AIC_1976_2

ANNALES INTERNATIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIE

INTERNATIONAL

ANNALS OF

CRIMINOLOGY

ANALES

INTERNACIONALES DE CRIMINOLOGIA

Année 1976 (volume 15 n° 2)

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TABLE DES MATIÈRES

TABLE OF CONTENTS

!. — ARTICLES

LEJINS (P.P.). — Crime, its prevention and control in a develop-

ing country: Nigeria

141

SELOSSE (J.) — Délinquance et délinquants ; quelques points de

repères concernant les recherches actuelles dans le champ

de la délinquance juvénile

173

SOEN (D.). — Social problems in the metropolitan area of Tel-

Aviv; an analysis of urban problem against national back-

ground

195

I1. — PANORAMA

WOLF (P.). — Apparent tendencies in Scandinavian criminology

during recent years

217

I. — LIVRES REÇUS

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Crime, its prevention and control

in a developing country

NIGERIA

The Aquinas Fund Leclures - Spring 1974

sponsored by the International Society for criminology

by Peter P. LEJINS

Institute of criminal justice and criminology

University of Maryland

The following paper is based on four lectures given by the author

in the Spring of 1974 at four universities in Nigeria.

Zaria. — “Significance of Culture in the Development of Crimi-

nology;”

Ibadan. — “Crime-Control Strategy in a Developing Country;”

Port Harcourt. — “Constitutional Rights of Convicted Offenders

and Their Impact on the Treatment Methods;” (*)

Lagos. — “Applications of Criminology in the Sentencing Process.”

Although the four lectures were presented as self-contained units

to four different audiences on the topics indicated by the above titles,

this paper is organized as a continuous presentation of the essentials

of the four topics.

Repetitions, which were necessary in addressing

four different audiences, are eliminated and, because of space limita-

tions, the text is considerably abbreviated in an attempt to preserve

only the essentials.

The elimination of repetitions pertains especially

to the introductory parts of the lectures.

Both the statements referring

to Nigerian society as a developing society and the introductory state-

ments explaining the frame of reference within which the lectures were

organized are given in a summary fashion at the beginning of the paper.

Only those introductory remarks which were specific to the topic of a

particular lecture are given in the context of that topic.

From the point of view of the author, this visit to Nigeria offered a

unique opportunity to pursue his interest of long standing in the hand-

ling of the crime problem and social control in general in the developing

(°)

Originally the lecture was announced as dealing with the_«Constutional Rights of

the Accused,» but was changed to the « Constitutional Rights of Convicted Offenders» as

being more appropriate.

e gries

countries

The publi-

This was an invaluable educational experience

cation of these lecture provides an opportunity to express once more

the author’s deep appreciation to the International Society for Crimino-

logy, which sponsored the lecture series, and its President, Jean Pinatel

as well as to the Aquinas ‘Fund, which made it financially possible

Thanks is due also the Nigerian Society of Criminology which honored

the lecture series by designating it as its Tenth Anniversary Lectures.

Special thanks is due Dr. Tolani Asum then Director of the Neuro-Psy-

chiatric Hospital, ARO, Abeokuta, and Professor Adedokun A. Adeyemi

of the Faculty of Law, University of Lagos, who selected the topics

made all local arrangements, and showered the lecturer with a multitude

of courtesies during his stay in Nigeria

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

Law in Developing Countries

It is a platitude, but at the same time a considered scientific finding,

that the phenomenon of crime is present in every society. Likewise

since crime by definition is something negative, every society develops

measures to combat crime, that is, to protect the rights of the victims

present or potential

Every society develops what we usually refer to

as criminal law, which prohibits certain kinds of conduct under the threat

of punitive sanction, and a law enforcement system to effectuate obser-

vance of these laws

This is, of course, true also of Nigeria

In social science there are two schools of thought with regard to

One of these schools considers the

criminal law and law in general

institutional nature of legal norms and their enforcement to such an

extent essential, that the country is independent and developing its vast

plex, relatively large, and relatively developed societies

This school

of thought considers that in the smaller, less complex, preliterate and

primitive

societies, law does not exist as a distinct entity, but is

part of the complex of religion and customs

The order school of

thought maintains that the essential elements of law and legal insti-

tutions are present in all societies, and the absence of such elements

of legal institutions as special personnel

special buildings, special

record keeping—police, judges, police stations, court houses, files, etc

—does not mean that legal norms do not exist or are not enforced

This author subscribes to this second view, which is represented most

forcefully perphaps by the well-known anthropologist Bronislaw Mali-

nowski, who, in turn, owes his theoretical propositions with regard to

Ac-

legal norms to the likewise well-known jurist Leon Petrazhitski

cording to this latter school of thought, even a small human community,

by necessity not having the specialized personnel for a criminal justice

system or for the legal system in general, not having special buildings

— 142 —

written records, or other paraphenalia, can nevertheless be shown to

have criminal-law conduct norms and ways for their enforcement.

For

instance, Malinowski lists reciprocity, publicity of performance, ritua-

lism and certain other principles such as munificence, as clearly iden-

tifying the existence and the enforcibility of legal norms in the preliterate

In

society of the Trobriand Islanders, whom he specifically studied.

terms of this interpretation, all Nigerian people have and have had

their own criminal law system quite independently from the criminal

law precepts which were brought to this land by the Europeans, in this

case by the British. The author would like to hope that the Nigerian

jurists now, that the country is independent and developing its vast

resources, will delve into the riches of their native law and not allow

this wealth of legal material to be pushed aside and be forgotten under

the impact of a more sophisticated and conceptually vastly more deve-

loped doctrine of Western law, which can well profit from an infusion

of new ideas from other civilizations.

In the presentation and analysis of the lecture topics, the following

theoretical assumptions and interpretational models served as basis.

The Systematic and Composite Models for Criminal Justice

The author proceeded on the assumption that throughout the history

of mankind, three methods of dealing with the criminal offender have

surfaced: the punitive sanctions of criminal law, incapacitation of the

offender by making it physically impossible for him to commit further

offenses, and removal of the reasons, motivations, factors or causes of

criminal behavior, usually referred to as correction of the offender.

Al-

most invariably, the proponents of one of the methods of crime control

extoll the merits of their favorite method and criticize or simply ignore

the other two.

As the result, criminal justice systems based exclusi-

vely on punitive sanctions or almost exclusively on corrections have

The author subscribes to the view that

been developed or striven for.

a crime-control system should recognize the validity of all three of the

above-mentioned methods of control.

In his writings he has proposed

the systemic model (*) for organizing the criminal justice system, which

means not only utilization of all three methods, but careful planning in

the sense of coordination of these methods, with acute awareness of

the impact of the use of one type of measure on the effectiveness of the

other two ; for instance, the effect of the pursuit of the correctional goal

as an end in itself on general deterrence or general prevention by means

of punitive sanctions.

Or, what are the repercussions of ideal condi-

tions for an effective correctional program on the protection of society.

(°)

Peter P. Lejins, «The Systemic and the Composite Models for Planning and Eva-

luation of the Criminal Justice System,» Crime Prevention and Social Control, Ronald L.

Akers and EdWard Sagarin, Ed., Praeger Publishers, NeW York, 1974. This paper was

originally given at the Interamerican Congress of Criminology in Caracas, 1972. Also Peter

P. Lejins, National Conference of Corrections, Williamsburg, Virginia, 1971, pp. 72-73.

ce Agee

The systemic model is based on the assumption that the three methods

should be applied differentially to different kinds of offenders and of-

fenses, thus opening the door and asking for a new vast thrust of crimi-

nological research.

The systemic model implies, of course, a purely rational planning

of control of criminal and delinquent behavior, based on the ends-means

scheme.

To the modern social scientist it is quite obvious that an

effective social action program cannot be planned without recognizing

the ideosyncrasies of the given society at the given time.

This means

that planning cannot be done in terms of the systemic model alone, and

one has to go beyond the limits of the criminal justice system in planning

crime control measures.

This led this author to suggest, in addition

to the systemic model, the composite model, which has the systemic

model as one of its components. (*) Three additional components are

suggested.

1

The cultural setting of the given society at the given time at which

the crime control measures are supposed to be applied must be

taken into consideration.

The crime control measures have to be

compatible with the values and ideals of the society. Thus, for

instance, social values and legal principles in which the nation

believes and which usually are expressed in its constitution must

be respected in designing crime control measures.

The principles

of human rights and humanitariasism, which are presently subscrib-

ed to by the majority of the nations, likewise have to be taken into

consideration.

If a certain crime control measure proves to be

effective but contradicts any or all of the above accepted basic

values of the society, the likelihood of its being accepted and ope-

rationally feasible is very small indeed. At this point it is very

appropriate to make reference to the above-mentioned importance

of the study of the Nigerian peoples' own laws and their under-

lying principles for the planning of the criminal justice system of

Nigeria.

The resources available for the crime control system at a given

time in a given society must be taken into consideration.

lt is not

a matter of purely financial resources only. The availability of per-

sonnel, and especially properly educated and trained personnel, is

another important resource.

For example, some complex correc-

tional measures have occasionally been suggested, requiring tre-

mendous amounts of individual attention to the offender, and conse-

quently a great deal of highly trained personnel time. A criminal

justice systems planner must be aware of the fact that regardless

how cogent the reasoning for such a correctional measure might

be, it becomes impractical to apply such a measure if the resource

requirements in terms of money and qualified personnel are too

high. Obviously the cost-benefit analysis is an important part of

()

Ibid.

q

this consideration of resources. This cost-benefit analysis should

be used as a test with regard to other methods of handling offen-

ders and their relative effectiveness and cost, e.g., correction, pu-

nishment and incapacitation. Cost-benefit analysis has to be used

also with regard to the needs of the society which lie outside the

area of crime control, such as health, education and other social

needs.

Realistically, the criminal justice system has to be planned

within the scope of the financial and human resources which the

society can afford to apportion to the crime problem taking care of

other social needs.

