use of cameras will magnify the premium set on attractive witnesses. The extent to which public opinion influenced by visual cues will affect judgments of the court has not been assessed. Cameras have also become a weapon wielded by the public against the police. In Los Angeles, a citizen took amateur pictures showing the police beating a sus- pect. À special commission investigating the Rodney King case noted that without pictures showing the brutal beating, the case would probably have been dismissed. Other instances of muckraking with portable cameras have turned up extramarital trysts and child abuse. One can argue that such uses are all to the good : they help to assure abedience to the law. It is easy to forget that surveillance also restricts freedom. Not long ago, in Bratislava, a colleague failed to show up at our appointed meeting. He had been arrested for jaywalking on an absolutely empty street. The arrest prompted us to notice cameras on the light posts — and we became cautious in our speech. We were doing nothing we thought to be illegal; but we knew that what we did could be misunderstood and that we could be held accountable. TO WHAT DEGREE OUGHT EXPRESSION OF OPINIONS BE PROTECTED? The right to print an unfavorable opinion may clash with the desire of individu- als to maintain a good reputation. The laws of libel offer some protection, though civil penalties may be insufficient sanction against what some consider a serious crime indeed. « Who steals my purse steals trash», [ago said to Othello, «But he that filches from me my good name robs me of that which not enriches him, and makes me poor indeed» (Shakespeare, III, iti, 155). Newspapers have the ability to play up or down the news they gather. Nelson Rockefeller, Gary Hart, and more recently, Paul Reubens (Pee-Wee Herman), have received severe penalties for essentially victimless crimes. — 62 — Ought newspapers be held responsible for the contribution they make to de- stroying careers as well as character ? The question does not easily break into cate- gories of the truth and falsehood of claims. Consider the hypothetical possibility that General Wilmer 1s truly a pillar of the community. General Wilmer’s character can as well be wrecked by a true claim that Admiral Xavier believes Wilmer to have carried on disgracefully as by the false and more direct claim that he has done so Public opinion must be taken into account in a democracy. Yet too common an opinion can have the appearance and force of unwarranted fact. This has been demonstrated through a series of illuminating studies. Solomon Asch (1951) asked students to judge the size of a line as matching one of three lines of varied lengths Individually, the students were able to make the judgments almost faultlessly. Yet when they were placed into groups in which the others — coached by Asch to do so — 1dentified the wrong line as being correct, a substantial majority erred at least once. When the experimental situation included someone who identified the correct line, however, subjects were able to use their own perceptions to correct those derived from group errors In the last analysis, a democracy depends on the free press to provide someone whose opinions can serve to correct errors of the group. This is a large responsibility and one replete with hazards. Yet 1f the press were to be circumscribed the dangers to democracy would be even greater. In what might be the most eloquent defense of free expression ever written John Stuart Mill (1859/1910) argued that if the opinion of only one man were against all others, «mankind would be no more justified in silencing that one per- son, than he, 1f he had the power, would be justified in silencing mankind… But the peculiar evil of silencing the expression of an opinion is, that it is robbing the human race; posterity as well as the existing generation ; those who dissent from the opinion, still more than those who hold it. If the opinion is right, they are deprived of the opportunity of exchanging error for truth; if wrong, they lose, what 1s almost as great a benefit, the clearer perception and livelier impression of truth produced by its collision with error» (p. 79) REFERENCES Arendt, H. (1951). The origins of Totalitarianism. New York : Harvest/HBJ Asch, S.E. (1951). «Effects of group pressure upon the modification and distortion of judg- ments ». In Guetzkow, H. (Ed.), Groups, Leadership and Men. Pittsburgh : Carnegie Press Berkowitz, L. & Macaulay, J. (1971). «The Contagion of Criminal Violence ». Sociometry, 34, 2, 238-260 Bugental, D.B. & Shennum, W.A. (1984). «Difficult» chidren as elicitors and targets of adult communication patterns : An attributional-behavioral transactional analysis. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, Serial No. 205, 49, 1 Cantor, N.L. & Gelfand, D.M. (1977). «Effects of responsiveness and sex of children on adults’ behavior». Child Development, 48, 232-238 Dion, K. (1972). «Physical attractiveness and evaluation of children’s transgressions ». Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 24, 2, 207-213 — 63 — Dion, K.; Berscheid, E.; & Walster, E. (1972). « What is beautiful is good». Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 24, 3 (Dec.), 285-290. Dostoevsky, F. (1866/1950). Crime and Punishment. New York : Modern Library. Durkheim, E. (1893/1964). The Division of Labor in Society (G. Simpson, trans.). New York : Free Press. Horai, J.; Naccari, N.; & Fatoullah, E. (1974). « The effect of expertise and physical attracti- veness upon opinion agreement and liking». Sociometry, 37, 4 (Dec.), 601-606. Humphrey, D. (1991). Final Exit. Secausus, New Jersey : Carol Publishing. James, W. (1881/1949). «The moral philosopher and the moral life». /n Essays in Faith and Morals (pp. 184-215). New York : Longmans, Green and Co. Mill, J.S. (18S9/1910). On liberty. In Utilitarianism, Liberty and Representative Government (pp. 61-170). London : J.M. Dent & Sons. Perry, R.B. (1926/1950). General Theory of Value : Its Meaning and Basic Principles Construed in Terms of Interest. Cambridge, Massachusetts : Harvard University Press. Shakespeare, W. (1622). «Othello, Moor of Venice ». In The Tragedies of Shakespeare Volume II (pp. 787-881). New York : Modern Library. Tarde, G. (1912). Penal Philosophy. Translated by R. Howell (Available from Patterson Smith, 1968). Boston Little Brown. Tocqueville, À. de (1840/1945). Democracy in America, Vol. 1. New York : Random House. Tocqueville, A. de (1959). The European Revolution & Correspondence with Gobineau. New York : Doubleday. Webster, M. & Driskell, J.E. (1983). « Beauty as status ». American Journal of Sociology, 89, 1, 140-165. NOTE DE LA REDACTION Présenté également au 45° Cours International de Criminologie à Rio de Janei- ro (Brésil) (Août 1991), le rapport du Prof. Joan Mc CORD apporte une intéressante et originale contribution aux perspectives criminologiques du sujet traité. Il permet, en outre, de faire le point de l’état des recherches sur le thème de la liberté de la presse dans une démocratie. EDITOR’S NOTE Professor Joan Mac CORD's report, which was likewise presented at the 45th International Criminology Course in Rio de Janeiro (Brasil) (August 1991), made an interesting and original contribution to the cirminology perspectives of the sub- ject dealt with. Moreover, it identified the state of research in the area of liberty of the press in a democracy. NOTA DE LA REDACCION Presentado tambien en el 45° Curso Internacional de Criminologia (Rio de Janeiro, Brasil, Agosto de 1991), el informe del Prof. Joan Mac CORD aportô una interesante contribuciôn a las perspectivas criminolégicas del tema tratado. Este permitié, ademâs, de analizar la situaciôn del estado de las investigaciones sobre el tema de la libertad de prensa en una democracia. — 64 — Urban crime prevention : development of policy and practice in England * Dr Paul EKBLOM Home Office Research and Planning Unit Today, in England, crime prevention is an important and lively area of policy and practice in national government, and is also growing steadily in local govern- ment. Let me take the most salient example, the Safer Cities Programme (SCP). This was set up by the Home Office in 1988, as part of the Government’s wider programme of coordinated action aimed at dealing with the multiple social, physical and economic problems of some of our larger cities. The SCP is being implemented from the centre by the Home Office Crime Prevention Unit (CPU). Its objectives are to : — reduce crime — lessen the fear of crime — create safer cities within which economic enterprise and community life can flourish. Safer Cities 1s locally-based. Projects have been established in 20 English cities or large urban boroughs. In each area, the project 1s guided by a steering committee representing local government, police, probation, voluntary bodies and commerce, which sets priorities for the project and oversees the implementation of measures directed against crime. Each project is directed by a local coordinator with an assistant and a secretary whose salaries and running expenses are met by the Home Office, which also provides £250,000 per year per project for funding local or- ganisations to implement preventive action. The kind of preventive action being funded covers the entire range from physical improvements for housing, to edu- cational schemes for young people; from the installation of a single street light outside a retirement home, to improvement of security on a large residential housing estate ; from a purely geographical focus on a local neighbourhood, to the targeting of vulnerable groups such as ethnic minorities, women or the elderly, to a city- centre safety strategy, to a city-wide publicity scheme. The flavour of SC action can be got from the progress reports published annually (eg Home Office, 1991). This is an ambitious, challenging and important programme. Yet 10-15 years ago, crime prevention activity in England was very limited, uninspiring and inef- * UK Crown Copyright — 65 — fective. How did this change ? With hindsight, it is clear that a number of key ingredients and understandings had to be in place before the change could oceur. The change cannot simplyv be imposed by a small group of innovators seeking to influence the whole of government policy. In the first part of my talk, T give an account of the development of government policy and practice on crime prevention in England, hoping that you will find the lessons useful when you seek to bring about changes in your own approach to prevention. Part 2 examines a number of themes in urban crime prevention that have emerged over the last decade, although this will have to be rather a fast and super- ficial review. Part 3 considers some wider issues in implementation of crime pre- vention and Part 4 discusses evaluation. PART 1 THE DEVELOPMENT OF CRIME PREVENTION POLICY AND PRACTICE IN ENGLAND It is supposed to be obvious that «prevention is better than cure». It was obvious to the founder of England’s Metropolitan Police, Sir Robert Peel, who wrote It should be understood at the outset that the principal object to be obtained is the prevention of crime. To this great end every effort of the police is to be directed. The securitv of person and property… will thus be better effected than by the detection and punishment of the offender after he has succeeded in committing crime. That was in 1829. From that apparently high moment, crime prevention became something of a backwater. Specialist preventive activity was neglected by the government and the police, who focused on dealing with crime through the opera- tion of the formal Criminal Justice System (courts, prisons, probation). Equally, the public themselves increasingly came to rely on the police personal efforts to re- duce vulnerablity to crime were limited (in an era when for large parts of the country, crime was not a great problem) and there was not much employment of private security organisations. By the 1960 s, specialist preventive work by the police was confined to two activities first, the conduct of publicity campaigns giving rather generalised advice to encourage self-protection such as «lock it or lose it»; and second, the operation in each local police force of a small team of Police Crime Prevention Officers. Their main job was case-work — advising individual victims on security, usually after a crime had occurred, and usually drawing on a limited repertoire of actions — fitting locks, bolts and bars. During the 1970 s a number of separate influences came together which ulti- mately caused the major breakthrough in crime prevention. The first of these in- fluences was the steady growth of recorded crime in England since the 1950 s. This came together with the «nothing works» research, most of it American initially, — 66 — which showed that police patrolling, detective work, sentencing of the court and imprisonment were each of relatively limited effectiveness in controlling crime. Even crime prevention publicity campaigns (of the kind then used) were shown to have doubtful benefit, as the Home Office’s own research showed (Burrows and Heal 1979; Riley and Mayhew 1980). Many people nevertheless continued to see the solution to the growth in crime as simply to provide «more police» but this view became untenable because financial stringency made it impossible to expand police resources sufficiently to enable the reduction of crime. In more recent years. à general interest in securing «value for money » in all forms of public expenditure has given further force to the questioning of traditional approaches to crime. From another angle, crime surveys such as the British Crime Survey (Hough and Mayhew 1983; Mayhew et al. 1989) showed that a large proportion of crime does not come to the attention of the Criminal Justice System at all, and so cannot be tackled by conventional means. For another component of change, in the research world there were moves to regard criminal behaviour /ess as something unusual, wicked or pathological and more as something relatively normal, rational and wide- spread (cf Cornish and Clarke 1986); and to place l/ess emphasis on unchanging features of personality as a cause of criminal behaviour and more on social pressures and influences on offenders, together with situational opportunities for crime (May- hew et al. 1976). By situational opportunity, [ mean the coming together in time and space of 1) a potential offender and ii) a tempting and vulnerable target (such as a music cassette within easy reach on a supermarket shelf), iii) in the absence of effective defenders (Felson 1986). The situational perspective (together with related ideas such as crime prevention through environmental design) opened up a whole new dimension of pratical possibilities for prevention alter the situations, block the opportunities, and you hope to cut the crime. The final ingredient in change was the arrival of the «problem-oriented» ap- proach to policing. In a cogent and forceful paper, Goldstein (1979) argued that much of police work was done in a fixed, routine and ritual way without regard to whether the right solution was being directed towards the right problem by the right people. The key to the problem-oriented approach — and this is so obvious in retrospect! — 1s to treat the policing task as dealing with a series of specific, local crime problems : for example the problem of theft from coin-operated domestic gas meters (Hill 1986) on a particular housing estate (Forrester el al. 1988). Generic solutions (such as a drive by the police to tackle all kinds of theft) often fail to match the requirements of specific problems, and so are less likely to work. In many cases, it may not even be the police organisation which can provide the best solution to a given crime problem. This problem-oriented approach connected well with the situational approach to prevention and together in the Home Office produced what can simply be called the Preventive Process. The Preventive Process is a sequence of activities linked together in five stages : — Obtaining data on crime problems — such as police incident logs or crime reports. — Analysing and interpreting the crime patterns found in the data. — 67 — — Devising preventive strategies based on these patterns, plus local knowledge of the problem, plus local knowledge of solutions that are practical. — Implementing the strategies. — Evaluation. The Preventive Process 1s not a set of fixed, ready-made answers to crime — it is a method for devising solutions that best match a specific crime problem. Ît is based on the assumption that crimes do not occur as random events, but display distinct local patterns that reflect regularities in the real world (cf Sherman et al. 1989 for evidence). These can be regularities of offenders — such as concentrations of residence, motivation (such as drug addiction), habit or culture ; or regularities in the environment — such as a vulnerable design of car, a poorly-protected commuter car park or a hospital building that is hard to supervise. Identifying these regularities through the technique of crime pattern analysis (Ekblom 1988) has become well- developed, although further work to link this up with the potential of computerised Geographic Information Systems 1s still to be done (Cross et al. 1991). À choice can be made as to which of the crime problems revealed in the analysis should be tackled. Basic kinds of preventive action, such as changing situations (surveillance, improving resistance of buildings to physical attack («target-hardening ») etc.) and changing offenders, can then be selected, and adapted to fit the specific local charac- teristics of the crime problem. The Home Office has also developed a considerable body of practical knowledge of problems in implementation