The quality controls and standards characteristic of the given so-

ciety in its operation of social programs and business in general

must be given close attention. Standards in terms of the educational

background, training and experience of personnel, logistic support

in the sense of a modern and convenient physical plant, office and

machinery, electronic data processing and storage, and an effective

management information system assuring rapid feedback for rapid

decision-making are examples of the criteria to be used in planning

and evaluating crime control and prevention.

SIGNIFICANCE OF CULTURE IN THE DEVELOPMENT

OF CRIMINOLOGY

Zaria

The term criminology is an internationally widely used term and in a

very general sense denotes the scientific study of crime.

If one looks

more closely at its exact meaning, it becomes obvious that this varies

very considerably and is often quite vague except in some countries,

with some schools of criminological thought, and some criminologists

who formulate precise definitions of this inquiry into the field of crime.

With many people, criminology means any study of anything pertain-

ing to the problem of crime.

For instance, if one is a criminologist and

some spectacular murder occurs, one is often asked the question: ““You

are a criminologist.

Do you think that Mr. X is really guilty?”

or, “You

are a criminologist.

Do you think that it would be desirable to combine

probation and parole services in one and the same agency?” There

are many criminologists, at least in the United States, who would cate-

gorically deny their competence, as criminologists, to deal with such

questions.

Their hesitancy really indicates that they do not consi-

der that the discipline of criminology deals with everything pertaining

to the problem of crime, but only with some specific issues within this

topic.

In this context it might be of interest to this audience to know,

s146e

that in the United States in the last 10 years, with a vastly expanded

interest in the study of crime, a distinction has come to be stressed

between criminology and criminal justice.

In this juxtaposition, criminal

justice, as a scientific discipline, is supposed to deal with the agencies,

institutions, and programs dealing with the crime problem, their orga-

nization, operation, personnel, etc.

Criminology, on the other hand, is

presumably there to study the criminal, his criminal behavior, and the

reasons for it.

In this sense, criminology is oriented more toward the

disciplines of psychology and sociology, while criminal justice is related

more closely to administration, management and law.

lt is also impor-

tant to note that most recently in the United States a tendency has sur-

faced to consider criminal justice as the more general concept, encom-

passing anything pertaining to human society's dealings with the crime

problem, including any kind of study in the area of crime.

In a sense

this a move to assign to the term “criminal justice” the function per-

formed for many people by the term “criminology”.

In terms of such

a concept of criminal justice, criminology becomes a part of the broader

field of criminal justice: just that part of criminal justice which studies

the criminal and the etiology of his behavior.

This conceptualization

presently has the endorsement of the United States government, espe-

cially through the vast federal funds made available by the Law Enfor-

cement Assistance Administration (LEAA) of the United States Depart-

ment of Justice for research, various experimental programs, demons-

tration projects and educational and training programs. For instance,

LEAA insists that the States, in the process of so-called comprehensive

planning for the field of criminal justice, plan the use of the federal

funds for the entire field of criminal justice, and not merely for a seg-

ment thereof, be it the area of education, operational agencies or wha-

tever.

In its own direct funding of education programs, LEAA clearly

demands inclusion of subject matter both from the areas previously

identified as criminology and those known as criminal justice, law enfor-

cement, police, etc.

On the whole the United States system of higher

education responded favorably to this new structuring of the field.

In

the resulting vast expansion of educational programs, titles such as

9 c

“school of criminal justice,

criminal justice center,” “department of

criminal justice,”” Master’s degree in criminal justice, or Ph.D. in criminal

justice are the usual titles, and in most cases the study of criminology

and pertinent research are subsumed under this title.

The above is

purely a United States phenomenon, which is only slowly beginning to

be understood and in some cases emulated in other countries.

The real meaning of the discipline of criminology and its function

since its advent in Western society can be understood only from a his-

torical perspective.

Within the realm of so-called Western civilization ant the countries

affected by it, of the three methods of controlling crime—ie., punish-

ment, correction, and incapacitation—it was punitive control that prevail-

—2146 —

ed from the very beginnings of that civilization until relatively recent

times.

Suggestions that what we do to the offender is very similar to

what we do to physically sick persons appeared as early as Plato's

writing, and also incapacitating measures were always known and used.

The well-known ostracism practiced by the Greeks of antiquity is a

classical example of an incapacitating measure, where a person is taken

to an island from which he cannot return, and his potential negative

activities are prevented in that way.

In that particular case primarily

political activities were involved, rather than ordinary criminality.

From the point of view of the operational system, it was punish-

ment that prevailed as the most natural and widely used reaction to-

ward criminal behavior.

Criminal law and its application in terms of

criminal procedure gradually developed and became more and more

refined through the centuries of antiquity, especially in Rome, through-

out the Middle Ages and early modern times.

By the end of the 18th

century, crime control through punitive sanctions within the system of

criminal law reached a high level of sophistication.

This period is

nowadays often referred to as the Classical School of Criminal Law.

The specific event which partly sums up developments up to that point

and partly serves as a springboard for further perfecting of conceptual

and operational aspects of crime control by means of criminal law sys-

tems was the publication by Caesare Beccaria of his treatise Of Crimes

and Punishments, which appeared in 1764. The end of the 18th century

and the first part of the 19th century were truly the golden age of crimi-

nal law in Western civilization.

An entirely different period in perspectives on criminal behavior and

its prevention and control set in during the last third of the 19th century.

As early as the very beginning of that century and, actually, even in the

18th century, some ideas and programs clearly directed toward the

correction of offenders began to appear in the practices of operational

agencies of those days.

But it was not until the early 70's of the last

century that, especially under the impact of Caesare Lombroso's ma-

gnum opus, The Criminal Man, the theoretical basis was laid for the new

discipline of criminology and the criminological approach to criminal

behavior and its prevention and control.

The criminological proposition

advanced by Lombroso and his followers was very simple.

Everything

in this world has a cause.

So does criminal behavior.

The understand-

ing of the causes of criminal behavior would offer an opportunity to

remove these causes and by that token to remove the criminal behavior.

Therefore a need was felt for a new scientific discipline which would

study the factors, reasons, motivations or causes of criminal behavior

and, at the same time, the ways of eliminating these causes and thus

preventing or stopping the criminal behavior. Hence the emphasis on

the etiology of criminal acts.

In the light of this perspective, punish-

ment becomes by far less logical and a sort of indirect and therefore less

effective and desirable way of dealing with criminal behavior. It is quite

— 747 —

obvious that this criminological proposition is nothing else but the appli-

cation of the principles and methods of modern social science to the

problem of crime.

That is criminology. This school of thought, initiat-

ed by Lombroso and further developed by his immediate followers, is

usually refered to as the Classical or Positivist School of Criminology.

Perhaps it is worth pointing out that it is Lombroso's plea for a scientific

discipline of criminology for which he is cited in this context, and not

his theory of the criminal as an anthropological type.

In line with the topic of this lecture, we should now look into mean-

ing of the change which the advent of the criminological approach to the

crime problem signified, and into the societal or cultural conditions

which brought about this change.

First of all, let us assess the meaning and the magnitude of this

change.

Punitive crime control, based on the criminal law system,

which up to the 19th century dominated the Western world, tackled the

crime problem in two ways.

On one hand, punishment was intended

to teach the offender a lesson and to prevent further criminal activities

on his part.

In criminal law literature this is traditionally referred to as

special prevention or special deterrence, meaning the arrest of the cri-

minal activity of the individual offender.

On the other hand, the appli-

cation of punitive sanctions was supposed to make an example of the

criminal and what befalls him as the result of his criminal conduct, for

all other members to the society to behold. The latter were supposed

to be motivated not to get involved in criminal acts by the example of

the punished criminal and the knowledge that the same suffering is in

store for them if they break the criminal law. This function of punitive

sanctions is usually referred to as general prevention or deterrence.

Some theorists of criminal law placed greater emphasis on special,

others on general prevention.

Whatever the emphasis, the assumptions

underpinning this criminal policy are the same.

There is the postula-

tion of the freedom of the will, or freedom of choice on the part of the

individual. There is also recognition of the individual’s responsibility

for his acts, which are alleged to be the result of his choice.

And there

is aso the recognition that the individual who makes the decision which

is wrong and who violates the criminal law, deserves punishment, that is,

a specified amount of suffering for the wrong hel has done. This so-

cial control scheme is justified by its proponents both in terms of moral

judgment and in terms of its practical effectiveness in diminishing the

amount of criminal acts committed by the members of society.

The criminological proposition, on the other hand, as was briefly

stated above, interprets human behavior as the result of specific factors

or causes which are responsible for it.

In essence, it denies the free-

dom of the will.

Even if the authors hesitate to take the radical step

of explicitly denying freedom of choice, they usually develop some

concept of limited freedom of choice.

The moment the freedom of the

9

will and hence the ability to commit or not to commit a criminal act is

denied, the postulate of personal responsibility is undermined, and pu-

nishment for the wrong done loses its moral and to a considerable ex-

tent also its practical basis.

As a result, the only logical way to con-

trol criminal behavior appears to be by understanding its causes and

removing these.

This is the moral and practical justification of the

criminological position.

It leads both to preventive programs, where

the elimination of the causes forestalls the very appearance of criminal

behavior, and to correctional measures, which attempt to eliminate the

reasons for the criminal acts committed by the offender, so that these

will not be continued.

Hence the gradual shift in the crime control

systems of many countries form punitive crime control to correctional

and preventive programs.

For the sake of clarity one might add that

the third major method of dealing with criminal offenses—incapacitation

of the offender—usually accompanies both the punitive and correctional

systems.

In the punitive systems, incapacitation is often achieved by

the punitive measure itself, e.g., capital punishment or imprisonment.

In the systems which are correctionally oriented, a certain amount of

sheer incapacitation is usually justified by the need to protect society

from the offenders whom we do not yet know how to treat, or in whose

case the treatment effort has failed, perhaps because of human error.

The question is, what produced the above change in the perspeec-

tive on the crime problem, or what made it possible.

The assumption

of the freedom of the will and responsibility for one’s acts permeated

the weltanschauung of the antique world.

The Middle Ages, the epoch

of Christianity par excellence in the Western World, was a period of

complete commitment to the principle of the freedom of choice, or res-

ponsibility for one’s acts and the legitimacy, nay the necessity of pu-

nishment to expiate one's sins.

The basic tenets of Christian theology

speak of the original sin of Adam and Eve, transmitted to the human

race, the responsibility for it, and the need for suffering and punish-

ment to expiate the wrong.

Most of the early Christian saints, who

were meant to serve as models for the rest of humanity, are pictured

as sinners who repented and expiated their errors.

A crime control

based on punishment is a mirror image of the general perspective on

the individual, society, human conduct, and social control.

The change in the policies with regard to criminals could take place

only if the general perspective on human society changed. As we

know, such change did take place very slowly and with a great deal of

birth pains over a period of several centuries, beginning approximately

with the end of the 15th century. Historians often use the term “mo-

dern history” to designate this appearance of the new trends.

Several developments are usually singled out as lying at the base

of our modern Western civilization.

The Reformation, which according

to the usual interpretation diminished the dominance of the theological

= vos

mode of thinking; the development of empirical science with its scien-

tific method of inquiry; the industria!l revolution with its mass produc-

tion, which is usually further subdivided into an agricultural revolution,

a commercial revolution, and the more specifically industrial revolution;

overseas explorations and contacts with other continents by the Wes-

tern Europeans—all this, fused in an all—encompassing syndrome,

changed the face if not of the world, then at least of Western society,

and the many other societies which it affected.

For the handling of the crime problem, of special importance was

the lessening of the grip of Christian theology, especially that aspect

of it which deals with the concept of original sin, sin and crime in gene-

ral, suffering, punishment and expiation.

The major change which oc-

curred with this secularization of the world of ideas was with regard to

suffering, which had been fully accepted by Christian theology. So-

called humanitarianism, which emerged at that time, was a powerful

ideological movement, which denied the necessity and desirability of

suffering and set as a general goal the diminishing of human suffering

as an absolute value.

From that time on the ideologists of crime con-

tro! through punitive sanctions were faced with the difficult task of jus-

tifying the deliberate imposition of suffering as punishment for crime in

a society which was taking more and more of a negative stance toward

any suffering at all, particularly deliberately induced suffering.

Thus

the theoreticians of the classical school of criminal law, such as Caesare

Beccaria, had to make extreme efforts to limit punishment for criminal

offenses to the exact amount of suffering needed to effectuate general

and special prevention.

The felicific calculus of Jeremy Bentham is

probably the best-known example of such efforts.

But of special importance for the field of crime was, quite under-

standably, the development of social science. As Auguste Comte so

well pointed out, after having directed the scientific exploration of the

new empirical science to the inorganic and organic worlds, Western

society finally turned this incisive tool on itself by initiating the study of

man and of society in the 19th century. Psychology, sociology, and an-

thropology were the new social science disciplines which performed this

task.

“New”’ economics and political science followed suit.

As to

criminology, such students of social change as William F. Ogburn and

Harry E. Barnes, United States sociologists, probably were right when in

their analysis of cultural lag in the process of social change, they singled

In line

out the legal institutions as being the most resistant to change.

with this observation, the impact of modern social science on the handl-

ing of the crime problem came much later than its impact on other

aspects of human society. As was already pointed out, it was not

until the 1870's that the explicit demand for a special social science

discipline with the phenomenon of crime was voiced, and the develop-

ment of the discipline of criminology began.

As all empirical science,

— 150 —

it addressed itself primarily to etiology and was guided, as far as ac-

tion is concerned, by means-ends schemes.

Thus it is obvious that the

criminological perspective on criminal behavior and its control is part

and parcel of the total perspective on human society and its affairs,

currently espoused by Western civilization as the result of its commit-

ment to social science.

Criminology is one of the products of this

commitment.

It approaches criminal behavior in the same way as

modern society approaches unemployment, inflation, economic depres-

sion, war, and similar phenomena, namely through empirical study and

social action based on its findings.

In line with the above analysis, which shows how closely policies

and practices in crime control are related to the general cultural setting

of the particular country or the cultural region and period within which

the given country is situated, | would like to stress once more how impor-

tant it is for countries like Nigeria, which have tended simply to adopt the

much more developed concepts of criminal law of Western civilization,

to study their own law, which has been developed in consonance with

This does not

the rest of the values and culture traditions of the people.

mean that the good which the sophisticated legal systems of the West

have to offer should be rejected, but it does mean that whatever is

considered worthy of adoption should be carefully analyzed and checked

against the cultural setting to which it is brought.

Another thought

suggesting itself is that so-called Western European legal tradition is not

homogeneous.

Several strains can be distinguished. Perhaps the two

most important ones are the so-called Roman law, or Civil law tradition,

which dominates the Continent, and the Common law tradition of En-

gland, which was transported to its colonies.

Nigeria is the recipient

of the Common law tradition.

For the purposes of this suggested

evaluation of the institutions and concepts of Western law in the light

of the cultural traditions of Nigeria and its original legal institutions, it

might well to examine the potential contributions of Continental legal

thought.

Returning to criminology and the criminological point of view, it is

important to realize that ever since the criminological approach was

explicitly proclaimed in the 1870's, Western civilization has very slowly

been moving against the opposition of traditionalism, the vested interests

of the criminal justice personnel, and the sheer lack of knowledge of

what it is all about on the part of the general population, toward the

gradual replacement of punitive sanctions by correctional measures, or

at least toward adding correctional measures to the punitive sanctions.

Progress was slow, indeed.

It turned out to be easier to accomplish

reform in the area of juvenile offenses than in the adult field. Correc-

tions-oriented institutions for juveniles appeared earlier than the 1870's.

In the 1870's the reformatory for youthful and young adult offenders ap-

peared on the scene with a program obviously oriented toward cor-

rection rather than punishment.

Probation and parole, both clearly

;D-

correction-motivated programs, replaced the punitive sanctions—in the

case of probation sometimes in their entirety, while in the case of parole

at least the end of the punitive sentence was curtailed and an obviously

correctional program substituted.

Correctional programs within the

adult institutions, by way of education, vocational training, psychiatric

and psychological analysis and help, individual depth therapy or group

therapy, for instance, transformed many of the formerly clearly punitive

prisons into correctional institutions.

In the 19th century imprisonment

replaced capital and corporal punishment almost entirely as a major

crime control measure.

One might hypothesize that this was perhaps

due to the fact that in a society which in this transitional stage was

uncertain and often divided against itself as regards preference for pu-

nishment or correction, the prison offered the wonderful opportunity of

a Janus face, namely, on one hand being a place where correction, as it

was then assumed, could be conveniently exercized while, on the other

hand, it could conveniently be interpreted as a punitive measure, since

it took away the individual’s freedom.

In some countries, for example

the United States, the correctional approach had to a large extent replac-

ed the punitive approach in crime control by the middle of the 20th cen-

tury. By the beginning of the 1960's the voices clamoring that even the

term criminal code should be eliminated and a correctional code substi-

tuted for it were getting quite loud.

Not until the last few years did skepticism about the effectiveness

of the correctional methods begin to creep into the field of criminology.

Several factors can easily be traced as being in back of this skepticism.

Perhaps first of all the seemingly irrefutable statistical evidence of the

growing volume of adult crime and juvenile delinquency made people

wonder whether this was in some fashion related to the long-term pro-

cess of substituting correctional measures for punitive sanctions.

Se-

condly, the evaluational studies of correctional programs began to report

with an alarming frequency the lack of proof that correctional programs

were actually producing the expected results.

Thirdly, in the United

States at least, the effectiveness of the legal profession and of enfor-

cement of the basic legal principles proclaimed in the Constitution in the

area of human rights seemed to indicate that, in the final analysis, it was

really adherence to the basic legal organizational structure of the coun-

try rather than reliance on social science and social scientists that gua-

ranteed people’s rights and the social order.

At the present time a

number of major publications in the United States in the area of criminal

justice and criminology contend that the so-called treatment model or

medical model has proven to be ineffective in the area of crime control

and that return to punitive sanctions, in other words special and general

deterrence, is the answer to the growing crime problem. The arguments

on the side of corrections and on the side of punitive crime control based

on the criminal law can by no means be considered settled at this point.

But the Nigerian people would do well to familiarize themselves with

— 152 —

this controversy, the arguments being advanced and the findings of the

research projects being conducted. This development should be taken

into consideration by any developing country that is in the process of

forging its own criminal justice system.

CRIME CONTROL STRATEGY

IN A DEVELOPING COUNTRY

Ibadan

| am especially pleased with the topic of this particular lecture,

“Crime Control Strategy in a Developing Country.”

| have long been

interested in criminality in the so-called developing countries ; as a matter

of fact, for some twenty years.

An opportunity to discuss the problems

of criminality, both youthful and adult, in a country which is being refe-

red to as a developing country is for me, therefore, an important event

in itself.

An academic person, when making a presentation, is traditionally

supposed to indicate or her sources. Therefore, | will speak briefly

to my interest and activities in the area of criminality in developing

countries.

This is important because the major contribution to the ana-

lysis of this problem has been made by the United Nations and what is

formally known in that organization as the Social Defence Section, which

is now beginning to be referred to as the Crime Prevention and Criminal

Justice Section.

Since my work in this area has been very closely re-

lated to the United Nations activites, | will speak of it in this general

context.

The officially expressed interest of the United Nations in criminality

in the developing countries goes back to 1953, when the Social Com-

mission decided to include in the work program of the United Nations a

project on “the prevention of types of criminality resulting from social

changes and accompanying economic development in less developed

countries.”