and evaluation, which I will deal with later. Together, these influences and ingredients led to a revolution in crime preven- tion in England (similar changes were occuring in Canada and the USA). Perhaps the most fundamental shift was the reappraisal of the boundaries of responsibility for prevention — a reappraisal of society’s division of labour. Rather than being exclusivity the job of the police, it became seen as the task of whichever individuals or organisations in the community could effectively and acceptably contribute to the reduction of criminal opportunity and criminal motivation (Engstad and Evans 1980). This could include private individuals, employees, private companies, local government organisations and voluntary organisations all of which are better placed, at particular times and locations, to intervene in order to prevent crime. With the extreme division of labour and interdependency that comes with an advanced in- dustrial society, this means that a large number of people and organisations can contribute in diverse ways to the prevention of crime. Experience of several demon- stration projects by the Home Office showed (Hope 1985) a need for coordination between agencies and individuals none of the individual contributions may be sufficient in themselves, whether in tackling a single local crime problem or in addressing the entire set of problems in a given neighbourhood. For this reason, and as part of a more general awareness in England that community-based opproaches to service provision better than the rigid division of labour (Ekblom 1986), the coordination of preventive action took a new form — the so-called multiagency approach. — 68 — By the mid-eighties, the new approach to crime prevention had been adopted as government policy. In 1983 the Home Office Crime Prevention Unit was created, with a small team of researchers and administrators, to stimulate the development of crime prevention in the police and the rest of the community. This is did in a number of ways which included : — conducing a range of individual crime prevention demonstration project (de- scribed in the Crime Prevention Unit Papers series); | developing crime pattern analysis; arranging for production of a government circular letter, addressed to local serv- ices and organisations including local government, police and probation com- mending the multiagency approach, signed by the permanent secretaries (chief officials) of the Home Office and four other government departments (Home Office 1984); updating this through a substantial new circular, advocating the «Partnership Approach» (Home Office 1991); setting up the Ministerial Group on Crime Prevention, which seeks to tackle crime prevention issues that cross the boundaries between government depart- ments, or are of mutual importance ; Launching the Five Towns multiagency initiative (Liddle and Bottoms 1991), an experiment in which the Home Office funded a local coordinator to identify a town’s crime problems and to secure multiagency collaboration to deal with them ; and finallv. based on experience gained in the 5 Towns initiative, launching the Safer Cities Programme — taking us back to where I began this talk. The most recent developments 1 have one or two last words to bring us completely up to date before moving on to Part 2. The phase of growth and change in crime prevention rested largely on the introduction of the situational approach, to some extent by historical accident. As crime prevention is maturing, there has recently been an interest in broadening the repertoire. There is currently a resurgence of offender-oriented approaches aimed at «tackling the roots of crime» or achieving «the prevention of criminality » (although this time around, with full awareness of the difficulties inherent in the approach). The aim is to deal with developmental factors people experience in early childhood, such as family circumstances and educational difficulties, which may predispose them to offend when they are older; and, with adolescents and young adults, factors in their current life circumstances which may motivate them to of- fend, such as drugs or drink problems, employment or housing difficulties and lack of leisure facilities. À second time of future development in crime prevention is in «community- centred» action. This draws on both the situational, and the offender-oriented ap- proaches, but operates at the level of the whole local community rather than dealing with individual crime situations, individual offenders or potential offenders in isola- — 69 — tion. Ît can be seen as promoting the conditions in residential neighbourhoods and public places that provide a level of safety, security and public order that 1s suffi- cient for residents to conduct their affairs without fear of personal attack or preda- tion from others. In this approach (cf Curry 1988; Hope and Shaw 1988) it is often less appropriate to treat the offenders as « foreign» invaders from outside the local community, to be kept out at all costs; rather, it is acknowledged that much crime is generated by people who are local residents themselves — hence some kind of collective action 1s required to re-establish local social control, action that is unify- ing and conflict-resolving rather than divisive. The third and last development in crime prevention seems to be the reconstruc- tion of links with the police and the rest of the Criminal Justice System. À period Of «separate development » was necessary during the early, formative stages of the new crime prevention — which needed its own space to grow. But now it has a secure base of its own, crime prevention has begun to establish contacts with parts of the formal Criminal Justice System such as the Probation Service (Geraghty 1991), which 1s responsible not just for probation, but also for the « punishment in the community » initiative (Home Office 1990), which aims to further reduce the numbers of convicted young offenders who receive custodial sentences. In some cases, convicted young offenders have even been sentenced to carry out crime prevention work in the community (Barker et al. 1992 forthcoming). PART 2 THEMES IN URBAN CRIME PREVENTION In this second part, [ want simply to take a high-speed tour around some of the developing British experience in urban crime prevention. Most of the work has been conducted by, or funded by, the Home Office. I do not intend to go into detail, but most of the studies [ mention can be followed up in the references. The city centre In England from time to time we have problems, or public anxiety about problems, of drinking and disorder in city centres; usually, young people are in- volved. One study (Ramsay 1989, 1990) assessed the impact of a local byelaw prohibiting public drinking in the centre of Coventry. Drinking was successfully reduced without heavy recourse to the law, and there was evidence of some reduc- tion in people’s worry about disorder in the city centre. À second study (Tuck 1989) was conducted at great speed in response to concern by the police and the public that groups of young people, «lager louts» as the press called them, were creating serious disturbances in smaller town centres at weekends. We used a range of research methods — geographical and demographic analysis, surveys, depth inter- views, analysis of police record of disorder incidents and direct observation. Our — 70 — observers actually witnessed one disturbance, which seemed to happen regularly every Friday night in a town in Eastern England. The research revealed that the problem seemed to be more a question of concentration of disorder in time and space, rather than the absolute amount of disorder. Particular pubs were aiming to attract the custom of young people ; some of these pubs were badly-managed so that disorder occured. Closing-time in England is currently fixed by law : this occasion, in particular, was handled badly such that large numbers of excited young people were routinely tipped onto the street at 10.30pm or 11pm. In some cases the young people were able to go on the clubs which stayed open until 2am; but for the most part, the only gathering places available after the pubs closed were fast food shops, which meant large groups of young people hanging around on the streets, looking for «action ». The research recommended a wide range of remedies, including urban planning approaches to the layout of town centre facilities ; the relaxation of regu- lations on closing-time, so that there would not be a mass-exodus from pubs; and the impovement of techniques for managing customers in pubs through better train- ing of staff. Transport and crime In England, about a quarter of recorded crime is connected with cars. This year is national car crime prevention year, but work has been going on for much longer in an effort to prevent car crime. The introduction of steering column locks on cars Was a first attempt to make cars harder to steal : this worked (Mayhew et el. 1976), if only of a limited period (cf Webb and Laycock 1992a). À bolder attempt to get car manufacturers to improve the security of their cars began with a study optimis- tically entitled the «crime-free car». This feasibility study (Southall and Ekblom 1985) showed that it would be possible to get significant improvements in car security on all models of car, even the cheaper ones, for a reasonable cost. Sub- sequently the British Standards Institute introduced security design standards for cars ; attempts are being made to obtain agreement for European Community stand- ards — and some companies, including Japanese ones, are now improving security at the design stage. Alternative approaches to car crime include a range of schemes for improving surveillance at car parks, with improved lighting and closed-circuit television. There have also been attempts to deal with the motivation for offending, an approach recently given particular impetus by the outbreak of «joyriding» — dangerous driving of stolen vehicles for entertainment by young people — which has caused a number of deaths of drivers and pedestrians. Some probation offices have set up local «wheels» schemes, in which persistent offenders are given the opportunity to work on, and drive, old cars and motorcycles in an attempt to satisfy their interest in vehicles legitimately. Further research is also under way at the moment, using interviews with young offenders to look into their motivation and methods (for a review of the offender-interview approach to prevenion, see Ekblom 1991). Other types of motivation for car crime are more prosaic. In some cities, late-night bus — 71 — services were discontinued — partly to save money, but partly also to reduce the risk of attack on drivers. This unfortunately led to an increase in car theft as a means of getting home after the pubs and clubs had closed. Trying to restore late night services, in the name of crime prevention, has meant a reassessment of priorities on the part of some local authorities and bus companies, and improvements in bus design to protect drivers (physical protection of cabs, and installation of radio and videa cameras). Concerns with the rights of women to go out at night without fear have led to the recent development of companies involving women-only taxis, run by women taxi-drivers. There has been little evaluation of the impact of such schemes, but in one such — «Feline», in Coventry — the take-up has been very high with an indication that many of the women users would not have gone out in the absence of the service. In England, prostitutes often meet their clients by the illegal process of «kerb-crawling», where male car drivers will slowly cruise the red-light area in search of service. This leads to serious nuisance and fear for the women residents of the area, and traffic problems too. One solution to this problem has had some success (Matthews 1990) : in one part of North London, a traffic-management scheme was introduced, involving closing off certain roads to through traffic. For a final example of crime prevention on transport, the Home Office was recently involved in efforts to reduce crime on the London Underground. The Un- derground 1s an old system, part of it dating drom 1863, and the buildings were not designed to cope with current rates of passenger use and current crime problems. À range of experimental security features were tried out, including the installation of corner-mirrors, improved lighting, improved TV surveillance, emergency «help points» with alarms and intercom, and enhanced police communications and re- sponse ; and more visible station staff. An evaluation (Webb and Laycock 1992b) showed that impact on crime and fear had been limited; while robberies in one experimental location did decrease, there were difficulties in attributing the fall solely to the preventive activity because, for example, there were simultaneous «uncontrolled» changes in police patrolling. Nevertheless, a survey of the public showed that the security initiative did encourage more positive views about London Underground’s efforts to make the system safer. Housing and crime To combat domestic burglary, we now have a comprehensive set of physical target-hardening and design measures embodied in British Standards for housing construction and design. Recent research has examined influences on crime in pub- lic housing estates at the community-level, and has begun to suggest possibilities for prevention. À major study by Bottoms and Wiles (eg 1988) showed that crime rates could vary quite dramatically between housing estates which were apparently rather similar physically and demographically. They introduced the concept of the «crime career» of particular community — a persistent tendency towards a partic- ular level and pattern of crime, influenced by the existence in some places of a — 7 — criminal subculture, and by the presence or absence of concentrations of offenders. Thev pointed to the importance of the operation of the housing market in creating such concentrations of offenders. Recent legislation in England has affected the way that local government allocates public housing to people in need, requiring them to give priority to the most urgent cases. While this seems to make sense from a purely welfare-related perspective, in practice it may worsen the existing tendency for some housing estates to get a bad reputation, to become unpopular with residents, and for only the most desperate to agree to be housed there. Unfortunately. the people who are most desperate for housing may often have the kind of multiple social problems associated with a high propensity to commit crime. This thereby concentrates the crime problem and may even amplify it and cause it to persist; it also leads to problems in housing management. Attempts to improve the local management of public housing estates, princi- pallv through decentralised offices and linked with remedial design changes, have also been made. One such scheme, the Department of the Environment's Priority Estates Project, has recently been evaluated (Hope and Foster forthcoming). The results do show some impact on crime and fear, but the effect is rather complex the key to understanding the process was, once again, an examination of the charac- teristics of people that were moving into the estates while the management and physical changes were occurring. One of the most successful examples of the multiagency approach to burglary prevention on a «troubled» public housing estate was the Kirkholt project in Roch- dale (Forrester et al. 1988, 1990). This involved collaboration between researchers at Manchester University, the local police, probation and victim support organisa- tions and local residents. Data on crime was collected from the police, from surveys of burglary victims and their neighbours and from interviews with local offenders. Ît was found that the rate of multiple victimisation (ie a household being burgled more than once) was far higher than would be expected by chance, and this led to the adoption of a strategy to target preventive activity on households which had already been victims of burglary. The activity in the first phase of implementation was mainly situational. It included improving physical security of burgled houses by the local authority housing department, target-removal (replacement of coin- operated domestic gas meters by other means of payment) and the setting up of mini neighbourhood watch schemes each involving a victim and his/her immediate neighbours. À community residents’ association was also created in an attempt to improve community life. The initial evaluation showed that multiple victimisation had considerably fallen, as had the general level of victimisation. In the second phase, additional activity was a combination of community-development work and offender-oriented schemes tackling the range of life-circumstance problems that offenders had revealed in their interviews : debt, alcohol, drugs and unemployment. The second evaluation showed that the initial success of the project had been main- tained, with burglary rates being some 60 % lower than expected, although it 1s not clear how much of this achievement was due to the operation of a housing improve- ment scheme which was implemented in Kirkholt shortly before the burglary project began. — 73 — Street lighting and crime There is almost something magical in the widespread belief that improvements in street lighting will cut crime — the forces of light versus those of darkness. More prosaically, the lighting industry 1s also keen to demonstrate the desirability of more and better lighting. An evaluation by the University of Southampton (Atkins et al. 1991) examined the impact of a major re-lighting scheme in the London Borough of Wandsworth. Re-lighting was done to a much highter