The Economic and Social Council approved this step. This

concern of the United Nations was further expressed in the fact that

the first United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treat-

ment of offenders in Geneva in 1955 considered a paper prepared under

the auspices of UNESCO on the “Problems of Social Disorganization as

Related to Industrialization and Urbanization in the Countries Undergoing

Rapid Economic Development.” The topic was included into the program

of the Second United Nations Congress in London in 1960 as one of the

major items on the agenda, and it is as the result of this action that the

topic acquired truly international prominence.

Although assigned by

the delegation of the United States, of which | was a member, to a diffe-

rent section, | managed to attend a number of the meetings of the sec-

tion on crime in developing countries.

It is very gratifying for me to-

— 153 —

night to see that the chairman of our meeting, the honorable Chief Jus-

tice of this State, was also in attendance in London and took part in the

same section of the Congress.

The continued emphasis on the topic

by the United Nations resulted in the inclusion of this subject matter in

the agenda also of the Third Congress in 1965, in Stockholm, under the

title of “Social Change and Criminality.”

The various and many bodies

of the United Nations and its Social Defence Section addressed them-

selves to the topic again between the Third and the Fourth Congress,

the latter taking place in Kyoto in 1970. The Advisory Committee of

Experts on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders took up

the topic in 1966 and in 1969, the latter meeting being preceded by the

ad hoc Meeting of Experts on Social Defence Policies in Relation to

Development Planning in Rome.

| had the privilege of taking part in

that meeting and had the honor of serving as the rapporteur.

A num-

ber of ideas which | will develop tonight are the product of that parti-

cular meeting and | recommend the Report of that meeting as a signi-

ficant document for those who are interested in the topic.

Another do-

cument which ! consider quite important is the Position Paper prepared

by the United States Delegation to the Kyoto Congress With Regard to

Social Defence Policies in Relation to Development Planning.

| was

assigned the task of working on that particular Position Paper.

Also

this paper—perhaps with a certain pride of co-authorship for which |

apologize—I would like to recommend as a source, as well as, of cour-

se, the working paper prepared by the United Nations Secretariat for

the Kyoto Congress.

As one of the members of the panel of experts

for Agenda Item |, that is, Social Defence Policies in Relation to Deve-

lopment Planning, ! had the opportunity to take part in the discussions

and to hear the statements of the representatives of the innumerable

delegations to the Congress on this topic.

Perhaps this was the richest

source of field information which | have ever had the opportunity to

profit from. The report of the Kyoto Congress is still another valuable

document in this respect.

After having given you this brief historical sketch of the back-

ground, let me address myself to the issues involved in this topic.

As many countries gained their independence in the years follo-

wing the Second World War, they embarked upon a course of rapid

political, social and economic change and development.

Soon voices

began to be heard, pointing to the increases in criminality and juvenile

delinquency seemingly related to this process of change.

Especially

two aspects of this change—industrialization and urbanization—appear-

ed to be linked to crime and other social problems.

This quite naturally

and logically led to the thought that since many countries of the Wes-

tern world underwent similar processes earlier, their experience with

rapid industrialization and urbanization and with the problems connected

with these should be utilized in order to forestall the need for the new

developing countries to go through the same processes and make the

— 154e

same mistakes.

This idea of learning from the experience and the

presumably acquired wisdom of others was enhanced by the amount of

study and research done with regard to this period of history of the

Western world. The well known works of the so-called early moral

statisticians (e.g., A.M. Guerry), of the socialists such as Napoleone

Calajanni and Turati, and such students of poverty and urban slums as

Henry Mayhew (London Labour and London Poor, 1862) and Charles

Booth (Life and Labor in London, 1891) analyzed and statistically and

otherwise described criminality as a seemingly concomitant variable of

industrialization and urbanization.

Such writers as Emile Zola did the

same thing by means of literature.

The modern sociological-ecological

studies of this phenomenon started, with the full utilization of contem-

porary methods of research, in Chicago in the 1920's.

Attention was

focused on the factors leading to the upswing in criminality and espe-

cially juvenile delinquency in certain sections of the city as well as the

need and methods for eliminating the subcultural areas of criminality

and delinquency (e.g., Clifford R. Shaw'’s so-called area projects).

A

whole new school of criminological thought emerged, with new theories

of etiology of delinquent and criminal behavior, new ideas about pre-

vention and ““correction”’ of offenders, with the urban “slum”’ and its

inhabitants, the deteriorated, impoverished and high-delinquency areas

always remaining the focal point and the key issue.

The appearance

of similar communities and a similar kind oh especially youth crime in

the rapidly expanding cities in the developing countries naturally led to

the request that the United Nations provide the means for utilizing this

new approach for the benefit of nations which were just embarking on

a similar developmental

process. This then was the background

against which the above-mentioned steps taken by the United Nations

beginning with the 50's and especially the London Congress of 1960

should be seen.

While the first references to the emerging problems of increased

crime and delinquency in developing countries were made primarily in

terms of the concept of rapid social change in general, the above-men-

tioned specific aspects of this process of change, namely urbanization

and industrialization, gradually came to the fore.

lt is rather interest-

ing interplay of the interpretational concepts of general social change

and the specific phenomena of urbanization and industrialization for the

interpretation of heightened criminal activity in the developing countries.

A specialized student of this subject should not miss the specific over-

tones involved in this distinction.

The above distinction gains additional significance when another

important theoretical point is brought to bear; that is, the objection

which some analysts in some countries, notably the socialist countries,

have raised against the assertion that social change is bound to be

In accor-

followed by increased criminality and other social problems.

dance with the spokesmen of these countries, social change—and the

— 155 —

socialist countries, of course, view themselves as the products of radical

social change—should not be regarded as leading to increased crimina-

lity; on the contrary, social change in this particular perspective leads

to overall better conditions, social, economic, etc., which are supposed

to diminish or even eliminate crime and are alleged to have done so.

It is under the impact of these objections that sometimes the concept

of general social change was replaced by more specific reference to

urbanization and industrialization.

These processes allow much more

readily the proposition that they can be carried out properly or impro-

perly, and when they are carried out improperly, that is when crime and

delinquency increase.

Thus, rather than a generalized proposition

that social change is as a rule accompanied by an increase in criminat

behavior and in a way criminal behavior is the price which one has to

pay for introducing social change, another proposition is advanced;

namely, that of the appearance of a syndrome of urbanization, indus-

trialization, population growth, internal migration, social mobility and

technological change which very frequently leads to increases in juvenile

delinquency and criminality. At the same time the related proposition

is advanced that the undesirable effects of this syndrome should be

modifiable by social planning. The above conditions and the direct

relationship of criminal behavior to these must be studied in order to

forestall their possible negative effects, criminality among them.

If this

is not done, what is the value of discussing the matter at all? The pro-

cesses concomitant with the appearance of this syndrome should be

modifiable by social planning, in such a way that they will not lead to

increases in delinquency and criminality. This, fundamentally, is the

basic position being taken in the current discussions of the problems

of crime and delinquency in the developing countries.

Thus an opti-

mistic view of the future of the human race, based on rational planning,

seems to have prevailed over the pessimistic acceptance of crime and

delinquency as well as other social problems as the inescapable price to

be paid for progress : a belief which has led to the aphorism that crime

and social disorganization are symptoms of progress and as such must

almost be welcomed.

On the basis of the above interpretation, the following further

analyses are frequently made.

They are, of course, only a selection

from among very many interesting points raised.

As | have often suggested elsewhere, a distinction should be made

between urbanization-industrialization as a process of social change,

and industrialization and urbanization as the state or condition of being

an industrial and urban society. While the process of urbanization-indus-

trialization may be conducive to an increase in crime, delinquency and

other social problems, the final product of this development could at

least hypothetically be so organized that it will have no more or perhaps

even less crime and delinquency than the societies which preceded it.

Thus the distinction becomes obvious between a) social planning to di-

— 156 —

minish crime and delinquency in the course of the process of transition

from rural to urban and industrialized society and b) social planning for

the purpose of minimizing crime and delinquency in the industrialized,

urban communities.

The developing countries should be aware of the

difference between these two objectives and the methods of achieving

these.

Another important caveat which should protect the analyst of the

situations described above, and by the same token the planner, is the

misleading nature of many conventional statistics of crime.

The rela-

tionship between the data reported and the reality which they are sup-

posed to reflect must be very carefully analyzed and evaluated. The

absence of formal public registration of offenses in a rural community

may lead to the interpretation that crime is almost non-existent in such

a community, while in the city, where statistical figures are available,

this may in fact simply mean that criminal behavior is as a rule being

publicly registered.

Besides this sheer registration factor, the modern

industrialized community may be handling as criminal some types of

behavior which were not formerly considered such. Two frequently

cited kinds of situations are changes in the statutes and changes in the

cultural setting. The first is exemplified by the introduction of prohi-

bition of alcoholic beverages, which leads to cases of use, distribution

A common

and production of alcohol becoming a criminal statistic.

example of the other is the appearance of the automobile, which is re-

flected in the volume of criminal statistics by the traffic-related violations.

Frequently both of these elements appear together.

A further important analytical point is the recognition of the fact

that the public punitive sanctions are only one of the forms of social

control.

Such informal social control methods, which in American so-

ciology are often referred to as folkways and mores, may well be the

substitutes for punitive sanctions in pre-urban and pre-industrial socie-

ties.

If so, the sudden burgeoning of crime and delinquency as soon as

the society becomes urban and industrial may mean that the crime sta-

tistics reflect a change in the method of social control and not neces-

sarily a deterioration of the conduct of the members of the society. At

the London Congress of 1960 | made a statement which was later incor-

porated in one of my articles, to wit:

“Variations in the reported amounts of juvenile delinquency in

different countries may not necessarily place these countries in

relation to each other on the basis of the amounts of juvenile be-

havior but rather locate them along a developmental continuum of

gradual social change in the methods of handling the socialization

of their young.” (*)

.