standard than before, zone by zone. Evidence for effectiveness in crime and fear prevention was very limited, despite a very careful analysis. At the other end of the sale, there is some evidence that very local and carefully-sited schemes may have some effect on crime, fear and people's willingness to use the streets (Painter 1991). Altogether, à recent review of the subject (Ramsay and Newton 1991) concluded that there was little evidence of benefit, but that the smallscale, highly-site-specific schemes had the most pro- mise. Other connections Other lines of crime prevention and research that are being pursued in England are worth briefly mentioning for the sake of completeness. There bas recently been set up a National Drugs Prevention Programme which is being run along similar lines to the Safer Cities Programme a central coordinating unit and local teams. Crime prevention 1itself has made connections with other, related issues such as the prevention of racial harassment : an example is the prevention of crime and racial harassment suffered by Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi shopkeepers in some cities (Ekblom and Simon 1988; Hibberd 1990). Again, there 1s an interest, too, In the prevention of financial fraud (Levi 1988; Levi et al. 1991). PART 3 ISSUES IN IMPLEMENTATION The principles of crime prevention are fairly simple. However experience has shown that, as with most other areas of government policy, to implement crime prevention on the ground in ways that are practical, cost-effective and socially-ac- ceptable meets with difficulties at several levels. The first of these concerns infor- mation. Problems with crime data The application of the Preventive Process relies, as stated, on the existence of à good information base from which crime patterns can be analysed to generate locally-relevant preventive strategies. Such crime data can come from the police or — 74 — other public and private organisations (records of shop theft, damage in schools, incidents of disorder in shopping centres, etc.). Unfortunately, data such as these are verv often deficient in one way or another. For analysis of patterns one needs data on a large number of crime incidents that are reasonably accessible and in a reasonably detailed and standard format. Given the large amount of random fluc- tuation in the rate of crime that occurs at the very local level, it is important also to get a reasonably long time series of records in order to extract à reliable picture. In many cases police data are still on paper rather than on computer, requiring a lot of effort to extract them, and posing the danger that they are thrown out after 2 years to save space. They are aggregated by «beat » (the smallest uniformed police patrol territory. covering an area of several thousand households), and the beats usually bear no relation to other social strucutres; besides, their boundaries are frequently changed by police management, severely disrupting continuity of data (Ellis 1990). At another level. crime data collected by the police and other organisations are often obtained for the purpose of guiding the prosecution process, or for adminis- tration. so it often does not contain the kind of details necessary for informing the development of preventive strategies (such as type of location of offence, method of offending). Ultimately the solution to these problems, as far as police data are concerned, is for all crime and related incidents to be recorded, in the right kind of details. on computer with a precise géographic reference, and for analysis to be conducted with à Geogarphic Information System (which represents and manipulates mapped infor- mation on computer) — a worthwhile investment but one that is some way in the future. In the short term, people engaged in crime prevention have to work within the limitations of the current data — or set up their own arrangements for collection, which can be expensive and/or time-consuming (Ekblom 1988). Problems with the multiagency approach The multiagency approach to prevention brings with it a number of difficulties in the form of conflicting organisational arrangements, responsibilities and perspec- tives (Blagg et al. 1988; Liddle and Bottoms 1991 ; Saulsbury and Bowling 1991). One major divergence of perspective, of course, is between the law-enforcement approach of the police, and the offender-centred welfare approach of social workers and to some extent probation officers. Housing, recreation and planning departments of local government will all have their own distinct priorities, and different ways of working. Any multiagency project, such as one aimed at reducing burglagy by drug abusers, involves the exchange of information. But what information can acceptably be passed from, say, a drugs clinic to the police or probation service ? Probably not information that can be linked with identifiable individuals. There are a lot of confidences to protect, and it is not acceptable for people from different agencies in friendly working relationships simply to say «come and have a cup of tea and — 75 — look through these files, off the record». Obviously information does need to be shared in order to generate sensible strategies, but a clear code of practice needs to be developed about what it 1s proper to show whom. In one mutiagency project apparently the only person who commanded trust from all parties, including the offenders themselves, was a local psychiatrist, and it became his task to cross-link information on crime with information on drug addicts, remove any personally-iden- tifying details and hand the overall aggregate pattern of results to the other agencies for action. Even at a much simpler level, the fact that police territorial boundaries do not often match those of local government and other agencies, causes problems in assembling data on which to plan multiagency action. Again, here, the arrival of Geographic Information Systems could help. The role of local government The role of local government in crime prevention 1s currently under renewed debate in England. À recent independent working party concluded (Morgan 1991) that local government was the « natural » place for the development and coordination of local preventive policies, but the answer is not so straightforward. In England, at least, many of the services and agencies which should collaborate over crime pre- vention, in the multiagency approach, are not directly controlled by local govern- ment. The existence of an independent crime prevention coordinator in the Safer Cities Programme, working to a steering committee on which local government and other agencies are represented, seams to be an approach which offers advantages even in cities where the local authority (local government) does have its own Com- munity Safety or Crime Prevention Department. Currently the Home Office 1s fund- ing some comparative research to identify the advantages and disadvantages of different arrangements and structures for coordinating local crime prevention. I imagine, though, that the «right answer » will differ greatly from country to country. The significance of conflict in crime and crime prevention Crime prevention does not exist in a vacuum — in fact, it can cut across other issues, interests and policies. Naive ideas of mobilising some homogeneous and conflict-free entity called «The Community » against crime have severe limitations. For a simple example, one person’s burglar alarm can be a neighbour’s disturbed night. Conflict can occur more widely within the community, whether at the in- dividual level (such as disputes between neighbours over land or noise), or at the level of commercial interest versus public interest. On the latter, one London music shop (Ekblom 1986) had a sales policy — putting audio cassettes on supermarket- type shelves instead of safely behind a counter — which was commercially very successful. However, it also had a serious side-effect (or an economic «external- ity ») — 1t led to the police having to deal with many arrested shop thieves. This in turn was costly to the taxpayer, and was also responsible for drawing a lot of young — 76 — people into crime. To reduce the crime, it would have been easy to advise the shop to return to its former practice of locking away the cassettes — but this would have been a commercial disaster. Instead, [ worked with the store to try to devise some ways of keeping their supermarket-type displays, but which reduced their vulnera- bility to theft. We mainly used electronic anti-theft systems. In this example, good crime prevention involved resolving conflict — reconciling different people’s re- quirements by good design. Another example of the significance of conflict resolution in crime prevention is the shopping mall, where lots of young people like to gather (Phillips and Cochrane 1988). Unfortunately, many shoppers, especially the elderly, are frightened by such groups of young men loitering, and many managers of shops in the mall suspect them of planning theft, and worry about them driving away cus- tomers. What should we do ? After all. shoppers and shopkeepers have the right to go about their business without fear of crime and disorder; but equally, young people have a right to meet and gather in some central place in towns and cities. Clever planning, design and management of malls, with fair and open enforcement of rules of behavior, are required; also, perhaps, the provision of special facilities and central meeting-places for the young. To summarise, once we move away from the naive view of crime prevention as nothing more than the operation of the formal Criminal Justice System. plus a few extras such as publicity campaigns telling the general public to «lock it or lose it». Or advice to victims to fit some more locks or bars, things become quite com- plicated. Crime prevention no longer remains the inoffensive and neutral activity it once was. Now, 1t involves the police and central or local government seeking to influence the civil behaviour of particular individuals, private companies and local government departments responsible for the creation of criminal opportunities or criminal motivation. Instead of tackling «society's common enemy, crime », it cuts across conflicting public and private interests and policies, and has to complete for resources with other goals and needs, not always as the front runner. Reconciliation of all this conflict and competition means that implementing crime prevention has to be done by changing attitudes and expectations, good salesmanship, clever de- sign, close attention to cost-effectiveness and using data recording systems primarily developed for other purposes. In many respects, this 1s the real challenge. PART 4 EVALUATION OF CRIME PREVENTION Evaluation of crime prevention activity is the final stage in the Preventive Process. It is obviously an extremely important aspect of good management to know whether a small scheme or a large programme works well, and how; it is also. unfortunately, extremely difficult in many cases to be sure of getting the right answer. À full discussion of the subject would take far too much time for the present purpose (see eg Ekblom 1990), so for now I will just mention a few key issues. _— 77 — Evaluation in the practical world of crime prevention is best seen as providing an aid to decision-making. At its simplest, evaluation 1s retrospective and similar to financial accountancy, informing policy-makers and practitioners whether the money and effort they have spent properly and efficiently used. But evaluation rarely stops here : it is normally used to guide prospective decisions such as whether or not to continue with a preventive scheme, to expand 1t or to reproduce 1t else- where. In this context, all evaluation exercises involve asking the same sequence of questions : 1) Was the preventive action implemented as planned — targeted to the right people and places, and properly delivered on the ground? What problems and issues arose in implementation? These first questions respectively cover what is known as monitoring of im- plementation and process evaluation. The rest relate to impact evaluation or the study of effectiveness and outcome. 11) Was there a distinct fall in the crime level associated with the preventive action? 111) If yes, what proportion of the observed fall can be attributed to the preven- tive action, as opposed to all other influences upon crime levels that are usually present? iv) What side-effects have there been? Fear of crime can sometimes be in- creased by a badly-designed crime prevention campaign. v) How cost-effective was the preventive action ? vi) Can the action be reproduced elsewhere? Were there any «hidden ingredients» in the success? On 11), the main problem in detecting change and estimating its size is random fluctuation, which can be serious at the local level. As I mentioned earlier, it is often difficult to obtain a long-enough time series of crime data (eg 60 months’ worth of figures) to be able to use statistical techniques. In any case, background trends in crime may not be stable and linear — they may show exponential growth or decline, and therefore may be difficult to estimate and subtract in order to leave behind a clear picture of change (for an example, see Ekblom 1987). Paradoxically, smaller preventive schemes may be better implemented, but harder to prove change because of greater interference from random fluctuation, and the sheer rarity of crime at the very local level (the contrast between the large-scale and small-scale street-lighting evaluations, described in Part 2, is an example). On 111), keeping track of cause and effect is extremely difficult. There may be many other factors at work influencing the level of crime in the experimental area — police patrolling, the local economy, the weather even. AIl conspire to confound even the most sophisticated quasi-experimental research design. Even the displace- ment of crime can mislead, if it shunts crime from the experimental area to a control area, giving a falsely-increased estimate of the size of impact. Inference here is very difficult and the evaluator often has to explore the data, and make professional — 78 — judgements about the plausibility of different explanations for an observed fall in crime. Taken together, it is rarely possible for the evaluator to draw a «watertight » conclusion about the impact of preventive action. there is always a degree of un- certainty, which can be very large. there 1s also an element of risk in conducting anv evaluation — it is rare for things to work out as originally planned. Well-chosen control areas can show unexpected and unexplained falls in crime (eg Bennett 1990); the police can send a burglary squad into the experimental area and so on. [t is wise to minimise risk by conducting the evaluation on multiple sites for both experimental areas and control areas, and to start with an evaluation design that is extremely flexible (see, for example, my own strategy for evaluating the impact of the Safer Cities Programme — Ekblom 1992). Reducing the risk of «measurement failure» (Rosenbaum 1986) — the failure of an evaluation to detect the real effect of a successful crime prevention scheme — 1s costly. So is reducing the margin of uncertainty that surrounds the conclusions of any evaluation. In both cases, collecting more data, using more experimental and control areas, applying more sophisticated designs and analytical techniques, and allowing more time for the preventive activity to take effect and to be reliably measured, will help minimise these problems, but will never reduce them entirely. There is an inescapable tradeoff between resources put into the evaluation, the quality and certainty of the results of the evaluation and timing — how soon those results can be available to guide decisions. Depending on circumstances, the most appropriate balance to be struck here will be very different. In one context, for example, local police administrators will want to know whether à particular scheme against car park crime has worked at one location. Other administrators may want to know whether the experimental scheme is worth reproducing elsewhere ; policy- markers in central government may want to know 1f the scheme 1s worth reproduc- ing nationwide, and whether preventing crime in car parks 1s likely to have a significant effect on car crime as a whole. Às we go up the scale, it makes increasing sense to reduce the uncertainty in the evaluation by investing in more resources and sophistication of design, and taking a longer time over 1t. On a final point, as the new approaches to crime prevention move from experi- mental to routine activity, there is a desperate need for reasonably-well-evaluated information on « what works, in what circumstances », in order to guide practitioners in their choice of preventive strategies. Unfortunately, there is so far only a rather limited body of this knowledge (see Clarke 1992, for examples). One way to reduce this «knowledge gap» is to increase the number of professionally-trained evalua- tors. À cheaper approach might be to try to teach some of the skills of evaluation to lay practitioners in crime prevention; in particular to give them cheap and simple evaluation techniques that will serve them adequately for most of the time. This sounds efficient and pleasantly egalitarian, and various attemps are being made to carry the idea forwards, in the Home Office and elsewhere. But personally speaking. l have rather strong doubts about how far one can proceed in this direction. The possibilities for making the wrong inferences in an evaluation are enormous — and — 79 — the more limited the data and the design of the evaluation, the greater the scope for making such mistakes. Paradoxically, saving