Peter P. Lejins. «American Data on Juvenile Delinquency in an International Fo-

rum,» Federal Probation, 25 (June, 1961).

— 157 —

As can readily be seen, these observations regarding criminal sta-

tistics and their meaning lead to a more basic analysis of the methods of

social control, and countries undergoing rapid social change should

engage in this type of analysis.

It should be pointed out that there has

recently been a considerable amount of cautioning against resorting

too quickly to the punitive sanctions of criminal law.

It is by and large

believed that the maintenance and support of such informal forms of

social control as the family, the church, the community, and labor groups,

for instance, is preferable to the use of penal sanctions.

Further it is

being suggested that administrative measures which may put obstacles

in the way of becoming involved in undesirable behavior can often for-

Moreover some hold that non-

estall the need for punitive sanctions.

criminal or non-punitive legal sanctions, in terms of civil rather than

criminal law, are preferable to the use of punishment.

AIl of this invo-

kes the old conception of criminal law and punitive sanctions as being

in a way the means of final resort—the tip of the pyramid of social con-

trols that should be avoived as much as possible.

Returning for a moment to the topic of criminal statistics, the obser-

vation is sometimes made that if the representativeness or reported

crime data is carefully analyzed, contrary to the usual belief, the fre-

quency of criminal behavior in rural areas may be increasing just as

much as or even more than in urban areas as the result of industrializa-

tion.

The difference in reporting methods may be concealing the true si-

tuation.

There is some evidence to that effect.

Thus the developing

countries perhaps should hot too lightly turn their backs on their rural

areas on the assumption that the youth there is not affected by the social

and economic change because the official records do not seem to indi-

cate this.

Moving from the interpretation of criminal behavior and the ways

of controiling it to the methodology of prevention, we enter into ano-

ther domain of lively debate and find some very recent modifications

in what used to be the accepted views with regard to planning.

For a

long time the so-called social defense planning, that is, planning for

the prevention and control of crime, was treated completely separately

from more general social and economic planning.

Planners in the area of

delinquency and crime hardly ever met with economists, sociologists or

proponents of various kinds of technological innovations.

The planning

organization hardly ever reflected in its structure appropriate niches for

both types of planning. Nowadays, with ever-increasing frequency, the

view is being advanced that the two planning functions should really be

perceived and handled together.

The revived school of cultural etiology

of criminal behavior of the late 50's and 60's in the United States played

an important role in calling attention to the differential opportunity struc-

tures within the society, the conflict between the culturally instilled aspi-

rations and the chances of actually satisfying these aspirations.

The

alienation of thus disappointed members of the society, especially youth,

— 158 —

the natural banding together of these disappointed youths in the search

for solutions in common to their culturally and structurally induced pro-

blems by illegitimate means are the real reason for what was discover-

ed by an earlier cohort of American ecological sociologists of the twen-

ties as delinquency areas or simply dangerous and criminal city slums.

This school of cultural etiology of criminal behavior, which directly

brands social and economic factors as criminogenic conditions, provides

rich opportunities for analysis and action in the rapidly expanding sub-

standard urban communities in the developing countries.

While it would perhaps be presumptuous to propose that social and

economic planning as a broad, all-encompassing function for the benefit

of the entire country should be carried out with the primary objective of

diminishing crime and delinquency, nevertheless there are obviously

many situations in which certain adjustments in the overall plans may be

of crucial importance in terms of stimulating or diminishing criminal

behavior.

The advice of an expert in criminal etiology might be justly

disregarded by the general planners when it means handicapping the

achievement of broader and higher objectives; but there will certainly

be cases where sound criminological advice might not change anything

of intrinsic value to the general plan, but at the same time be very impor-

tant in forestalling the creation of typical criminogenic situations.

In line with the above suggestion that the social and economic plan-

it stands

ners should seek the advice of the social defense planners,

to reason that also the latter, both in their education and training and

in their operations should be acutely aware of the basic requirements of

overall social planning.

On the practical level, the above discussion has led to the rather ge-

nerally accepted point of view that:

1

the general social and economic planning agencies, both public and

private, such as boards, centers, institutes, etc., should include ex-

perts from the area of criminology and criminal justice on their

staffs;

similarly, agencies specializing in planning in the area of criminal

justice should include on their staff or have ready acess to the

overal social and economic planners;

any educational or training program, whether in institutions of hi-

gher learning, specialized institutes, or simply as seminars conve-

ned on the topic of planning, should include elements of social

defense planning, thus gradually enhancing the emergence of an

all-inclusive planning approach.

The general field of criminal justice, comprising criminology, cor-

rections, law enforcement, prevention etc., in accordance with the cur-

rent American terminology, is quite alive and responsive to the present

— 159 —

world-wide problems of delinquency and crime and modern methodo-

logies of research and evaluation.

The developing countries should be aware of what is going on in

modern criminal justice system planning. They shouid be aware of

the general skepticism voiced with regard to the effectiveness of cor-

rections in general, but especially with regard to imprisonment as an

effective correctional setting. They should be aware of the current

analysis leading to the rejection of punitive sanctions in the area of

victimless crimes or the so-called consensual crimes.

They should be

aware of the various new methodologies of treatment, such as the va-

rious types of community-based treatment which have been developed

in many Western countries, especially the United States, the United

Kingdom and the Scandinavian countries.

They should also be aware

of the so-called labeling theories and their potential implications for

the structuring of the criminal justice system. Not all of these propo-

sitions can be considered proven.

Most of them are merely interes-

ting hypotheses still requiring research, demonstration projects and

experimentation.

lt would appear that the developing countries, which

do not yet have century-old traditional agencies and institutions staffed

with personnel with vested interests, should be especially suited to

explore these new avenues.

After having listed the major issues in the current analysis of the

policies in the planning of criminal justice in general and the planning

for countries in the rapid process of development, | would like to

say that the impressions of the few days | have spent in Nigeria

bring clearly to the fore that yours is a country that is undergoing

very rapid development, conveniently labeled as urbanization and

industrialization, and that you are probably faced with the dangers

of concomitant

increases especially

in

juvenile delinquency but

also in adult crime.

Not using only my own brief observations but refer-

ring to what my Nigerian friends and guides have repeatedly pointed

out to me in the last few days, | have become aware of the tremendous

masses of people around practically every urban conglomeration in

Nigeria, whether it be Zaria in the North or Lagos in the South. These

people obviously have moved into the urban area relatively recently;

they obviously are in a cultural setting entirely new to them. They are

surrounded by many children whom they are supposed to bring up as

good citizens.

The processes of socialization of the incoming genera-

tion, to which they are accustomed, quite obviously cannot be effectively

operated in the new surroundings.

| think there has been a great deal

of wisdom in the move of the United Nations to try somehow to muster

experience and the wisdom of the countries that have gone through

similar situations before, to alleviate the present but especially the

future potential problems in the new rapidly developing countries.

If

we want to live as rational human beings and rational societies, the

main firing line in the battle against criminality at the present time should

— 160 —

not be facing the current offenders, but rather be located at the planning

table, analyzing in detail the patterns of social control and developing a

suitable master plan for a rebuilt system of such controls under new con-

ditions.

With regard to the basic task of societal living, | would like to

say that although the countries are in different stages of development,

the so-called more advanced countries seem to be faced with problems,

specifically in the area of criminal justice, which are perhaps somewhat

different from the problems the people of Nigeria are facing, but which

are no less serious than those which you are beginning to experience

here.

THE CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS OF CONVICTED

OFFENDERS AND THEIR IMPACT ON THE

TREATMENT METHODS

Port Harcourt

The issue of human rights, while long a point of major concern,

became especially acute after World War Il and in the last 10 years has

become a focal point to an even greater extent than ever before.

Itiis on-

ly natural that, in the course of this intense movement, the rights of crimi-

nals began to receive their share of attention as well.

At the same time,

however, arguments are often heard that the emphasis on these rights

does not only interfere with the management of the most popular puni-

tive sanction — imprisonment — but also interferes with the treatment

programs from which not only the offender but also society are suppo-

sed to benefit.

In the beginnings of Western civilization and, one might hypothe-

size, in all large-scale civilizations, the punitive crime control system

was very much single-goal oriented: i.e., it aimed at eliminating crime

by punishment, without much concern for anything else. The belief

was strong and wide-spread that the severity of the punishment is

the most effective means both for special and general prevention, and

the rights of the offender did not appear to play much of a role, although

there must have been exceptions through the ages and in many civili-

zations. In some periods there were certain priviliged groups, such as

the clergy in the Middle Ages and early modern times in Western so-

ciety. The advent of humanitarianism, beginning with the onset of

modern history, undoubtedly blunted the sword of punitive justice.

But

it was really only with the founding of the classical school of criminal

law in the 18th century, that restrictions on the cruelty and vengeance

of the government toward the transgressors of criminal law began to

It was not until after

be considered as part of the offender's rights.

the publication of Beccaria's treatise Of Crimes and Punishments that

the feeling gradually gained ground that criminal law should be consi-

— 161 —

dered the Magna Charta of the offender, in the sense that the criminal

law must describe very precisely the acts which are forbidden, and

likewise the kind and amount of penalty to be inflicted upon the offender

for transgressing the law. The offender had the right to expect no more

than the amount and kind of punishment threatened by the state.

At

the same time, the principle nullum crimen sine lege—no ex post facto

laws—gradually gained wide acceptance, at least in principle.

By and

large these maxims penetrated wide circles of the population in the

Western World. Not only the jurists but the public in general began to

expect that the offender will receive the punishment due him in accor-

dance with the law, no more and no less.

It is approximately at this

point in the history of ideas and the corresponding social action that

criminology appeared on the scene and provided a theoretical basis for

the emphasis on the causes of crime and their removal and strengh-

thened the advocacy of correctional treatment for the convicted offen-

ders.