money and/or time on the design and data collection aspects of an evaluation means greater sophistication is often re- quired to extract a reliable and valid conclusion to guide decision-making. Professional judgement, in my opinion, is needed at two levels first, in deci- ding whether the decision-making context and the preventive activity to be evalua- ted require a simple or a sophisticated design ; and second, when the design 1s under way, in extracting and interpreting the pattern of results. Knowledge of techniques may be less important than the possession of a clear conceptual framework covering the key questions evaluation asks, plus a list of commonly occurring alternative explanations (Campbell and Stanley's (1966) «threats to internal validity ») for fin- dings which must be tested and eliminated. It may be that a combination approach is best, with elementary guidance and training in evaluation for crime prevention practitioners together with a professional advisory and support team able to help them at critical moments of designing, conducting and analysing the results of an evaluation (see Berry and Carter 1992). But ultimately, the answer to this important speculation may be to try it and see — to set up a range of evaluation exercices and pit professionals against lay evaluators acting alone or with some guidance. REFERENCES Atkins, S., Husain, S. and Storey, À. (1991). The Influence of Street Lighting on Crime and Fear of Crime. CPU Paper 28. London : Home Office. Barker, M., Pease, K. and Webb, B. (1992, forthcoming). Communitv Service and Crime Prevention : the Cheadle Heath project. CPU Paper [XX]. London : Home Office. Bennett, T. (1990). Evaluating Neighbourhood Watch. Aldershot, Hants : Gower. Berry, G. and Carter, M. (1992). Assessing Crime Prevention Initiatives : the first steps. CPU Paper 31. London : Home Office. Blagg, H., Pearson, G., Sampson, A., Smith, D. and Stubbs, P. (1988). «Inter-agency coordi- nation rhetoric and reality». In T. Hope and M. Shaw (Eds). Communities and Crime Reduction. London : HMSO. Bottoms, A. and Wiles, P. (1988). «Crime and housing policy : a framework for crime pre- vention analysis». In T. Hope and M. Shaw (Eds). Communities and Crime Reduction. London HMSO. Burrows, J. and Heal, K. (1979). « Police car security campaigns ». In J. Burrows, P. Ekblom and K. Heal. Crime Prevention and the Police. Home Office Research Study 55. Lon- don : HMSO. Campbell, D. and Stanley, J. (1966). Experimental and Quasi-Experimental Designs for Re- search. Chicago Rand McNally. Clarke, R. (Ed) (1992). Situational Crime Prevention successful case studies. New York : Harrow and Heston. Cornish, D. and Clarke, R. (Eds) (1986). The Reasoning Criminal : rational choice perspeec- tives on offending. New York : Springer-Verlag. Cross, A., Openshaw, S. and Waugh, D. (1991. Arc/Crime : a crime pattern analysis add-on for Arc/Info. Unpublished paper, Arc/Info users’ conference, Nottingham. Available from — 80 — Centre for Research on Crime, Policing and the Community, Newcastle University, New- castle-upon-Tyne. Currie. E. (1988). « Two visions of community crime prevention». In T. Hope and M. Shaw (Eds). Communities and Crime Reduction. London HMSO. Ekblom, P. (1986a). «Community policing : obstacles and issues” in Walker, A., Ekblom, P. and Deakin, N. (Ed Willmott, P.) The Debate about Communitv : papers from a seminar on community in social policy. PSI Discussion Paper 13. London : Policy Studies Institute. Ekblom. P. (1986b). The Prevention of Shop Theft : an approach through crime analysis. Home Office Crime Prevention Unit Paper 5. London : Home Office. Ekblom, P. (1987). Preventing Robberies at Sub-Post Offices an evaluation of a security initiative. Home Office Crime Prevention Unit Paper 9. London : Home Office. Ekblom. P. (1988). Getting the Best out of Crime Analvsis. Crime Prevention Unit Paper 10. London : Home Office. Ekblom. P. (1990). « Evaluating crime prevention : the management of uncertainty ». In Kemp, C. (Ek), Current Issues in Criminological Research. Bristol : Bristol Centre for Criminal Justice. Ekblom, P. (1991). « Talking to offenders : practical lessons for local crime prevention ». In O. Nel.lo (Ed) Urban Crime : statistical approaches and analyses. Proceedings of internatio- nal seminar, Barcelona 1990. Barcelona : Institut d’Estudis Metropolitans de Barcelona. Ekblom, P. (1992, in press). «The Safer Cities Programme Impact Evaluation : problems and National progress” in Studies on Crime and Crime Prevention 1. Stockholm, Sweden Council for Crime Prevention/Scandinavian University Press. Ekblom. P. and Simon, F. with the assistance of Birdi, S. (1988). Crime and Racial Harass- ment in Asian-run Small Shops the scope for prevention. CPU Paper 15. London Home Office. Ellis. T. (1990). Geographical Boundaries, Crime and the Evaluation of the Safer Cities Programme : a GIS solution ? Unpublished paper presented at EGIS conference, Ams- terdam. Available from author at Home Office. Engstad, P. and Evans, J. (1980). «Responsibility, competence and police effectiveness in crime control». In R. Clarke and J. Hough (Eds) The Effectiveness of Policing. Farnbo- rough, Hants, UK : Gower. Felson, M. (1986). « Linking criminal choices, routine activities, informal control and criminal outcomes». In D. Cornish and R. Clarke (Eds), The Reasoning Criminal. New York : Springer Verlag. Forrester, D., Chatterton, M. and Pease, K. (1988). The Kirkholt Burglary Prevention Project. Crime Prevention Unit Paper 13. London : Home Office. Forrester. D, Frenz, S. and O’Connell, M. (1990). The Kirkholt Burglarv Prevention Project : Phase II. Crime Prevention Unit Paper 20. London : Home Office. Geraghty, J. (1991). Probation Practice in Crime Prevention. Crime Prevention Unit Paper 24. London : Home Office. Goldstein, H. (1979). « Improving policing : a problem-oriented approach». Crime and Delin- quency (April) : 234-258. Hibberd, M. (1990). « Violent crime and trouble in small shops». In Kemp, C. (Ed), Current Issues in Criminological Research. Bristol : Bristol Centre for Criminal Justice. Hill, N. (1986). Prepayment Coin Meters : a target for burglarv. Crime Prevention Unit Paper 6. London : Home Office. Home Office (1984). Circular 8/84 (unpublished). Home Office (1990) Partnership in Crime Prevention. London : Home Office. Home Office (1990). Crime, Justice and Protecting the Public : the Government's proposal for legislation. CM 965. London : HMSO. Home Office (1991) Safer Cities Progress Report, 1990-1991. London : Home Office. — 81 — Hope, T. (1985). Implementing Crime Prevention Measures. Home Office Research Study 86. London HMSO. Hope, T. and Foster, J. with assistance from Dowds E. and Sutton M. (forthcoming). Contai- ning Crime : the impact of the Priority Estates Project. Home Office Rescarch Study [XXX]. London : HMSO. Hope, T. and Shaw, M. (Eds) (1988). Communities and Crime Reduction. London : HMSO. Hough, J. and Mayhew, M. (1983). The British Crime Survey : first report. Home Office Research Study 76. London : HMSO. Levi, M. (1988). The Prevention of Fraud. Crime Prevention Unit Paper 17. London Home Office. Levi, M., Bissell, P. and Richardson, À. (1991). The Prevention of Cheque and Credit Card Fraud. Crime Prevention Unit Paper 26. London : Home Office. Liddle, M. and Bottoms, À. (1991). Implementing Circular 8/84 — a restrospective assessment of the Five Towns Crime Prevention Initiative. Unpublished report to Home Office. Cambridge UK : Institute of Criminology. Matthews, R. (1990). «Developing more effective strategies for curbing prostitution ». Security Journal 1 : 182-187. Mayhew, P., Clarke, R, Sturman, À. and Hough, J. (1976). Crime as Opportunity. Home Office Research Study 34. London : HMSO. Mayhew, P., Elliot, D. and Dowds, E. (1989). The 1988 British Crime Survey. Home Office Research Study 111. London HMSO. Morgan, J. (Chair) (1991). Safer Communities : the local delivery of crime prevention through the partnership approach. Report of working party to Home Office Standing Conference on Crime Prevention. London : Home Office. Painter, K. (1991). An Evaluation of Public Lighting as a Crime Prevention Strategy wüh Special Focus on Women and Elderly People. Manchester University of Manchester, Faculty of Economics and Social Studies. Phillips, S. and Cochrane, R. (1988). Crime and Nuisance in the Shopping Centre d case study in crime prevention. CPU Paper 16. London : Home Office. Ramsay, M. (1989). Downtown Drinkers : the perceptions and fears of the public in a city centre. CPU Paper 19. London : Home Office. Ramsay, M. (1990). Lagerland Lost ? An experiment in keeping drinkers off the street in central Coventry and elsewhere. CPU Paper 22. London Home Office. Ramsay, M. with the assistance of Newton, R. (1991). The Effect of Better Street Lighting on Crime and Fear : a review. CPU Paper 29. London Home Office. Riley, D. and Mayhew, P. (1980). Crime Prevention Publicity : an assessment. Home Office Research Study 63. London : HMSO. Rosenbaum, D. (Ed) (1986). Community Crime Prevention : does it work ? London : Sage. Saulsbury, W. and Bowling, B. (1991). The Multiagency Approach in Practice : the North Plaistow racial harassment projet. Home Office Research and Planning Unit Paper 64. London Home Office. Sherman, L., Gartin, P. and Buerger, M. (1989). «Hot spots of predatory crime routine activities and the criminology of place». Criminology 27, pp. 27-55. Southall, D. and Ekblom, P. (1985). Designing for Vehicle Security : towards a crime free car. Home Office Crime Prevention Unit Paper 4. London : Home Office. Tuck, M. (1989). Drinking and Disorder : a study of non-metropolitan violence. Home Office Research Study 108. London : HMSO. Webb, B. and Laycock, G. (1992a). Tackling Car Crime : the nature and extent of the pro- blem. Home Office Crime Prevention Unit Paper 32. London : Home Office. Webb, B. and Laycock, G. (1992b). Reducing Crime on the London Underground : an evaluation of three pilot projects. Home Office Crime Prevention Unit Paper 30. London : Home Office. — 82 — NOTE DE LA REDACTION Comme le rapport du président REISS, publié dans ce même numéro des An- nales. le texte du Dr. EKBLOM a été présenté au Cours international de Tokyo en 1992, Il traite du développement de la prévention du crime en milieu urbain en Angleterre durant la dernière décennie, et s'élève ensuite à des considérations plus générales sur la mise en œuvre de la prévention et sur son évaluation. EDITOR’S NOTE Like President REISS’s report, published in this same edition op the Annals, Dr. EKBLOM's was presented during the international course in Tokyo in 1992. It deals with the develoment of crime prevention in the urban context in England over the last decade, and then addresses more general considerations regarding the putting into practice of prevention and 1ts assessement. NOTA DE LA REDACCION Al igual que el informe del Presidente REISS, publicado en este mismo nûmero de los Anales, el texto del Dr. EKBLOM fué presentado en el curso internacional de Tokio en 1992. Este trata del desarrollo de la prevenciôn del crimen en medio urbano en Inglaterra durante la ûltima década y se extiende mâs adelante a consi- deraciones mâs generales sobre la aplicaciôn de la prevenciôn y su evaluaciôn. — 83 — Crime in the Mass Media Hans Joachim SCHNEIDER Professor, Dr Jur., Dr h.c. (PL), Dipl. Psych. Director, Department of Criminology, University of Westfalia, Federal Republic of Germany. 1. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE TOPIC In the last decade the mass media have worldwide to be larger, more influential and more powerful. After it was possible in the Federal Republic of Germany in the Fifties to receive one TV program and in the Sixties and Seventies to receive three TV programs, the number of receivable TV programs has risen for a huge part of the population in Western Europe through cable TV to eleven or even more programs in the last vears. More TV channels are announced. Additionally there 1s the huge offer of videos. The distribution of video recorders in the population 1s increasing. Worldwide we are on the way to a communication — to a mass media societv in which fiction, phantasy, the definition of reality assumes a greater role than realitv itself, where people want to be permanently entertained. and where the portraval of the contents gains more emphasis than the contents 1tself. For centuries news on crime have fascinated the population. In the Middle Ages ballad singers moved very successfully from town to town in order to spread their ballads which were to a great part murder stories. Criminal stories are not a new development because they do not report anything really new. The are regularly told according to the pattern of the «familiar sensation» because they have a func- tion of relief for the society, because through them, the «law-abiding citizen » can set himself apart from the criminal, because they prove to him that his identify is «normal» and because he can be content to feel that he 1s better than the criminals and that he successfully managed to escape the criminal act (Paul Reiwald 1948; Helmut Ostermever 1975). There is a huge demand in the population for crime news because they are entertaining and banish the boredom of everyday life. The mass media willingly satisfy this demand because crime news are cheap and easy to get hold of and because they help sell almost any product. This is why there is a symbiosis, an unholy alliance between the mass media and society against which the critical criminologist advances his objections almost in vain. — 85 — 2. THE EXAMPLE OF AN EMPIRICAL CASE STUDY The thesis that the portrayal of crime and criminal justice in the media and public opinion are constantly influencing each other, and that the criminological research on the reality of crime has almost no impact on publicized opinion and on public opinion can be demonstrated through an example which has been impres- sively developed by Mark Fishman (1978) : the mass media produce «crime waves», subjective impressions of periodic outbreaks or epidemics of criminal of- fences. In late 1976, New York City experienced such a media crime wave. The three newspapers « New York Times», «New York Daily News», and «New York Post » as well as the five local television networks reported in their newscasts case after case of violent crimes against elderly people. The media recipients received the impression that crimes against elderly people were increasing. This media crime wave lasted for about seven weeks. Newspapers and television networks all over the United States took notice of it. The media crime wave had no factual basis whatsoever. The crime statistics of the New York Police Department did not show any increase in crimes against elderly people for November/December of 1976. As a matter of fact, for murder of elderly people, the crime statistics even showed a decline of 19 % as opposed to the previous year (Fishman 1978). Although the media crime wave had no basis in reality, it nevertheless caused an interaction between publicized opinion and public opinion. Opinion polls in the USA in May 1977 showed that 60 % of the respon- dents stated the opinion that crimes against the elderly had risen in number. 50 % of the respondents over 50 years of age feared that they might not be as safe in the street as one year ago (Fishman 1978). As soon as the mass media have «invented » a crime theme for their reporting, they will also report the reactions, which they themselves have caused. In this sense, mass media « create » their own crime news. Publicized opinion and public opinion have a mutual influence on each other; they interact constantly. The mass media do not only reflect the social process they inform about. They also interfere on the contrary with the social process by creating reactions to their news and reporting about them. Even if the media crime waves exist only in the imagination of the communica- tors and recipients of the mass media, they still have effects. The imaginative inter- action of publicized opinion and public opinion has consequences in social reality, in the administration of justice, and even in penal legislation. This became visible as well during the media crime wave at the end of 1976 in New York City. The juvenile court system was criticized. Juvenile courts and training schools altered their practices ; they inflicted more severe sentences, and they executed them more relentlessly. Bills aiming at aggravating penalties for juvenile offenders with long juvenile records, who had committed a crime against an elderly person, were sub- mitted to the New York State legislature (Fishman 1978). — 86 — 3. THE THEORETICAL BASES The thesis that the portrayal of criminality and criminal justice results in con- sequences in the personal as well as in the social reality rests on the one hand on social learning theory (A/bert Bandura 1977). According to this theory, behavior 1s learned not only according to its success, but also through observation of models, through « substitutory » experience. Men create through their behavior social condi- tions which, in turn. affect their behavior. Men learn not only behavioral modes, but also attitudes and justifications of their behavior from social stereotypes, social prejudices. Most of all. they learn through processes of self-encouragement in which the measure of self-reward and self-punishment may again result from social preju- dices. Thev follow value notions and behavioral styles, because they assume that the majority of the population considers them to be correct. The mass media adjust themselves to such value notions of the public opinion ; they do shape them as well. Thev both form and deform social behavior. The thesis that the portrayal of criminality and criminal justice results in con- sequences in the personal as well as in the social reality can on the other hand be traced back to the theory of symbolic interaction (George Herbert Mead 1976, Herbert Blumer 1972). In the interaction between mass media and public opinion, it 1S important what kind of meaning the mass media attribute to socially deviant and criminal behavior, how they interpret them. They do, after all, influence the societal stereotvpes which. in turn, enter the human interaction as interpretation. The mass media alienate the phenomenon of criminality from society. In their minds, men nurse pictures of criminality and criminals that do not correspond to the reality of crime. Such pictures result from prejudices and conceptual clichés that the mass media produce and that people believe in, because they do not have any experience with the violent crimes that are depicted. The distance reaction of the mass media, their «projecting into remote distance », and their concept of the criminal as the «bad guv » contribute to à change in the definition and the self-definition of the law violator and both reinforce anc accelerate the rejectionary process from society. The law violator adopts the picture that he thinks society holds of him. 4 MEDIA PORTRAYAL OF CRIME AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE Numerous content analyses have performed analytic research on the form and content of the portraval of crime in TV news programs (Bob Roshier 1973; Steve Chibnall 1977; Joseph R. Dominick 1973, 1978; Drew Humphries 1981 ; Sanford Sherizen 1978). Reports, documentaries, news shows, search and seizure and enter- tairnment programs (Hans Joachim Schneider 1977, 1979a, 1979b, 1980, 1981. 