As the result, correctional programs were injected into whatever

the law prescribed for the offender in the way of punishment. Very slow-

ly and very gradually, over a period of about a century and a half, correc-

tion attained a sufficient amount of general recognition to considered

at least by some not only an additive to punishment, but even the pri-

mary purpose of the sanctions inflicted upon the criminal.

In another

lecture in this series, this process of the advent of correction was dealt

with in greater detail.

For the purpose of tonight's topic, the above

brief introductory statement must suffice.

If one strictly adheres to the exact topic of this lecture, namely

“the constitutional rights of convicted offenders,” one is really limited

to the discussion of those rights of offenders which are spelled out in

If so, the best exam-

or based on the constitution of the given country.

ple of the current conception of constitutional rights of convicted of-

fenders known to this speaker is the statement of the United States

National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice Standards and Goals

in its reports published in 1973 that “convicted offenders should retain

all rights that citizens in general have, except those rights that must be

limited in order to carry out the criminal sanction or to administer a cor-

rectional facility or agency.”

This statement means that, e.g., in the case

of imprisonment, which is still by far the most widely used punitive sanc-

tion, the offender retains all his or her rights except for those which are

curtailed in order to effectuate incarceration. Thus, except for this limi-

tation of rights, the offender remains in the possession of all the consti-

tutional rights that any citizen in the United States is entitled to, including

those rights which are conveyed through the first ten amendments to

the United States Constitution, generally known as the Bill of Rights.

If this position is interpreted broadly, the convicted offender may ques-

tion and request a court ruling in any case where his or her rights as a

citizen are curtailed beyond the absolute minimum necessary to effec-

tuate punishment through loss of freedom by incarceration.

— 162 —

lt is quite obvious that national constitutions do not occupy them-

selves in detail with the rights of convicted offenders.

On the other

hand, it is also quite obvious that whatever can be interpreted on the

basis of these constitutions as the rights of the convicted offender is

dealt with in much greater detail by legislation, judicial dispositions,

administrative rules and practices, and public opinion with regard to

such rights.

It probably would be correct to surmise that when this

general opinion base becomes apparent and cogent, appropriate provi-

sions may be taken into the body of the constitution.

It is therefore

quite appropriate to address oneself in this lecture to developments

which in the past have affected or are now affecting the rights of the

convicted criminals even if they are not directly spelled out in the

constitution of their country. Of such movements, the following will be

singled out and briefly discussed: the transformation of “imprisonment

for punishment” into “imprisonment as punishment;” the Declaration of

Principles of 1870 of the American Correctional Association or, as it was

known at that time, The National Congress on Penitentiary and Refor-

matory Discipline, the Minimum Rules movement and the United Nations

role in it; and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Imprisonment For Punishment and As Punishment

As far as the United States are concerned, state-wide imprisonment

for punishment of convicted offenders was introduced for the first time

in 1773 in the then colony of Connecticut by passing an appropriate

statute and authorizing the use of the former Simsbury copper mine as

the facility for incarceration.

As intensive research carried out by this

speaker indicates, no correctional ideology was connected with this

introduction of imprisonment.

If anything, the reform was done under

the impact of humanitarian ideas, since it substituted long-term impri-

sonment (10 years) for capital or corporal punishment, which was most

likely to be imposed as the result of the respective offense.

The first

state prisons which were established, following the example of Connec-

ticut, also were not motivated by the treatment model, which did not

appear as an explicit purpose of incarceration until several decades

later.

The statutes introducing imprisonment as punishment for crime

took great pains to specify that not only the loss of freedom was suppo-

sed to be lot of the convict but the whole regime of the prison was inten-

ted to be painful thoughout and was to remind offender constantly that

he was serving out a penalty. This was truly incarceration for punish-

ment.

Only very gradually and hand in hand with the ever greater in-

jection of correctional measures into the imprisonment routines, the

prison regime started to lose its character of a continuous ongoing

imposition of suffering, and voices began to be heard that the key issue

is really the loss of freedom, and that nothing else is essential nor ne-

Thus the

cessary for properly implementing the punitive sanction.

position which crystalized in the 20th century began to be formulated to

— 163 —

the effect that people are being incarcerated as punishment and not for

punishment.

The Proceedings of the American Correctional Associa-

tion give rich examples of the battles fought at the annual Congresses

regarding this issue, with the conservatives insisting on the punitive

nature of the prison regime, in the end at least to the extent of no frills

and no luxuries, and the liberals staunchly defending the principle that

as long as the offender is incarcerated, the punishment has been consu-

mated and no additional hardships should be imposed. The above quo-

ted statement of the National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice

Standards and Goals represents the victory and culmination of this liberal

point of view.

The Declaration of Principles of 1870

The First National Congress on Penitentiary and Reformatory Dis-

cipline convened in Cincinnati, Ohio, October 12-18, 1870.

It is interest-

ing to note that this was the beginning of the decade in which on another

contient, Europe, the decisive steps for the development of a new scien-

tific discipline of criminology were taken, i.e., the publication of Lom-

broso's The Criminal Man and the work of his immediate followers.

It

should also be noted that the word reformatory appears in the title of

the Cincinnati Congress, thus stressing not only punishment but also

Thus in one and the same decade on two

reformation of the prisoner.

continents the need for the study of the causes of crime was proclaimed

and the more intensive discussion of reforming the criminal offender

was begun.

Although the Declaration of Principles of the Congress did

not specifically stress the rights of the incarcerated criminal, by impli-

cation the recognition of these rights, which are stated mostly as the

duties or desiderata for the personnel, permeates the Declaration.

Es-

pecially significant is the sentence in the second principle which reads

“Hence the supreme aim of prison discipline is the reformation of crimi-

nals, not the infliction of vindictive suffering”. In general these Prin-

ciples can best be interpreted as a description of the conditions under

which the incarcerated offender has the best chance of being reformed

and returned to society as a useful and law-abiding member. These

conditions, as just stated, can be interpreted as rightful expectations on

the part of the prisoner, if not to say his rights. The declaration of Prin-

ciples promulgated by the Cincinnati Congress had a lasting influence

not only in the United States but in the entire Western World, and many

works published after 1870 on the subject of crime and the handling of

the crime problem reproduce the Declaration verbatim or make reference

to it.

The textbooks written for the faculties of law or the law schools

were no exception.

The Minimum Rules and the United Nations

The Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners ori-

ginally were the work of the International Penal and Penitentiary Com-

mission (IPPC).

Once again one should note that the beginning of the

E 4s

1870's was in a way a period of unprecedented ““stress and strain” in the

area of the crime problem. The already mentioned emergence of the

discipline of criminology on the Continent of Europe, the just mentioned

National Congress on Penitentiary and Reformatory Discipline in the

United States, accompanied by the founding of the American Prison

Association, later to be known as the American Correctional Association,

and the establishment of the International Penal and Penitentiary Com-

mission, an international organization which was supported by the mem-

ber nations and convened its first Congress in 1872 in London, to be

followed by quinquennial congresses except for interuptions due to wars,

until 1950 when the United Nations took over the function of the Commis-

sion, all were manifestations of one and the same concern. In 1926 the

IPPC adopted the first text of the Standard Minimum Rules for the

Treatment of Prisoners.

These rules were conceived as the standards

for the management of institutions for incarceration of offenders and

their inmates in the hopes that the governments of participating coun-

tries would adopt these rules as laws or regulations governing prison

affairs.

With this, the topic of minimum rules was not laid to rest.

The

rules were revised by the Commission and discussed in its Congresses

in 1933 and 1951.

When the United Nations took over the functions of

the Commission, in their first Congress on the Prevention of Crime and

Treatment of Offenders in 1955, in Geneva, a special section was devo-

ted to further work on these Standard Minimum Rules.

This speaker

had the honor of being assigned to that particular section by the United

States Delegation.

A revised version of the Rules was worked out by

the section and approved by the Congress.

In 1957 the Economic and

Social Council of the United Nations invited member governments to

adopt these Rules and apply them to the administration and operation

of the correctional institutions in their countries.

Not all nations offi-

cially adopted the Standard Minimum Rules, but as a recognized stan-

dard these Rules, through the efforts of the United Nations, exercised

considerable influence.

Since that time the topic of Standard Minimum

Rules has been on the agenda of the United Nations.

Most recently

the Standard Minimum Rules were on the agenda of the United Nations

Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders in

Kyoto in 1970.

While the Standard Minimum Rules speak primarily, but not exclu-

sively, of the responsibilities of the government and administration to

observe the Rules, actually these Rules represent what can be consi-

dered to be the rights of the offenders with regard to the conditions of

penal institutions, the treatment accorded the prisoners by the person-

nel, and the programs to which they are entitled as part of their incar-

ceration, including correctional programs.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights

Adopted in 1948, this Declaration proclaimed the right of everyone

to life, liberty and security of person and, among other things, the prohi-

— 165 —

bition of torture and of cruel, innuman or degrading treatment.

While,

as we all know, the noble principles proclaimed are constantly being

violated and the world is far from conducting its affairs in accordance

with them, still this Declaration has been playing an important role as a

Also in the case of the Standard

proclaimed standard of conduct.

Minimum Rules it has served as a base and authority for their further

development and gradual implementation.

Constitutional Rights and Correctional Treatment

In recent years a new trend has appeared regarding the rights

of the convicted offender.

Until then, correctional measures were

axiomatically accepted as something desirable both from the point of

view of the offender and society. Offenders were expected to accept

correctional treatment.

A certain amount of choices was generally

available; for instance, the offender could opt for an educational pro-

gram, a vocational program or sheer labor. In the case of more recent

treatment programs, such as depth or group therapy, the cooperation of

the offender is essential. However, all this freedom of choice, even if

officially available, was in most cases severely curtailed by the premise

that an offender is supposed to cooperate with what the correctional

authorities have devised and consider desirable for him. The absence of

such cooperation as a rule has played a very important role in whether

or not to reduce a maximum sentence serving as evidence that the offen-

der is profitting from the program and shows symptoms of now being

capable of rejoining society. The absence of cooperation with the correc-

tional program, on the other hand, is usually interpreted as a symptom

of lack of sufficient improvement, and the offender has a good chance

of serving the maximum.

The above-mentioned new trend is to consider that the constitutional

or universal human rights of the individual allow him, if he so wishes, to

reject any programs or requirements beyond sheer incarceration as pu-

nishment for his deeds.

It is accepted that even under the doctrine of

universal human rights, the individual offender must observe certain

standards of cleanliness and decency, and the rules for security while

confined in the prison community. But beyond that, any treatment pro-

gram, whether it be education, training, psychotherapy or whatever

should be the voluntary option of the offender, in a way a contract bet-

ween the offender and the authorities who are willing to provide the

opportunities for improvement if the offender is willing to accept them.

These principles apply not only to the incarcerated offender but, with

appropriate modifications, also to all extramural programs resulting

from a sentence for an offense.

These straws in the wind represent an interesting reversal: for al-

most two centuries the liberals in the cause of penal reform led a sustain-

ed fight for the substitution of cause-removing or correctional measures

— ét66 —

for the purely punitive sanctions of the past.

Now it appears that at

least some of the liberals who are dedicating themselves to the cause

of protecting the offender from the wrath of society begin to see cor-

rection as a violation of the rights of the offender unless he or she ac-

cepts it voluntarily.

In pure theory this position is hard to contest if one

accepts the proviso that what the offender is sentenced to is exclusi-

vely a punitive sanction.

That is exactly what these new theorists

maintain, thus in a somewhat strange fashion returning to the point of

view of the classical school of criminal law and the practice of bygone

centuries, when it was only punishment for criminals that society was

concerned about.

One must recognize, of course, that the new theory

does not deny correction but accepts it only in case of voluntary coo-

peration by the offender.

In addition to the argument about the consti-

tutional or human rights of the offender, another point, which is often

added, is that unless the offender him—or herself really wants to be

Of course, there are

helped, any correctional effort will be a failure.

those who feel that criminal offenders often remain offenders because

“they do not know what is best for them,

2

and therefore compulsory

participation is the only effective way to help. This reminds one of the

old controversy concerning social work in an “authoritative”’ setting.

What effect the new trend will have on the current highly developed cor-

rection programs and their personnel, such as in the United States, for

instance, remains to be seen.

As | have stated in the other lectures of this series, a developing

society like Nigeria, which has the unique opportunity of forging anew

its own criminal justice system, should keep informed and abreast of

developments, in this case in the area of constitutional and human

rights of convicted offenders, in order to make the best use of the expe-

rience of other countries.

APPLICATION OF CRIMINOLOGY

IN THE

SENTENCING PROCESS

Lagos

At the present time the sentencing of criminal offender has become

a major problem in the United States, and, as far as this speaker knows,

in many other countries in the world. Disparity of sentences is consi-

dered to be one of the major ills of the criminal justice system in the

United States.

People still remember the days when this was not the

case, or at least by far not to the same extent, and many wonder what or

who is responsible for the present situation.

Many studies have been

made to establish how great this disparity is, and the results are often

surprising and at the same time baffling as to how a country could get

itself into such a situation.

— 167 —

Here are some illustrations. In the United States, the President'’s

Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice in its

1967 Task Force Report: The Courts, cites (p. 23) the well-known study

conducted in 1961 at the Federal Institute on Disparity of Sentences.

“The judges were given sets of facts for several offenses and offen-

ders and were asked what sentences they would have imposed.

One case involved a 51-year-old man with no criminal record who

pleaded guilty to evading $4,945 in taxes.

At the time of his con-

viction he had a net worth in excess of $200,000 and had paid the

full principal and interest on the taxes owed to the Government.

Of the 54 judges who responded, 3 judges voted for a fine only; 23

judges voted for probation (some with a fine); 28 judges voted for

prison terms ranging from less than 1 year to 5 years (some with a

fine).

In a bank robbery case the sentences ranged from probation

to prison terms of from 5 to 20 years.”

It should be noted that in this case only federal judges participated,

that is, judges of one single legal system. One can imagine what the

disparity would have been if the judges from 50 states, all of which have

their own legal orders, had been included. Following this study, innume-

rable other studies on the same subject were conducted and seminars

and conferences held which generally supported the above findings.

This speaker sees the current problem in sentencing as the result

of the loss of the clear criteria which used to guide judges, and the

appearance of a number of often incompatible and even contradictory

criteria with regard to which no policies have been arrived at nationally

or even within one single jurisdiction.

Very often these criteria have

not even been explicitly formulated or—if perhaps they are formulated

some place in the literature—these formulations are not known to the

sitting judges, who operate on the basis of the law as they see it, and a

vague knowledge of the new goals alledgedly supported by both the

professionals and the general public.

In this uncertain situation judges

are often guided by their own common sense, which naturally differs

from one judge to the next, trying to give sentences which will not be

too unpopular with their constituencies, whatever these are.

There are,

of course, judges who clearly understand what the problem is, are per-

fectly aware of the different criteria on the basis of which they could

pronounce sentence, but who are simply uncertain as to which criteria

they should follow. This presentation will be an attempt to clarify some

of these issues and, by that same token, perhaps make the formulation

of policies and the selection of criteria more rational and easier.

The crux of the problem is the simultaneous presence of the punitive

and the correctional models of crime control, with the need to protect

society by incapacitating the offender who is menacingly looming in the

background.

— 168 —

A system of criminal justice operating solely in terms of punitive

crime control is extremely simple as far as sentencing is concerned.

Here is the model.

In the criminal court within a criminal justice system based on puni-

tive crime control, the judge has three functions to perform. First of

all, the judge (in some countries the jury) has to establish the fact that

a crime was committed. This means that the criminal court has to analyze

the evidence presented and ascertain whether the essential elements

of the state of facts which the law sets in its identification of a crimi-

nal act are actually present.

This is a purely legal function, which pre-

supposes the ability on the part of the court to clearly understand the

meaning of the law and to be able to analyze the factural situation.

The second function is that of establishing who is the criminal who

commited the criminal act.

This is usually the most dramatic part of the

criminal procedure.

On the basis of the evidence and the testimony of

witnesses, this decision must be reached in accordance with the rules of

criminal procedure.

This is, again, a purely legal topic, which requires

legal competence.

Finally, the third function of the criminal court, after the criminal act

and the offender have been identified, is to state what the consequences

of the criminal act will be in accordance with the law, in other words, to

pronounce the sentence.

In a purely punitive criminal justice system

based on criminal’law, this is a relatively simple function to perform.

The law may state the penalty to be imposed without leaving any choice

to the judge.

lt may, on the other hand, state the minimum and the

maximum limits of the penalty, leaving the discretion within these limits

to the court. lt may, in some countries, enumerate the extenuating or

aggravating circumstances in consideration of which a lower or higher

penalty may be given.

The law may also require that the judge motivate

his decision by making reference to these extenuating or aggravating

circumstances.

This, again, is a purely legal function, requiring tho-

rough understanding of the criminal law by the court.

Thus, within a strictly punitive criminal justice system, there are no

reasons for too much disparity in the sentences pronounced by various

judges; as a matter of fact, no disparity necessarily at all.

The final

check by means of appeal is supposed to eliminate inevitable human

errors.

The situation changes radically when criminology steps in and the

perspective on crime control begins to change from an exclusively puni-

tive point of view to one of removing the causes of criminal behavior,

in other words, correction of the offender.

An entirely different and new

criterion is introduced for what is going to be done to the offender be-

cause of having committed a criminal act.

At this point it is not a ques-

tion of imposing suffering or punishment, but rather of the measures

which will remove the motivation for continued criminal behavior.

What

— 169 —

the sentence should be is no longer a simple proposition, but a very

complex one, especially if the criteria are not clearly and explicitly for-

mulated. The same President's Commission, in the same report, attemp-

ted (p. 23) to give the reasons for the justifiable lack of uniformity of

sanctions.

It did not, however, make any reference to the complicating

factor of correctional treatment, at least not in this particular context:

“Within certain limits a lack of uniformity in sentences is justifiable.

Indeed the reason for giving discretion in sentencing is to permit

variations based on relevant differences in offenders.

Unequal

sentences for the same offense may also result from the fact that

statutory definitions of crimes encompass a fairly broad range of

conduct having varying degrees of seriousness.

Finally, lack of

uniformity may reflect geographic factors, such as differences in

public apprehension of crime among communities in the same

jurisdiction, or institutional considerations, such as the need to offer

more lenient sentences to defendants who furnish information or

testimony for the prosecution.”

If the function of correcting the offender is entrusted to the agen-

cies and personnel who are placed in charge of the offender after the

court sentence, then the introduction of the criminological point of view

still does not necessarily have much effect on the decision-making pro-

cess of the judge.

For instance, in the United States, the original youth

correction authority act prepared by John R. Ellington in 1940 and adopt-

ed in part by the State of California in 1941, made a clear distinction in

the case of youthful offenders between the legal functions of the court

and the correctional functions of the Youth Authority. The court deter-

mines that a certain offender has committed a criminal act, and as a

consequence he or she is committed to the Youth Authority. The latter,

with the aid of its behavioral and social science experts, determines the

needs of the offender in order to bring about an appropriate behavior

modification, in other words, to remove the motivation to continue cri-

minal activities.

When the major punitive sanction is imprisonment and

all correctional activities take place in the course of that period of im-

prisonment, the judge can still form his sentence exclusively in terms

of the single criterion of the gravity of the offense and the correspond-

ing amount of punishment-imprisonment deserved by the offender.

The real difficulties with the sentencing procedures begin when the

cause-removing issues are referred to the court, and the judge has to

consider not only the offender’s responsibility for the criminal act, but

also the measures which would correct him or her.