1982. 1987; Maria Helene Stein-Hilbers 1976; Werner Jubelius 1981; John A. Pandiani 1978), in serious newspapers as well as in yellow press publications, and especiallv in caricatures, comics, and court reports in newspapers. Content analyses render conclusively a fairly uniform picture of crime, which the mass media dis- tribute with remarkable continuity, and which they correct only insufficiently : — Media criminality is almost exclusively violent crime between strangers. There is no portrayal of violence in the family, or among relatives, friends, neigh- bors, and acquaintances. Neither is demonstrated that violent crimes, e.g. criminal homicide, develop in interaction processes between perpetrators and victims, who often know each other and in many cases share a more or less intense emotional relationship. Violence is presented in an embellished, aesthetically appealing fash- ion. The negative consequences of violence are ignored. The very frequent traffic Violations, property and economic crimes are minor subjects in the mass media. — The crime portrayal in the mass media concentrates on the perpetration and the detection of the offense. It is directed at events that refer e.g. to the exterior form of the offense, the prosecution, and the conviction. The developments of crime prior to the perpetration 1tself, and the developments of the offender and the victim after the conviction of the offender are presented but rarely. The criminal offenses are viewed through the eyes of the investigators, 1.e. in most cases the police. The investigators’ personal and social backgrounds, however, are hardly exposed. Likewise, events in criminal procedure or corrections are no subjects for criminality entertainment : they are seldom taken up by crime reporting. — In the «media world of crime», the offender is an unfair, disagreeable. reckless, and egotistical character. In most cases, he has à criminal record and plans his crimes carefully. His motives either remain obscure or are superficial greed or revenge. Underlying causes of law violations are not depicted. The description of the offender’s personality development and his criminal career is but insufficiently differentiated. There are no informations about his familial background, the social position of his parents, living conditions in his parental home, or his school per- formance. — In the «media world of crime », the victim 1s guileless and completely sur- prised by the crime. The offense — generally a serious violent crime — does not develop in an interactional process between offender and victim, who neither know nor have a relationship with each other. The victim never endangers itself; it never puts itself into victimogenous situations, where it may easily become a victim of crime. Ît is passive and never provokes the offender. It is completely guiltless, not involved in the crime, helpless and wholly at the mercy of the criminal. Contrary to the offender, it is likeable and socially useful so that the recipient can easily identify with the victim. Still, its personality is depicted as shape — and colorless, its social background is disregarded. If it suffers damage from the offense, it 1s practically always death. Social and psychological damages to the victim are not made visible in the mass media, which 1s the reason why they are virtually unknown to the population and do not present a serious problem. — In the «media world of crime», crime control is performed almost exclu- sively by the formal social control through police, courts, and corrections. As com- pared to the investigators, private detectives and police lieutenants, the portrayal of — 88 — judges, prosecutors, and correctional institutions 1s rare. In any case, the informal social control through family, shool, professional and recreational peer group has no function. The social responsibility for crime prevention is disregarded as is the societal causation in the development of crime. Crime control is always a repressive specialists occupation, which is depicted as highly successful. Practically all the crimes presented are detected. As the media recipient is left uninformed on the enormus dark figure of hidden, unreported crime and on the low detection rate of identified offenders of property crime, he can indulge in a deceptive fictitious feel- ing of safety. The media fail to explain to their recipients that the formal social control. e.g. the police, can work effectively only 1f the informal social control, e.g. the family, is fundamentally intact and undisturbed. — Neither in the personal nor in the social context do the mass media devote sufficient treatment to the causes of crime. They analyse neither the individual crime nor criminality as a mass phenomenon. In the media portrayal, the individual act of crime 1S set apart from its social and personal circumstances and put into conceptual processes that are artificial and alienated from reality. This «projecting into remote distance » renders criminality both dramatic, thrilling, and sensational as well as unrealistic and incomprehensible (G. Peter Hoefnagels 1973, pp. 16-42). 5. PARTICULAR FORMS OF MEDIA CRIME PORTRAYAL The portraval of crime in the TV news, in the TV «search and seizure » pro- grams and in serious newspapers, especially in caricatures and comics and in reports about court proceedings in the newspapers, does — with regard to the contents — not differ considerably from the outlined general image of criminality in the mass media which is predominantly coined by the TV entertainment programs dealing with crimes. The communicators of the mass media try to achieve suspense and entertain- ment by protraving criminality as something outrageous, obscure, weird, extraordi- narv and miraculous. Criminality is presented as appealing and beautified. The criminal event is farcical; it stimulates à pleasant creepy feeling ; it makes the moral self-satisfaction and self-conceit of the non-criminal possible, who can thus set himself apart from the criminal. The media still follow in their crime portrayal an outdated theory of criminality which regards the offender as a psychopath, a men- tallv abnormal person. In the media the offender is a monster which deserves hate and contempt. The victim of crime belongs to the untouchables, the taboo persons, with whose true fate one better should not be concerned with, who were just hit vicariously for all other people, who live on the dark side of life, who might have even subconsciously wanted to be a victim of crime. It cannot be argued that the false crime picture that the recipients possess on the basis of media crime portrayal can easily be corrected by the daily experience — 89 — that people have with crime. Il must be admitted that many people become victims of crime once or even several times in their lives. There is, however, a considerable difference between the personally experienced law violation and the kind that one reads, hears about, or watches in the mass media. While immediately experienced crime consists most often in petty offenses, shoplifting and employee theft, minor frauds and traffic violations committed and regulated informally within the commu- nity (unless they remain undetected altogether), the mass media present capital crimes (e.g. murder, kidnapping, bank robbery) in a sensational and dramatized fashion. Immediately experienced crime differs in s9 many ways from the crime presented in the mass media that the actual experience of crime is very often not even perceived and recognized as such. 95 % of all people in Western industrialized societies gather their «experience» with violent crime, which they consider «real » crime, from the mass media, which are considered a reliable source of information (James Garofalo 1981, p. 334; Michael O'Connor 1978). Television 1s perceived as the most trustworthy form of media, because it leaves its audience under the impression of being immediately involved in à situation and of experiencing con- temporary events with their own eyes. Yet, even live programs deliver through picture selection and camera angles mere interpretations rather than complete pic- tures of reality. À recipients’ poll of the West German TV news programs « Tagess- chau» (Eyewitness News) and « Heute » (Today) rendered the result that 76 % of their viewers considered these programs to be reliable (Michael Abend 1974. p. 174/5). In the USA, 80 % of the interviewees delivered the opinion that the actual problem of crime was just as or even more serious than its portrayal in the mass media (Michael J. Hindelang, Michael R. Gottfredson, James Garofalo 1978, p. 172). These results show that the public opinion 1s highly perceptive to the portrayal of crime in the mass media. 6. CONSEQUENCES OF SUBJECTIVE STATES OF PUBLIC SECURITY IN REALITY The constant interaction of publicized opinion and public opinion on crime and criminal justice has serious consequences in reality. As the reality of crime inveslti- gated through criminological research has almost no impact on the portrayal of crime in the mass media, the subjective state of public security looses its basis in reality. Although it is not the mass media alone who — through their unrealistic protrayal of criminality — produce fear of crime, aggressive lifestyles and an un- justified alteration of legislation and application of penal law (Richard W. Harding 1984), they form an important factor in the development of these socially damaging appearances. Their contribution to the rise of these phenomena 1s not inconsiderable. — Contrary to the TV light viewer, the TV heavy viewer perceives the world as much more dangerous than it really is (George Gerbner, Larrv P. Gross 1976a, 1976b; Margaret Gordon, Linda Heath 1981). He is more distrustful and feartul than the light viewer. He considers himself to be in danger of criminal victimization. — 9ÿp — He lives in an exaggerated fear of crime, by which he feels threatened and towards which he assumes an insecure, emotional position. Here, the emotional fear of crime is caused not only through the form of the portrayal of crime, the dramatization and sensationalization of offenses, but the contents of the crime protrayal are highly important. An empirical criminal-psychological study performed in \Würz- burg/Bavaria concludes that the reactions to offense and offender become the more emotional. the more fearful, the less competent, the less real, the less rational the mass media information on the offender in personal and social respect is (Michael Fôster. Josef Schenk 1984). — The protrayal of suicides on television leads to an increased number of suicides by teenagers. In the USA, the effects of 38 nationally televised news or feature stories about suicide from 1973 to 1979 were investigated. À significant increase in suicides by teenagers within seven days after the television broadcasts was found (David P. Phillips, Lundie L. Carstensen 1986). These research outcomes were confirmed by further empirical research carried out in New York in 1984/85 (Madelvn S. Gould, David Schaffer 1986) and in the Federal Republic of Germany from 1981 to 1985 (Armin Shmidtke, Heinz Haefner 1986). The increase in suicides, which in the Federal Republic of Germany amounted for the presented age group and for the presented kind of suicide to 167% and 175 %, can exclusively be explained by learning through observation of models (cf. also P. W. Wvnn, [ Vinson 1982). — Through a long term study covering more than 30 years, it has been proved (Leonard D. Eron, L. Rowel Huesmann 1980, 1984) that continued viewing of violence on television by children exercises a lasting negative effect on the whole course of these children’s life and that it can lead to violent and criminal behavior in their adolescence and adulthood. Further empirical-psychological studies support this research outcome (Dorothy G. Singer, Jerome L. Singer 1980; William À. Belson 1978; but cf. Patricia Edgar 1977; Barrie Gunter 1985). The television teaches its audience aggressive styles of behavior. Through the perpetual repetition of media violence the television audience not only becomes used to react aggres- sively if provoking circumstances seem to require such a behavior (Albert Bandura 1973), but the continual repetition of violence on the television screen also causes à reduction of emotional responsiveness to violence and a growing acceptance of aggressive attitudes and values (Richard E. Goranson 1970). Violence in the media results in satiation, habituation and accomodation to aggression which leads to a continual decline and finally to a disappearance of emotions. The perpetual presen- tation of violence on television creates a climate of aggression in society (Clement Semmler 1975). — Aggressive pornography results in a violent attitude towards women (Neil M. Malamuth 1984; Edward Donnerstein 1984). The suffering, the pain, the physi- cal and mental damage of the victims of rape are not shown in pornographic films and videos. Through a «beautified», «illusionary» portrayal of sexual violence — for example through an involuntary orgasm of the rape victim — 1s rather demon- strated that the victim of rape enjoys the rape. Such aggressive pornography justifies — 91 — the use of violence. Men and women learn through models the social prejudice of «pleasant», sexually exciting, aggressive behavior (Edward C. Nelson 1982, pp. 203, 207). Men do no longer take up a negative attitude towards rape after they have continually been watching aggressive-pornographic films and videos; they become used to rape : they develop an aggresive attitude towards women. — Juvenile delinquency does, as a general rule, not arouse great interest in the mass media. An exception, however, is the delinquency of youth gangs. Gang research has shown that media reports about gang delinquency have a similar effect on the gang members as theatre reviews have on actors or sport reports have on professional soccer players. The gang receiving large news coverage is happily excited, since its reputation has been supported. Those gangs that are not reported about are disappointed. Às sensation and drama are well received in the mass media, the gangs try to act as sensationally and dramatically as possible (Walter B. Miller 1970, pp. 59, 61). They hope for additional publicity through spectacular law viola- tions, to which they are spurred on by the media reports. — By the selection of special crime problems as subjects and by one-sided directing of public awareness, the mass media cause aggravations of penal laws and of their application that do not appear justified criminologically. This negative in- fluence of the mass media has already been proved by research that Edwin H. Sutherland (1950) performed on the sexual Psychopath Laws, and that Howard S. Becker (1963, pp. 135-146) did on the Marihuana Tax Act with its penal clauses. A more recent example is the media coverage of the delinquency of Maori and Polynesian youth gangs in Auckland/New Zealand in the years 1978 to 1980 (Jane Kelsev, Warren Young 1982) : gang activities were exaggerated in the mass media and presented as an oppressing social problem. Às a result of these media dramati- Zations, two sections of the penal code were aggravated and more severe sentences imposed upon gang members of the racial minorities. Increasing amounts of police manpower and resources became available, and the fear of gang delinquency rose in the population. 7. OBJECTIONS AGAINST THE SUBMITTED CONCEPT Against the concept that criminological research outcomes have almost no influence on the portrayal of crime in the mass media and that the permanent unrealistic interaction between publicized opinion and public opinion has negative consequences in reality for the development of fear of crime, an aggressive lifestyle and unjustified alterations of legislation and application of penal laws, three objec- tions are expressed : — The mass media and some social scientists (cf., for example Hans-Jürgen Kerner, Thomas F'eeltes 1980; Martin Killias 1983 ; Thomas Feltes, Christian Oster- mann 1985) maintain that the influence of the mass media on feelings, attitudes and __ 92 __ behavior of their recipients has not been proved, that even presently it could not be proved at all. They plead that the operating mechanisms between mass media and recipients are very complex, that therefore linear causal links cannot be established and that the influence of the mass media cannot be separated from other factors of influence. The methodological difficulties of the mass media influence research are not denied at all though there 1s detailed psychological research which proves the effects of the mass media on their recipients. It seems wondrous, however, that the mass media deny their own influence although they finance themselves mostly through advertising and that trade and industry spend a lot of money for commercials in the mass media although such a kind of advertising does not — allegedly — exercice any infuence. Ît is furthermore surprising that the mass media, which — as is generally conceded — present reality-distoring violent crime portrayals, do not have to prove that their behavior is harmless, but that they lay the burden of proof on the social scientists who already have proved that the contents of the media is violent and reality-distoring. — À North American (Wesley G. Skogan, Michael G. Maxfield 1981) and a Swiss (Martin Killias 1983) study both deny that the mass media create fear of crime. They do concede that violent crimes are rare phenomena in reality, that the mass media present violent criminality constantly and excessively, and that the emotional fear of crime in the population is very widespread. Still, they deny the part the mass media play in the causation of emotional fear of crime. This fear 1s held to develop only through personal victimization, and through personal conver- sations about crime. The advocates of this opinion are not able to explain the contradictions arising from the results of their studies. It is inexplicable why on the one hand victimization through violent crimes is rare, but on the other hand al- legedly many people should know and talk to victims of violent crimes about their criminal victimization. From our victimological experience derives the knowledge that. on the contrary, victims of violent crimes avoid talking about their victimiza- tion experiences. Furthermore, it is not plausible why personal conversation about crime should be based exclusively on actual victimization experiences, but not on the media portrayal of crimes. — À recent study, which was carried out by a research team of the « National Broadcasting Company», one of the three big commercial television networks in the USA (J. Ronald Milavskv, Ronald G. Kessler, Horst H. Stipp, William S. Rubens 1982) comes to the conclusion that the portrayal of violence on television has no effect whatsoever on the attitudes and styles of behavior of the television audience. This study, which wants to attribute violent behavior exclusively to the influences of the family and the neighborhood, is, however, not convincing. This is because it cannot give reasons why aggressive learning models in the family and the neigh- borhood effect the behavior, learning models of the television, however, do not. — 93 — 8. RECOMMENDATIONS FOR A CRIMINOLOGICALLY DESIRABLE OPINION FORMATION THROUGH THE MASS MEDIA [t is out of the question that the freedom of the press should be restricted in any way because of the reported research outcomes. The media communicators can, however. not only withdraw themselves to the attitude that the mass media have to entertain their recipients exclusively with crimes and deviant behavior. In a democratic constitutional state of Western orientation, the mass media must also fulfil the tasks of information about criminality and criminal justice in an objective way. They must instruct the potential victims of crimes about their risks of victimi- zation, control penal legislation and the criminal justice as «watchdogs of the pub- lic», and explain to society where the borderline is drawn between allowed and forbidden behavior (bordeline hypothesis) (Kai T. Erikson 1966; Michael Sturma 1984). The mass media are by no means allowed to do as they please in the fulfilment of their tasks. They must not tolerate hate propaganda (Law Reform Commission of Canada 1986), which, for example, during the time of National Socialism in Germany led to disastrous consequences. The mass media must not be made scapegoats, who alone are responsible for the causation of social deviance and crime. Although the present state of crimino- logical media research suggests that the mass media contribute to the causation of crime, this does not mean that the criminological research in the relationship be- tween mass media and criminality has come to an end. The internal pressures within the mass media organizations that lead to the distortions in crime coverage must on the contrary be investigated in detail. Paul Wilson and Peter Grabovsky of the « Australian Institute of Criminology » in Canberra are presently conducting such a criminological research work. To my mind the media communicators follow in their portrayals of crime the public opinion (interaction between publicized opinion and public opinion) about crime and criminal justice and not their personal beliefs. It 1s of great international interest which research outcome the « Australian Insitute of Criminology» will achieve. À realistic assessment of the present state seems to prohibit to withdraw from the recipients the popular entertainment forms dealing with deviant and criminal fantasies completely. The entertainment forms about criminality should, however, not deviate as extremely from reality as this 1s pre- sently the case. Most of all, the mass media should in their entertainment forms on cirminality not try to create the appearance of criminal reality. It should rather be a demand of truthfulness for them to point out in a suitable way that criminal televi- sion stories are games, brain teasers, modern faily tales (Heike Jung 1985a, 1985b). The crime reports in the mass media have to convey to their recipients a more complete and more reality-oriented portrait of criminality, offenders, and victims. Crime news have to be completed through background information, through docu- mentaries which should be broadcasted at prime time with a high audience rating and should make the research outcomes of criminology and their practical con- sequences understandable to a mass audience. Ît is not sufficient to quote criminol- — 94 — ogists ; the Journalists have to make themselves acquainted with the research out- comes. Ît 1s not enough to hastily put together documentaries under the compulsion of actualitv. The analysis of criminal problems requires moreover calmness, thoughtfulness and patience. The journalist must have the courage to face the every- day occurence and normality of crime. This, however, is hard to do as the recipients are oversophisticated and spoiled through the criminal entertainment. But this is not impossible to achieve 1f the jJournalists can free themselves from the idea their recipients want to see criminality in the way 1t is presently portrayed. 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NOTE DE LA RÉDACTION Le texte du professeur SCHNEIDER, comme ceux de Mesdames les professeurs ANIYAR de CASTRO et MCCORD, a été présenté au Cours international de Rio en — 99 — 1991. Il confronte un certain nombre de théories et d’études empririques sur les rapports entre crime et informations de masse, et propose des recommandations en vue d'une meilleure formation de l’opinion criminologique dans les mass media. EDITOR’S NOTE Professor SCHNEIDER’s text, like those of Professors ANIYAR de CASTRO and MCCORD, were presented at the Rio International Course in 1991. It tackles a certain number of theories and empirical studies on the relationship between crime and mass news, and suggests recommendations for improved training of criminological opinion in the mass media. NOTA DE LA REDACCIÔON El texto del Prof SCHNEIDER, como los de las señoras Profesoras ANIYAR DE CASTRO y MCCORD, fué presentado en el Curso Internacional de Rfo en 1991. Fl confronta un cierto nûümero de teorias y estudios empiricos sobre las relaciones entre crimen e informaciones de masas, y propone recomendaciones con vistas a una mejor formaciôn de la opiniôn criminolégica en los mass media. — 100 — DECONDE ANNONCE ET INVITATION POUR LA PRESENTATION DES COMMUNICATIONS 11° CONGRES INTERNATIONAL DE CRIMINOLOGIE THÈME GÉNÉRAL Changements socio-politiques et crime : Un défi pour le 21° siècle Budapest, Hongrie, 22-27 Août 1993 Organisé par la Société Internationale de Criminologie, Paris Langues Officielles : Allemand, Anglais, Espagnol, Français, Hongrois Programme préliminaire du 15 juin 1992 Dimanche, le 22 août 1993 : Commencement du Congrès À partir de 10.00h : Inscription des Participants 18.30h : Cérémonie d’Ouverture 19.30h : Verre de Bienvenue. 1"* Partie : Séances Plénières du Matin Lundi à Jeudi, 9.00h - 12.30h. Quatre séances phénières seront consacrées au thème général. Chaque matin se déroulera une séance plénière avec traduction simultanée dans les cinq langues du — 101 — Congrès. Des rapports seront présentés par les rapporteurs invités et leurs interlo- cuteurs. Les sujets de ces rapports développeront le thème général du Congrès l’effet des changements socio-politiques sur le crime. Lundi, 23 août 1993 Criminalisation et décriminalisation des conduites, notamment de la criminalité d'affaires, des actes de groupes constitués et surtout de leurs atteintes contre l’environnement. Mardi, 24 août 1993 Perspectives théoriques et méthodologiques sur la criminalité et la criminalisation conflits et convergences. Mercredi, 25 août 1993 Perspectives sur les recherches comparatives sur le crime et la criminalisation. Jeudi, 26 août 1993 La prévention comme réponse au crime et à la criminalité. 2° Partie : Séances Spéciales de l’Après-midi Lundi à Jeudi, 14.30h - 18.30h Certains thèmes particuliers des séances plénières seront débattus dans des séances spéciales dans l’après-midi. Quelques participants seront invités à faire des commu- nications sur chaque point important. Une discussion ouverte suivra. Une première nomenclature des séances spéciales les plus importantes est la suivante : Lundi, 23 août 1993 Crime transnational d'affaires Problèmes de l’environnement Criminalité d'Etat et corruption I Terrorisme et mouvements de révolte. Mardi, 24 août 1993 l Nouveaux développements en méthodologie Les théories marxistes à la lumière de l’expérience soctaliste Critique féministe des théories criminologiques l Implications théoriques des recherches récentes dans le domaine neuro-endocri- nologique. — 102 — Mercredi, 25 août 1993 — Droits de l'homme et contrôle du crime — Modèles alternatifs aux systèmes de justice criminelle — Traitement comparé, social et pénal, des jeunes délinquants — Aspects transnationaux du crime organisé. Jeudi, 26 août 1993 — L'intervention auprès des pré-délinquants : potentiel et limites — Innovations dans le traitement clinique des délinquants — Réponses à la toxicomanie — Traitement des délinquants sexuels (violents). 3* Partie : Sessions «Panel» et Autres Réunions Particulières Lundi à Jeudi, 9.00h - 12.30h et 14.30h -18.30h Les participants pourront organiser des réunions sur des thèmes particuliers en relation avec le thème général et les séances plènières du matin ou de l’après-midi. Ils pourront également organiser des réunions portant sur des aspects propres à leur domaine. Les réunions peuvent être prévues sous les formes suivantes | Sessions « Panel » | Ateliers Tables Rondes Communications Libres Réunions Particulières. En mai 1992, la Commission Scientifique de la SIC a déjà accepté à Paris les réunions et thèmes suivants Sessions « Panel » (avec discussion) — Critics of Criminological Theories on the Basis of the Nowadays Knowledge on Dark Figures (Chair : Louk Hulsman + Sebastian Scheerer) — Social Transformation : Macrostructural Considerations About Crime Develop- ment (Chair : Klaus Sessar + N.N.) — Les Racines Socio-Politiques de l’Evolution de la Criminalité. Les Problèmes Particuliers qui en Découlent, incl. la Criminalité Féminine (Chair : Alice Maran- gopoulos + N.N°.) — Issues in Feminist Criminology/Critique Féministe sur les Théories Criminologi- ques (Chair Marie-Andrée Bertrand, Margrit Brückner, Dorothy Chunn, Robert Menzies, Nicole Rafter) Hans — Victimology : New Tendencies in Research and Victim Policy (Chair Joachim Schneider, Gerd Ferdinand Kirchhoff). — 103 — Ateliers — Ethnic Minorities and Criminal Policy (Chair : Derrick McClintock + N.N.) — Motivation as an Issue in Crime (Chair : Joan McCord, Richard E. Tremblay) Peter Silfen, — Therapeutic Community as a Modality for Drug Addicts (Chair Haya Heichel) — The Gender Issue and Criminology as a Theory (Chair : Carol Smart, Alice Mary) — Histoire de la Criminologie (Chair : Françoise Digneffe, Alvaro P. Pires) — L'observatoire de la Criminalité. Nouvelles Méthodes —Nouveaux Dispositifs (Chair : R. Ottenhof, A.M. Favard) — Implications of Internationalization for Criminology, and the Role of the State (Chair : Leslie Sebba + N.N.) — Les Crimes Contre l’Humanité : leur Statut Juridique et Déontologique. Bilan d’une Expérience qui Interpelle la Conscience Contemporaine (Chair : Marcel Co- lin, Denis Szabo) — Victimology and Restorative Justice (Chair : Tony Peters, Ezzat À. Fattah) — Biocriminology (Chair : Antony Walsh + N.N.) — Improving Crime and Criminal Justice Statistics — National and International Problems (Chair Jôrg-Martin Jehle, Georg v. Mayr) Karl F. Schumann. René van — Transfering Progressive Criminology (Chair Swaaningen) — Prison Research and Prison Reform (Chair : Frieder Dünkel, Dirk van Zyl Smit) — Niños Abandonados o Niños de las Calles (Chair : Edmundo oliveira, Mari Luz Manzanera) — Gross Human Rights Violations : State Crime or Crime of Obedience ? (Charr : Ronald D. Crelinsten, Axel P. Schmid) — La Politique Belge de Prévention Intégrée de la Petite Criminalité (Chair : Chris- telle Versloys, Anne Wyvekens) — Schadenswiedergutmachung und Täter-Opfer-Ausgleich — Europäische Erfahrun- gen (Chair : Jürgen Schreckling + N.N.) — Longitudinal Criminological Research on the Transition from School to Work (Chair : Timothy F. Hartnagel, Karl F. Schumann) — Polizei-Politik/Police Politics (Chair : Manfred Brusten + N.N°.) — Prisons pour Femmes et Femmes en Prison (Chair : Nicole Rafter, Marie-Andrée Bertrand) — The Transaction-System and Other New Forms of «Smoothed» Law Enforce- ment and Criminal Justice (Chair : Irene Sagel-Grande + N.N.) — Criminology in Latin America (Chair : Sydney Alves Costa + N.N.) — Review of Programs of Secondary Preventive Intervention with Young Children (3 to 5) and Children (6 to 12) at Risk of Delinquency (Chair : Marc LeBlanc + N.N.) — Policies to Prevent Crime (Chair : Irvin Waller, Vivien Stern) — Traitement Clinique. Discussion sur la Notion de « Responsabilisation» dans le Cadre du Traitement, Particulièrement Délinquance Juvénile (Chair : Christian De- buyst, J.M. Labadie) — Criminological Aspects of Personality Disorders/Aspects Criminologiques des Problèmes de la Personnalité (Chair : Giacomo Canepa, Uberto Gatti) — 104 — — Guarding the Guards (Chair : Elisabeth Lissenberg + N.N.) — The Rights of Prisoners (to a Humane but also a Prospective Detention) (Chair : Hans J.J. Tulkens. Johannes Feest) Private un Offentliche Gewalt (Chair : Arbeitskreis Junger Kriminologen) l Victimes : Services d'Aide et Interventions Publiques (Chair : Daniel Martin + N.N.) l Critical Issues on the Research on Criminal Careers (Chair : Klaus Boers + N.N.) Kriminalität und Geschichte (Chair : Arbeitskreis Junger Kriminologen) — Peines et Mesures Alternatives (Travail d'Intérêt Général pour Jeunes et Adultes) (Chair : Denis van Doosselaere, Sylvie Dongier) — Drogenpolitik in Europa nach 1992 (Chair : Arbeitskreis Junger Kriminologen) Processus et Mode d'Evaluation — Expériences de Prévention en Milieu Urbain (Chair : Marie-Thérèse Casman, Georges Kellens) — Strafrecht/Soziale Kontrolle und Soziale Disziplinierung (Chair Arbeitskreis Junger Kriminologen) — Methodological Problems in Family Violence Research (Chair : Delbert S. Elliot, Elmar G.M. Weitekamp) — Relations Police/Public, Spécialement Avec des Immigrés (Chair : Georges Kel- lens + N.N°.) — Enfants Victimes d'Abus Sexuel, Spécialement d'Inceste (Chair : Bernadette Ba- win, Michel Born) — Populations Pénitentiaires, Surtout Liées à la Drogue (Chair : Gérard De Coninck. Daniel Martin) — Cambio de Criminologia Desde y hacia las Religiones (Chair : Antonio Beristain + N.N.) — Credit Card Fraud — Bank and Merchant Resistance to Reform and Deterrence (Chair : Roseanne Bonney + N.N.) — Social Change + Crime/Social Reaction to Crime; (Changement Social et Crime/Réaction sociale à la Criminalité) (Chair : Louise Shelley + ISA — RC 29) — Juvenile Delinquency Across the Western World : Preliminary Results of the International SRD-Study (Chair : Martin Killias, Josine Junger-Tas) — Justice et Minorités Ethniques (Chair Emerson Doyon, André Normandeau, Hanna Malewska) — Community Policing (Chair : Thomas Feltes + N.N.) Corruption/Korruption (Chair William S. Chambliss, Karlhans Liebl) I Relation Drogue-Crime (Chair : Serge Brochu, Candido Da Aggro) Can Criminal Justice be just ? (Chair : Sebastian Scheerer, Louk Hulsman) — Reponding to Cocaine in the 21st Century (Chair : Patricia Erickson, Sebastian Scheerer) — The Dispensability of Criminal Justice (Chair : Louk Hulsman, Sebastian Scheerer) — Conditions for Conflict Resolution (Chair : Louk Hulsman, Sebastian Scheerer + N.N.) — Erwartungen von Kriminalitätsopfern und praktische Opferhilfe bzw. Kriminal- politik/Expectations of Crime Victims, Victim Aid, and Crime Policy (Chair : Mi- chael C. Baurmann + N.N.) — Give them a Chance : The Victims of Sexual Violence (Chair : Gyôrgy Virag) — Developments in Juvenile Justice : An International Comparison (Chair : Uberto Gatti. Ira Schwartz) — 105 — — Services d'Information Juridique pour les Jeunes (Chair : Jean-Pierre Bartholomé + N.N.) — Fan Coaching Activities in Football/Recherches-Actions en Matière de Violence dans les Stades de Football (Chair : Manuel Comeron + N.N.) — Informations sur la Situation Juridique des Détenus : Codes Pénitentiaires (Chair : Georges Kellens + N.N.) — Déchéances et Incapacités Résultant Automatiquement des Condamnations Pé- nales : Efforts d'Inventaire et de Création de logiciels Informatiques Aidant à la Décision (Chair : Françoise Coster + N.N.) — Formation du Personnel Pénitentiaire (Chair : Gérard de Coninck, Daniel Martin) — Politisches Strafrecht/Political Crime (Chair : Reinhard Kreissl + N.N.) Communications Libres — Comparative Crime Prevention Policies in Asian Countries : Responses to Chan- ging Socio-Political Environments (Chair : Koichi Miyazawa + N.N.) — Testing Theories with Asian Data. À Challenge for Criminological Theories (Chair : Setsuo Miyazawa + N.N°.) Tables Rondes — Establishment of an International Association of Prosecutors (Chair : Kurt Neu- dek, Karoly Bard) — Criminologia, Minorias y Derechos Humanos (Chair : Antonio Beristain + N.N.) — Evolution Socio-Culturelle du Statut des Femmes et Comportements Crimi- nels/Sociocultural Development of Women's Status, and Criminal Behavior (Chair : Robert Cario + N.N°.) ÀA votre Attention Ci-dessous vous trouverez en ordre alphabétique des thèmes proposés additionnel- lement/ Si vous désirez une communication se rapportant à un (ou plusieurs) de ces thèmes, veuillez nous le faire savoir jusqu’au 15 janvier 1993. De même, veuillez nous informer si vous serez prêt(e) à organiser vous-même une réunion particulière sur votre thème choisi. Agressions sexuelles sur les enfants Alcool et crime Alternatives à l'emprisonnement Amélioration des statistiques (internationales) sur la criminalité Approches socio-légales de la déviance et de son contrôle Aspects médico-légaux de la dangerosité Aspects médico-légaux de la criminalité Besoins de la recherche et les lois protégeant l’accès aux banque de données Centres de recherches gouvernementaux Conséquences de la réunification (expérience allemande) Criminalité routière — 106 — Criminalité de pouvoir Criminalité politique et justice politique Criminalité violente Criminalité des femmes (points de vue féministes) Criminologie historique Délinquance juvénile dans une perspective comparative Délinquance sexuelle : traitement et récidive Droit des victimes Enquêètes internationales sur les délinquants Etudes de cohortes Etudes longitudinales, prévisions Histoire sociale du crime et de son contrôle Indemnisation des victimes — Méthodes comparées _— « Infiltration » des milieux délinquants par la police méthodes de contrôle — La police communautaire : recherche actuelle — Libération anticipée, conditionnelle et autres procédés de réduction de l'emprisonnement — Média. reportages sur le crime et son contrôle — Mouvement de critique de la loi — Perspectives du mouvement abolitionniste — Perspectives relatives à la médiation et restitution Peur du crime Politique criminelle et criminalité nouvelles méthodes et expériences Probation théorie et pratique — Programmes de recherche sur la prévention du crime et la justice pénale — Psychiatre Légale : libération des contraintes — Que peut-on faire (ou ne peut-on rien faire”). Etat des connaissances sur la réadaptation sociale des délinquants — Recherches sur la dissuasion des délinquants — Régles minima comme standards internationaux — Statistiques internationales de victimisation — Structures de la prison et réforme des prisons l Théories macro-criminologique et micro-criminologique perspectives ‘intégration Victimologie et criminologie repenser les liens l Violence collective | Violence familiale. 4 Partie : Ateliers pour les Praticiens, avec Excursions (L’horaire est encore à préciser) Programme additionnel offert par la Société Hongroise de Criminologie La Société Hongroise de Criminologie a préparé des ateliers spéciaux pour les professionnels (avocats — procureurs — juges — policiers — agents de probation — — 107 — éducateurs — médecins — psychiatres — travailleurs sociaux — psychologues — ONG travaillant dans le domaine de la prévention, du crime et de la justice — journalistes et média intéressés par les problèmes de la criminalité). Ces réunions pourront être combinées avec les thèmes principaux et des visites dans les domaines qui intéressent les différents praticiens (Juridictions pénales, services de police, prisons, hôpitaux psychiatriques, institutions pour jeunes délinquants, laboratoires). Liste des Ateliers 1. Political changes in Eastern Europe and the Modernization of the Police. Poli- tischer Wandel in Osteuropa und die Modernisierung der Polizei. Workshop in English and German, and visit to the Hungarian Police Headquarters. Workshop auf Deutsch und Englisch, mit Besuch des Hauptquartiers der Ungaris- chen Polizei. 2. Langzeitstrafen, besonders der Vollzug der lebenslangen Freiheitsstrafe. Workshop auf Deutsch, mit Fachexkursion zum hochsicherheitsgefängnis in Vâc. 3. Prions ouvertes et semi-ouvertes, régimes pénitentiaires et emprisonnement gra- dué. Atelier en français avec excursion à la prison semi-ouverte de Pâlhalma. 4. Prisoners’ rights : Applicability of the Minimum Standard Rules according to the Norms of the United Nations and the Council of Europe. Workshop in English. Field visit to the Maximum Security Prison in Budapest. 5. Drug Abuse and Drug Treatment : Multidisciplinary Approaches. Workshops in English including field visits to an Asylum and a Drug-Out-patients Department. 6. Staatliche Forschungsinstitute und Forschung im Staatsauftrag : Wissenschaftliche, professionelle und ethische Fragen. Workshop auf Deutsch und Besuch des Staatsinstituts für Kriminologie. T. Nongovernmental Organizations (NGO) for People in Trouble or in Crisis. Workshop in English, including field visits to the Centre for Homeless People and to two reformatory Schools for Juvenile (male and female) in Aszôd, Râkospalota. &. Teaching Criminology in Higher Education (Colleges, etc. and Universities). Workshop in English, including a whole-day excursion to Miskolc and visit of the University of Miskolc, Faculty of Law. Participation fee : 1500,- Ft, about 30 DEM, 20 USD, 28 Sfr. 9. Questions Constitutionnelles en Rapport avec les Mesures de Lutte contre la Criminalité. Atelier en français, combiné avec excursion à la Cour Constitutionnelle de la République Hongroise. 10. Principles of Legality and Opportunity : Comparing Discretion and Diversion in Criminal Procedure, and the Particular Power of the Prosecutor in Different Systems. Workshop in English, visit to the Chief Prosecutor’s Office of the City of Budapest. 11. Victims of Child Abuse : who helps them and how? Workshop in English, including field visit to an Institution for Neglected Children in Fôt. 12. Presentation of the Hungarian Police Education, in four languages, including visit of the Hungarian Police Highschool in Budapest. — 108 — Vorstellung des Programms der Ausbildung der Ungarischen Polizeibeamten, viers- prachig, mit Besichtigung der Ungarischen Polizeihochschule in Budapest. Présentation du Système de Formation policière hongroise, en 4 langues, avec visite de l'Ecole Supérieure de Police Hongroise à Budapest. Presentacion de la Educacion Policial Hungara (en cuatro idiomas), incluyendo una visita a la Escuela Superior de Hungria, en Budapest. 13. Criminalité et Mass Media. Atelier en français, avec excursion au Club de l'Association Hongroise des Journa- listes à Budapest. 14. Moralische Aspekte und berufsethische Fragen der Gerichts- und Polizei- berichterstattung. Workshop auf Deutsch, mir Besuch des Clubs des Ungarischen Journalistenvereinigung in Budapest. 15. Violent Crime and Mass Media. Workshop in English, including visit to the Club of the Association of Hungarian Journalists in Budapest. 16. Civil Rights and Human Rights Questions in the Activity of the Advocate, with special Emphasis on the Defence Attorney. Workshop in English, including visit to the Hungarian Lawyers’ Chamber. 17. Rechte des Strafverteidigers — Gefährdung in Zeiten Steigender Kriminalität ? Workshop auf Deutsch, mit Besuch der Ungarischen Anwaltskammer in Budapest. 18. Strafverteidigung bei Verhaftung und während der Untersuchungshaft. workshop auf Deutsch, mit Besuch der Ungarischen Anwaltskammer in Budapest. 19. Quality Control in Harmonizing the Work of Judicial Forensic Expert Labora- tories. Workshop in English, including visit to the forensic Medical Department of the Semmelweis Medical University, Forensic Medical Institute in Budapest. 20. Mediation and Victim-Compensation Models. Workshop in English, including field visit to the «Fehérgyürü» Victims’ Relief Service in Budapest. Vendredi, le 27 Août 1993 : Dernier jour du Congrès 9.00 - 10.30h Conclusions Scientifiques 11.00 - 12.00h Discussion Générale 12.15 - 13.00h Cérémonie de Clôture (avec attribution des prix). Informations générales I. Droits d'Inscription Les droits d'inscription sont différents selon qu'il s'agit d’une pré-inscription avant le 30 novembre 1992, avant le 15 mars 1993 ou avant le 1S juin 1993, ou d'une inscription après le 16 juin 1993. I. Hébergement Les prix varient selon qu'il s'agit d’hôtels ou de foyers et hôtels d'étudiants. — 109 — La Compagnie Aérienne Hongroise, MALEV, a été nommée transporteur aérien officiel pour ce Congrès. Les informations sur des conditions de transport spéciales vous seront données lors de la prochaine annonce. I. Programme touristique Visite guidée de Budapest Les participants verront les curiosités les plus intéressantes de la ville le quartier autour du château fort avec l’église de Mathias et la bastion des pêcheurs ; la colline Gellért, la Place des Héros, le monument du millénaire, l’opéra et le parlement. Excusion à Szentendre (demi-journée) Les participants iront en car à Szentendre, une petite ville avec des places pavées, avec des petites ruelles vieilles et pittoresques et des maisons datant du 18* siècle. Cette jolie petite ville est admirée et aimée par beaucoup d'artistes. Le programme inclut la visite du musée de céramiques de Margarita Kovacs et une visite du musée de plein air d'architecture populaire hongroise. Läà, les visiteurs peuvent déguster des spécialités rustiques hongroises. La fascination de la grande plaine — la Puszta Le premier arrêt sera Kecskemét, la plus typique petite ville de la Puszta. On visitera le domaine ou l’on assistera à une parade de chevaux. Ensuite les participants pourront se promener à cheval ou se laisser conduire en carrosse. Un peu plus tard On visitera un musée en plein air de vieilles maisons paysannes. Les meubles ori- ginaux et les vieux outils exercent un charme très spécial sur les gens d'aujourd'hui. Le Balaton — la mer hongroise Le lac Balaton est le plus grand lac d’eau douce de l’Europe Centrale. C’est une région de vacances très populaire, tant pour les Hongrois que pour beaucoup de touristes étrangers. Le car longera la rive du nord jusqu’à la presqu’ile Tihâny, qui est aujourd’hui un Parc National à cause de ses plantes ct oiseaux très rares. Une autre curiosité très pittoresque est le vieux village de pêcheurs et une abbaye du style baroque, majestueusement située au-dessus du lac. Après le déjeuner, les par- ticipants iront en bateau à Balatonfüred, le plus ancien et le plus traditionnel centre touristique de la région. S’il fait beau, les participants pourront se baigner dans le lac avant de retourner à Budapest. - Etes-vous intéressé(e) à une participation à ce Congrès ? Dans l'affirmative, prière d’écrire à — 110 — Intercongress LTD Dozsa Dyôrgy ut 84/a H - 1068 Budapest Tel. Hungary-(1)-142-4118 ou (1)-122-2203 Fax. Hungary-(1)-122-8890 ou (1)-142-4118. * Avez-vous besoin d’une invitation officielle ? Dans l'affirmative, veuillez l'indiquer en donnant des informations supplémentaires en cas de besoin. * Avez-vous l’intention de présenter une communication ? Dans l'affirmative, veuillez l’indiquer. < Pour toutes questions concernant le programme scientifique veuillez contacter : Prof. Dr. H.-J. Kerner President. Scientific Commission SIC Institute of Criminology Corrensstrasse 34 D - 7400 Tübingen Tel. Germany-(7071)-292931 Fax. Germany-(7071)-292041 or -294905 Prof. sc. jur. Katalin Gônezôl Hungarian Preparatory Committee Eôtvôs University Egyetem tér 1-3, P.O.B. 109 H - 1364 Budapest Tel. Hungary-(1)-118-4869 Fax. Hungary-(1)-118-8055. Prof. Albert J. Reiss. Jr… Ph. D. Dept. of Sociology Yale University P.O.Box 1965 USA - New Haven. CT 06520 Tel. USA-(203)-432-3345 Fax. USA-(203)-432-5772. International Society for Criminology The Secretary General — 111 — Prof. Georges Picca 4-14. rue Ferrus F - 75014 Paris Tel. France-(1)-45880023 Fax. France-(1)-45894076 — 112 — DECOND ANNOUNCEMENT AND CALL FOR PAPERS 11TH INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS ON CRIMINOLOGY GENERAL THEME Socio-political change and crime À challenge of the 21st century Taking place in Budapest, Hungary, from August 22 to 27, 1993 Organized by the International Society for Criminology, Paris Official Languages : English, French, German, Hungarian, Spanish Preliminary Programme as of June 15, 1992 Sunday, August 22, 1993 : Beginning of the Congress From 10.00h on : Registration of Participants 18.30h : Opening Ceremony 19.30h : Welcome Drink. Part I : Morning Plenary Sessions From Monday to Thursday, 9.00h - 12.30h Four plenary sessions are devoted to the general theme « Socio-Political Change and Crime ». À plenary session will be held cach morning with simultaneous translation in the 5 official languages of the Congress. Presentations will be made by invited — 113 — speakers and discussants. These topics will develop the main theme of the Congress on the effect of socio-political change on crime. ‘ Monday, August 23, 1993 The Criminalization and Decriminalization of Conduct (Special Emphasis Upon Organizational and Environmental Problems). Tuesday, August 24, 1993 Conflicts and Convergence in Theoretical and Methodological Perspectives on Crime and Criminalization. Wednesday, August 25, 1993 The Prospects for Cross-Cultural and Cross-Societal Research on Crime and Crimi- nalization. Thursday, August 26, 1993 Preventive, Treatment and Justice Responses to Crime and Criminality. Part II : Afternoon Special Sessions From Monday to Thursday, 14.30h - 18.30h Selected aspects of the plenary-Sessions’ themes will be discussed in Afternoon special Sessions. À few participants will be invited to make presentations on each particular topic. Open discussion will follow. Preliminary selection of Special Session Topics includes the following : Monday, August 23, 1993 | Transnational Organizational Crime Environmental Problems l Governmental Corruption Terrorism and Insurgency Movements. Tuesday, August 24, 1993 l New Developments in Methodology | Marxist Theories in the Light of Socialist Experience | Feminist Critique of Criminological Theories | Theoretical Implications of Recent Neuro- and Endocrinological Research — 114 — Wednesdayv, August 25, 1993 | Human Rights Issues in Crime Control | Alternatives to Criminal Justice Control Models l Comparative Juvenile Welfare and Justice Systems | Transnational Aspects of Organized Crime. Thursday, August 26, 1993 — Promises and Dangers of Early Intervention — Innovations in Clinical Treatment of Offenders p Responses to Drug Abuse — Treatment of (Violent) Sexual Offenders. Part III : Panel Sessions and Other (Occasional) Meetings From Monday to Thursday, 9.00h - 12.30h, and 14.30h - 18.30h. Participants may arrange meetings on themes that specify further aspects of the General Theme, the Morning Plenary Sessions, or the Afternoon Special Sessions. They may also select topics from their own field of work for special meetings, like Panel Sessions l Workshop Round-Tables Contributed Paper Sessions l Arranged Meetings. Subject Matters For Special meetings Several meetings have already been accepted by the SIC-Scientific Commission in May, 1992 in Paris. These are the following : Main Panel Sessions — Critics of criminological Theories on the Basis of the Nowadays Knowledge on Dark Figures (Chair : Louk Hulsman + Sebastian Scheerer) — Social Transformation Macrostructural Considerations About Crime Develop- ment (Chair : Klaus Sessar + N.N.) — Les Racines Socio-Politiques de l'Evolution de la Criminalité. Les Problèmes Particuliers qui en Découlent, incl. la Criminalité Féminine (Chair : Alice Maran- gopoulos + N.N°) — Issues in Feminist Criminology/Critique Féministe sur les Théories Criminolog1- ques (Chair Marie-Andrée Bertrand, Margrit Brückner, Dorothy Chunn, Robert Menzies, Nicole H. Rafter) — Victimology : New Tendencies in Research and Victim Policy (Chair Hans Joachim Schneider, Gerd Ferdinand Kirchhoff). — 115 — Workshops * Paper Sessions ** Round Tables *** The following subject matters, in alphabetical order, have been proposed in addi- tion. Please let us know whether you wish to present a paper at one or more of these meetings yet to be arranget. Please let us also know whether you will serve as responsible organizer of a particular meeting on those subject matters. Deadline 1s January 15, 1993. Abolitionist Movements and Perspectives Alcohol, Drugs and Crime Alternatives to Criminal Justice Child (Sexual) Abuse and Maltreatment Cohort and Longitudinal Studies, Prospects and Open Questions Collective Violence Crime and Criminal Justice Consequences of the German Unification Crimes of the Powerful Critical Law Movement Deterrence Research Evidence of «Nothing Works» ? Family Violence Fear of Crime Forensic Aspects of Personality Disorders Forensic Expertise on « Dangerousness » Government-Funded Research Centres International Offender and Victim Surveys International Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice Research and Planning Juvenile Delinquency in a Comparative Perspective Macro-criminological and Micro-criminological Theories : Ways to Integration ? Media, Crime Reporting, and Crime Control Medico-Legal Aspects of Criminality Minimum Rules as International Standards (United Nations; Council of Europe) Parole, Conditional Release, and other Mcans of Shortening Imprisonment Policing Crime and Criminality : New Methods and Experiments Police Information and Intelligence Systems : Needs and Control Political Crime and Political Justice Prison Structure and Prison Reform Probation : Theory vs. Practice ? * See page 104 : «Ateliers». ** See page 106 : «Communications libres». *** See page 106 : «Tables rondes». — 116 Prospects of Mediation and Restitution Psychiatric (Forensic) Clinics : Ways out of Constraints ? Questions of Aggression Research Methods and Techniques Research Needs and Data Protection Laws Sexual Criminality : Treatment and Recidivism Socio-History of Crime and Crime Control Socio-Legal Approaches to Deviance and Control Traffic Crime Victimology and Criminology : Why (not) Re-think ? Victim Assistance and Compensation Schemes Compared Victims’ Rights Violent Criminality. Part IV : Practitioners’ Workshops (Time schedule yet to be determined) Special Programme offered by the Hungrian Society for Criminology, Including Field-Visits Fhe Hungarian Society of Criminology 1s preparing Special workshops for Profes- sionals, e.g. advocates, defense attorneys, criminal court judges, policemen, public prosecutors, probation and parole officers, (forensic) psychiatrists, (forensic) psy- chologists, social workers in prisons, NGO-fellows working in the field of crime prevention and criminal justice, journalists and other media people engaged in crime news reporting or fictional story production. Their mecetings may be combined with special topics on field visits. Field visits will also be open to other Congress participants provided additional participants can be accommodated. Among the sites to be visited are the following : Criminal Trials. Police Stations, Prisons, Psychiatric Clinics, Juvenile Institutions, Laboratories. List of Practitioners’ Workshops * Friday, August 27, 1993 : Final Congress Day 9.00 - 10.30h : Scientific Conclusions 11.00 - 12.00h : General Debate 12.15 - 13.00h : Closing Ceremony (incl. Awards) * See page 108 : «Liste des ateliers». — 117 — General Information I. Registration Fee Fees are different for preregistrations by November 30, 1992, March 15, 1993 or June 15, 1993, or for registrations after June 16, 1993. IH. Hotel Accommodation Prices are different for hotels, or student hostels. Malév Hungarian Airlines have been appointed congress carrier for the Congress. [Information about favourable travel possibilities will be provided in the next an- nouncement. I. Supporting Tourist Programme Sightseeing in Budapest The participants will be shown the most interesting sights of Budapest. The quarter around the medieval castle with the Mathias church and the fischermens’ bastion, the Gellért hill, the Place of the Heroes, the Millenium monument, the opera and the parliament building. Excursion to Szentendre (Half-day) The participants will go by coach to Szentendre, a small town with paved sqares, with old picturesque alleys and houses dating from the 18th century. This pretty little town is much beloved by artists. The programme includes à visit to the cera- mics museum of Margarita Koväcs and to the open air museum of popular Hunga- rian architecture. Here, the visitors will be able to try some typical Hungarian specialities. The fascination of the wide plains — the Puszta The first stop of this coach tour to the famous Hungarian Puszta is Kecskemét, the most typical little town of the Puszta. The participants will visit an estate where they will be able to enjoy a horse show. They will then have the possibility either to go for a ride or be driven in a carriage. We will then visit an open air museum with ancient farm houses. The original furniture and the ancient tools tell us from times long past. Lunch will be served in a typical inn of the Puszta. The Balaton — the Hungarian sea Lake Balaton, the largest sweet water lake of Central Europe is a major holiday centre, for Hungarians just as well as for foreign visitors. — 118 — The coach follows the northern shore until it reaches the peninsula Tihäny. Tihäny has been declared a National park because of its rare plants and birds. Another famous spot is an old fishermen's village and a baroque abbey, majestically tower- ing above the lake. After lunch, the participants will go by goat to Balantonfüred, the oldest and most traditional tourist centre of the region. Weather permitting, the participants can go a swim in the lake before returning to Budapest. Are you generally interested in the Congress ? If ves, please write to Intercongress LTD Dôzsa Gvôrgy ût 84/a H - 1068 Budapest Tel. Hungary-(1)-142-4118 or (1)-122-2203 Fax. Hungary-(1)-122-8890 or (1)-142-4118. Do you need a personal invitation to attend ? If ves : Please indicate 1t, and give additional information if appropriate. Are you planning to submit a new or an additional paper or to organize a meeting ? If ves Please indicate t. You may also contact, as far as scholarly matters are concerned Prof. Dr. H.-J. Kerner President, Scientific Commission SIC Institute of Criminology Corrensstrasse 34 R - 7400 Tübingen Tel. Germany-(7071)-292931 Fax. Germany-(7071)-292041 or -294905. Prof. sc. jur. Katalin Gônezôl Hungarian Preparatory Committee Eôtvôs University Egyetem tér 1-3, P.O.B. 109 H - 1364 Budapest Tel. Hungary-(1)-118-4869 Fax. Hungary-(1)-118-8055. — 119 — Prof. Albert J. Reiss, Jr., Ph. D Dept. of Sociology Yale University P.O. Box 1965 USA - New Haven, CT 16520 Tel. USA-(203)-432-3345 Fax. USA-(203)-432-5772. International Society for Criminology The Secretary General Prof. Georges Picca 4-14, rue Ferrus F - 75014 Paris Tel. France-(1)-45880023 Fax. France-(1)-45894076. — 120 — DEGUNDO ANUNCIO E INVITAGION PARA LA PRESENTACION DE COMUNICACIONES 11* CONGRESO INTERNACIONAL DE CRIMINOLOGIA TEMA GENERAL El cambio socio-politico y el delito Un desafio del siglo XXI Agosto 22 - 27, Budapest, Hungria Organizado por la Sociedad Internacional de Criminologia, Paris Idiomas Oficiales : Alemân, Español, Francés, Hüngaro, Inglés Programa preliminar, el 15 de Junio 1992 El Domingo, 22 de Agosto, 1993 : Comienzo del Congreso Desde 10.00h : inscripcion de los participantes 18.30h : Ceremonia de apertura 19.30h : Copa de bienvenida 1* Parte : Sesiones Plenarias de las Mananas Del Lunes al Jueves, 9.00h - 12.30h Se dedicarän cuatro sesiones plenarias al tema general. Cada mañana habré una sesiôn plenaria, con traducciôn simultänea a los cinco idiomas del congreso. Los — 121 — relatores invitados presentarän una relaciôn. Esas relaciones desarrollarän el tema general del Congreso : el efecto del cambio socio-politico sobre el crimen. El Lunes, 23 de agosto de 1993 Criminalizaciôn y descriminalizaciôn de conductas con especial referencia a los crimenes cometidos por organizaciones y a los crfmenes contra el ambiente. El Martes, 24 de agosto de 1993 Conflictos y convergencias de las perspectivas teéricas y metodélogicas relativas al delito y la delincuencia. El Miércoles, 25 de agosto de 1993 Perspectivas de las investigaciones (interculturales e intersocietarias) sobre el delito y la delincuencia. El Jueves, 26 de agosto de 1993 Prevenciôn, tratamiento y justicia : sus respuestas al delito y la delincuencia. 2° Parte : Sesiones Especiales de las Tardes Del Lunes al Jueves, 14.30h - 18.30h En las sesiones de las tardes se debatirän ciertos temas particulares de las sesiones plenarias. Algunos participantes seran invitados a presentar comunicaciones sobre cada punto importante. Lo seguirä una discusiôn abierta. Una Primera selecciôn de esas sesiones especiales es la siguiente El Lunes, 23 de agosto de 1993 — Delito trasnacional de las organizaciones — Delincuencia ecolôgica — Delincuencia de Estado y corrupciôn — Terrorismo y rebeliôn. El Martes, 24 de agosto de 1993 Nuevos desarrollos en el campo de la metodologta Las teorias marxistas a la luz de la experiencia socialista — Critica feminista a las teorfas criminolôgias — Implicaciones teôricas de las investigaciones mas recientes en el campo neuro- endocrinolégico. — 122 — El Miércoles, 25 de agosto de 1993 Derechos Humanos y control del delito Modelos alternativos a la Justicia Penal l Tratamiento comparado — social y penal — de los jôvenes delincuentes l Aspectos trasnacionales del delito organizado. El Jueves, 26 de agosto de 1993 Promesas y peligros de la intervenciôn temprana | Innovaciones en el tratamiento clinico de los delincuentes Respuestas a la drogadicciôn Tratamiento de los delincuentes sexuales violentos. 3* Parte : Sesiones «Panel» u otras Reuniones Particulares Del Lunes al Jueves, 9.00h - 12.30h, y 14.30h - 18.30h Los participantes podrän organizar reuniones sobre temas particulares relativos al tema general, à las sesiones plenarias de la mañana y a las reuniones especiales de la tarde. También podrän tener reuniones consagradas a aspectos de su interés. Las reuniones podrän estar organizadas en forma de : Sesiones « Panel » Tallères Comunicaciones Especiales l Mesas Redondas Reuniones Particulares. La comision Cientifica de la SIC ya ha aprobado en mayo 1992 en Paris las siguien- tas reuniones particulares Sesiones « Panel» (con discusion) — Critics of Criminological Theories on the Basis of the Nowadays Knowledge on Dark Figures (Chair : Louk Hulsman + Sebastian Scheerer) — Social Transformation Macrostructural Considerations About Crime Develop- ment (Chair : Klaus Sessar + N.N°) — Les racines Socio-Politiques de l'Evolution de la Criminalité. Les Problèmes Particuliers qui en Découlent, incl. la Criminalité Féminine (Chair : Alice Maran- gopoulos + N.N.) — Issues in Feminist Criminology/Critique Féministe sur les Théories Criminologi- ques (Chair Marie-Andrée Bertrand, Margrit Brückner, Dorothy Chunn, Robert Menzies, Nicole H. Rafter) — Victimology : New Tendencies in Research and Victim Policy (Chair Hans Joachim Schneider, Gerd Ferdinand Kirchhoff) — 123 — Talleres * Comunicaciones Libres ** Mesas Redondas *** Atencioôn Los temas siguientes han sido propuestos adicionalmente. Por favor infôrmenos hasta el 15 de enero de 1993 si Ud. quiere presentar una o varias de esas comuni- caciones 0 organizar una reuniôn particular sobre un tema. — Agresiones sexuales a niños — Alcohol y delincuencia — Alternativas a la prisiôn — Aspectos médico-legales de la criminalidad — Aspectos médico-legales de los problemas de la personalidad Centros de investigaciôn gubernamentales Consecuencias de la reunificaciôn (experiencia alemana) Criminologta histôrica Delincencia del poder Delincuencia sexual (tratamiento y reincidencia) Delincuencia del tränsito (automovil) Delincuencia violenta Delincuencia politica y justicia politica Derechos de las victimas Dictämenes médico-legales de los problemas de la personalidad El miedo al delito Enfoques socio-legales de la delincuencia y de su control Estadisticas internacionales de victimizaciôn Estructuras de la prisiôn y reforma de la prisiôn Estudios de cohortes Estudios longitudinales, previsiones Historia social del delito y de su control — Indemnizaciôn de las victimas. Métodos comparados — «Infiltraciôn» de los medios delincuenciales por parte de la policia : métodos de control — Invetigaciones sobre la disuasiôn de los delincuentes | La delincuencia femenina | Liberaciôn condicional anticipada, y otros procedimientos de reduccién de la prisiôn Mass media : reportajes sobre el delito y su control * Ver pâgina 104 : «Ateliers». ** Ver pâgina 106 : «Communications libres». *** Ver pâgina 106 : «Tables rondes». — 124 — Métodos y técnicas de investigaciôn Movimiento de critica a la ley Necesidades de la investigaciôn y leyes sobre abuso de datos Perfeccionamiento de las estadisticas (internacionales) sobre la delincuencia Perspectiva comparada de la delincuencia Perspectivas en relaciôn con la mediaciôn y la restituciôn Perspectivas del movimiento abolicionista Politica criminal y delincuencia : nuevos métodos y experiencias « Probaciôn» : téoria y prâctica — Programas de investigaciôn sobre la prevenciôn del delito y de la justicia penal — Psiquiatria legal : hay alternativas a las medidas coercitivas ? — Qué se puede hacer (o no se puede hacer nada)? Conocimiento actual sobre la readaptacion social de los delincuentes — Reglas minimas como estandares internacionales — Teorias macro-criminolôgicas y micro-criminolégicas : hay perspectivas de inte- gracion ? — Victimologia y Criminologfa : Por qué (no) reconsiderarlas ? — Violencia familiar — Vilencia colectiva. 4° Parte : Talleres para Profesionales (con Visitas). Fecha y Hora a precisar Programa adicional organizado por la Sociedad Hüngara de Criminologia La Sociedad Hüngara de Criminologia ha preparado talleres especiales para profe- sionales, abogados, procuradores, jueces, policfas, agentes de prueba, educadores, médicos, psiquiatras, trabajadores sociales, psicélogos, ONG que trabajan en el terreno de la prevenciôn del delito y de la justicia, periodistas y mass media intere- sados en los problemas de la delincuencia. Estas reuniones pueden combinarse con los temas principales y visitas en el campo que interese a los diferentes profesionales (jurisdicciones penales, servicios de po- licia, prisiones, hospitales psiquiâtricos, instituciones para jôvenes delincuentes, la- boratorios. Lista de Talleres para Profesionales * El Viernes, 27 de Agosto de 1993 : 9.00h - 10.30h : Conclusiones Cientificas 11.00h - 12.00h : Discusiôn general 12.15h -13.00h : Ceremonia de clausura (adjudicaciôn de premios) * Ver pâgina 108 : «Liste des ateliers». — 125 — Informaciones generales I. Derechos de inscripcion Existen tres tipos de derechos de inscripciôn diferentes : 1) pré-inscripciôn antes del 30 de noviembre de 1992; 2) pré-inscripciôn antes del 15 de junio de 1993; 3) ins- cripciôn después del 16 de junio de 1993. IH. Alojamiento Los precios varfan en funciôn de la calidad del alojamiento : hoteles u hogares de estudiantes. Aerolineas hûgaras — MALEV — han sido nombradas transportador oficial del Congreso. En la prôxima carta circular le informaremos acerca de las facilidades de viaje que se le ofrecerän. I. Programa turistico Recorrido por Budapest Los que optan por este recorrido descrubrirän los principales puntos de atracciôn de la capital hüngara como : el Distrito del Castillo medieval, la Iglesia de Matias, el Bastiôn de los Pescadores, la Loma Gellért, la Plaza de los Héroes, el Monumento del Milenio, la Opera y el Parlamento. Excursiôn a Szentendre (medio dia) Los autobuses llevarän a los visitantes a Szentendre, pequenña ciudad con plazas empedradas, viejas calles pintorescas y casas del siglo XVIII, de una belleza ûnica, muy apreciada por los artistas. El programa incluye visitas al Museo Cerämico de Margarita Kovacs y al Museo de Aire Libre de Arquitectura Popular donde los turistas podrän degustar bocadillos y refrescos tipicos del campo hüûgaro. « Puszta » — el encanto de los llanos La primera parada en esta excursiôn con autobüs a la Gran Llanura Hüngara, la « puszta» en hüûngaro, es en Kecskemét, la ciudad mâs caracteristica de los Ilanos. Los participantes visitarän una granja, disfrutarân de un «show» de caballos y podrân escoger entre cabalgar 0 pasear en un coche de caballos. Despues se visitarä un museo de aldea, cuyas antiguas casas campesinas, con sus muebles y utensilios de la época, tienen un encanto muy especial para el hômbre moderno. El almuerzo se servirâ en una fonda tipica de la regiôn de la Gran Llanura. Balaton — el mar Hüngaro El lago Balaton, el mayor lago de agua dulce en la Europa central, es un centro vacacional tanto para los hûngaros como para muchos turistas extranjeros. El auto- bus hace un recorrido por la costa norte hasta la peninsula di Tihany, que es un — 126 — Parque Nacional protegido por sus raras plantas y pâjaros. Otros puntos de atracciôn son una vieja aldea de pescadores y una abadita barroca, que se eleva majestuosa- mente sobre el lago. Después del almuerzo los participantes tomarän un barco para Balantonfüred, el centro turistico mâs antiguo y tradicional de la regiôn. Si las condiciones meterolôgicas lo permiten, habrä una oportunidad para bañarse en el lago, antes de partir de regreso a Budapest. (Estä Ud. interesada/o en participar en el Congreso ? Si la respuesta es sf, se ruega escribir a Intercongress LTD Dozsa Gyôrgy ût 84/a H - 1068 Budapest Tel. Hungary-(1)-142-4118 o (1)-122-2203 Fax. Hungary-(1)-122-8890 o (1)-142-4118 iQuiere Ud. recibir una invitaciôn oficial personal? Si la respuesta es si, indiquelo por favor, déndonos informaciones suplementarias si hubiera lugar. (Piensa Ud. presentar una comunicaciôn (nueva o adicional) ? Si la respuesta es s, se ruega indicarlo en la carta respuesta. Prof. Dr. H.-J. Kerner President, Scientific Commission SIC Institute of Criminology Corrensstrasse 34 D - 7400 Tübingen Tel. Germany-(7071)-292931 Fax. Germany-(7071)-292041 or -294905 Prof. sc. jur. Katalin Gôncezôl Hungarian Preparatory Committee Fôtvôs University Egyetem tér 1-3, P.O.B. 109 H - 1364 Budapest Tel. Hungary-(1)-118-4869 Fax. Hungary-(1)-118-8055 Prof. Albert J. Reiss, Jr., Ph. D. Dept. of Sociology Yale University — 127 — P.O.Box 1965 USA - New Haven, CT 06520 Tel. USA-(203)-432-3345 Fax. USA-(203)-432-5772 International Society for Criminology The Secretary General Prof. Georges Piccar 4-14, rue Ferrus F - 75014 Paris Tel. France-(1)-45880023 Fax. France-(1)-45894076 — 128 —