That is when the

grounds for sentencing become vague, ant that is what is primarily

responsible for the disparity, or perhaps one might say the chaos, in

sentencing from which many countries presently seem to suffer.

If the courts and the judges would stick to purely legal matters and

not become involved in decision-making with regard to the correctional

— 170 —

programs, which are based on the wisdom derived from the disciplines

of psychology, psychiatry, sociology and criminology, the situation

would remain simple.

Unfortunately, almost as a rule the judges, with

all the power and prestige of their position, insist on taking part in the

management of the correctional treatment.

Perhaps this is due to the

natural tendency of all professional groups to try to expand the scope

of their functions and never to give up functions once they are acquired.

A judge, in his capacity of jurist, is not professionally prepared to func-

tion in the areas of sociological, psychological or psychiatric compe:

tence; not better prepared for that purpose than, let us say, a botanist

or an architect.

The moment the jurist-judge enters the area of correc-

tional treatment, he is functioning on the basis of common sense, per-

sonal preferences, perhaps some knowledge obtained through some

study which is not, however, part of his required professional education,

and on the basis of some observations which he may have had the

opportunity to make as a participant in the criminal justice system. The

problem is further accentuated, unfortunately, by the fact that so far

very little, if anything, has been done in the way of rational coordination

of punitive sanctions with correctional measures.

And there are vir-

tually no authoritative guidelines for judges on how to combine these two

entirely different methods of dealing with the criminal.

There are

probably many reasons for this state of affairs.

Two that suggest them-

selves immediately are the aversion and resistance of the judges to any

kind of guidelines which would limit their discretion within the minimal

and conventional maxims of criminal law; and secondly, the very uncer-

tain state of correctional science, if it can presently be dignified by that

term. A multitude of theories of etiology of criminal behavior suggest

very different strategies and tactics for removing the causes of criminal

behavior.

This is not conducive for the courts to follow the suggestions

of criminologists and correctional personnel.

This is another door which presents an opening for the judges to

become entangled in the correctional process.

This is the question of

the rights of the convicted offender, which may be violated while he is

serving sentence.

At least in the United States this matter is not left

entirely to the correctional administrator, but can always be referred to

a court for authoritative and final decision.

What has been described so far with regard to sentencing and cri-

minology presents a very complex situation, both in terms of theory and

of the human factor involved, especially the vested interests of the va-

rious professional groups.

To a developing country like Nigeria, which

undoubtedly will be looking for its own solutions in combining punitive,

correctional and incapacitating measures in dealing with its criminals, the

best suggestion is to thoroughly study the problem, to become acquaint-

ed with the solutions attempted by other countries and the many pitfalls

which followed, and to try to develop a system which would avoid the

mistakes of others.

— 171 —

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,

Délinguance et délinquants

Qnelques points de repères concernant les recherches actuelles

dans le champ de la délinquance juvénile

par Jacques SELOSSE

Université de Lille |ll

Centre de formation et de recherche de l’éducation surveillée

de Vaucresson (France)

Longtemps inscrites dans une perspective étiologique, les recher-

ches actuelles dans le domaine de la délinquance juvénile se poursui-

vent avec des préoccupations plus diversifiées.

Il semble y avoir pour cela de multiples raisons. Dans la plupart des

pays industrialisés et urbanisés la délinquance juvénile connaît une

croissance qui inquiète l'opinion publique. Les institutions traversent une

crise liée tant à leur dysfonctionnement qu’à leur efficacité relative. Les

changements sociaux structurels et culturels sont d’une telle importance

que les mœurs se transforment et que les échelles de valeurs se modi-

fient. La jeunesse en tant que catégorie sociale s'impose à l'attention du

corps social qui a bien du mal à trouver des réponses ajustées aux

questions qu'elle lui pose.

Cette conjoncture a suscité de nombreuses réflexions et divers

développements institutionnels notamment documentaires. Parmi ceux-

ci, il convient de mentionner la publication collective réalisée à l'univer-

sité d’Ann Arbor, de 1970 à 1975 par l'Institute for the study of Mental

Retardation and Related Disabilities sous la direction de W.C. RHODES

(1) et publiée en quatre volumes sous le titre À study of child variance, et

de se référer à l'arsenal documentaire du National Institute for Juvenile

Justice and Delinquency Prevention. Le département américain de la

Justice a en effet, dans le cadre du Law Enforcement Assistance Admi-

nistration mis au point un service d'informations spécialisées dont les

chercheurs ne peuvent désormais se passer, tout au moins en ce qui

concerne les références nord-américaines.

L'organisation mondiale de la Santé (Bureau régional de l’Europe),

a tenu deux réunions dans une perspective pluridisciplinaire sur « Les

grands problèmes de la délinquance juvénile » (2) à Helsinki et Bratislava

en 1973. Le Conseil de l'Europe continue également à développer des

travaux d’enquêtes et d'analyses dans ce domaine et en 1976, la Société

— 173 —

Internationale de Criminologie a consacré son XXVIe Cours International

de Pau à ce sujet (3).

Essayons, avec les risques de parti pris que cela implique, de déga-

ger quelques points de repères susceptibles d'illustrer la situation telle

que nous la voyons dans les recherches consacrées aux délinquances

des jeunes.

|. — Après une période marquée par des travaux axés sur l’étude

des facteurs qui débouchaient sur des typologies, les préoccupations

présentes s'inscrivent dans une conception plus dialectique incluant

individus et société. Les chercheurs situent actuellement leurs analyses

dans le champ de l’interactionnisme ou dans celui de la réaction sociale.

Si la recherche dans le domaine de la délinquance juvénile a élargi

son champ d'investigation c'est parce qu’elle ne se contente plus d'ana-

lyser des comportements et de considérer uniquement la délinquance

comme une variable personnelle mais également comme un objet social.

Sans doute cet objet social présente-t-il des caractéristiques propres,

liées au fait notamment qu'’il est rencontré, décodé et utilisé dans le

cours de relations multiples interpersonnelles et sociales. I! est aussi

signalé en fonction des représentations sociales et institutionnelles d'un

milieu, d’un groupe, d'une personne, d’une organisation, en situation

d'interpellation. Si la délinquance est un fait, elle dépend aussi de l'inter-

prétation de ces faits.

Cependant, à la différence des perceptions appliquées aux « crimi-

nels» adultes pour qui le statut social est généralement considéré

comme acquis, les jeunes délinquants font l’objet de représentations

composites, pondérées par le fait qu'elles s'appliquent à des individus

« en devenir » considérés comme susceptibles de changer. Les attentes

de rôles sont en effet diversifiées selon qu’elles concernent les jeunes

ou les adultes délinquants. Elles sont à l'origine de systèmes législatifs

différents de ceux qui s’'appliquent aux majeurs, pour réprimer leur

délinquance. Et même si certains aspects de la criminologie radicale

critiquent cette distinction au nom d'une application égale de la loi pour

tous afin de neutraliser l'inégalité liée à une situation de protégé, elle

demeure biologiquement et psychiquement fondée. De ce fait, le jeune

inculpé de 14 ans ne peut être comparé ni sur le plan social, ni sur le

plan biologique et psychique à un adulte, et cela d'autant plus que l’in-

sertion dans la vie des aînés s'étend, dans nos civilisations occiden-

tales, sur des périodes de plus en plus longues. Les chercheurs consi-

dèrent que la délinquance juvénile constitue un phénomène distinct

de la criminalité adulte. La formation d’un sujet vulnérable, en croissance,

l’'emporte sur l’intimidation ou la réhabilitation d’un adulte (SZABO-

GAGNE-PARIZEAU, 1972) (4). Toutefois, il convient de relever que

l’intention reconnue de protéger les jeunes d'eux-mêmes se conjugue

avec la volonté de se protéger de la jeunesse, ainsi l'approche scien-

—

tifique de la délinquance juvénile relève de perspectives problématiques

et contradictoires.

Un autre clivage divise la recherche en fonction de la position

des chercheurs et de leur rencontre, non plus avec la délinquance,

mais avec les délinquants. Non seulement parce qu'on change alors

de niveau d’analyse, mais parce que l’on découvre des sujets « en situa-

tion », et que l'histoire sociale rencontre l'histoire individuelle. Ce

rapport à l'objet a d'autant plus d'importance que le chercheur peut

être engagé dans une problématique de recherche active ou participante

et qu'alors sa position par rapport aux délinquants et aux pratiques

sociales et institutionnelles devient celle d'un acteur social.

Nous pourrions diversifier encore davantage les clivages qui

modifient les regards portés sur la délinquance et les délinquants. Il

semble toutefois que ce que nous venons d'évoquer ici brièvement

suffise pour indiquer pourquoi la production littéraire et scientifique

dans ce domaine se diversifie tellement.

Mais n'est-ce pas également parce que la lecture de la délinquance

s'effectue à partir de nouveaux registres, qu'elle signifie autre chose,

qu'elle est dotée de nouvelles valeurs expressives et symboliques,

bref, qu'elle s’inscrit dans un système de communications aux réso-

nances multiples ? (*) N'est-ce pas parce que la jeunesse elle même se

situe autrement que ne le faisaient les jeunesses précédentes que les

professionnels de la jeunesse lui ont proposé de nouvelles définitions,

reconnu d'autres fonctions, octroyé un nouveau statut, modifié sa

durée… ? Décoder la délinquance juvénile, c'est non seulement se

référer à la transgression de codes mais également à l’expectative

des adultes. D'où la signification particulière de son analyse qui relève

plus d'une approche « globale » des sciences humaines et sociales

que de la criminologie.

Les enquêtes sur le chiffre noir et sur la délinquance autorévélée

ont suscité des critiques légitimes sur la représentativité de la délin-

quance officielle, mettant ainsi en cause le fondement de nombreux

travaux criminologiques. Le caractère biaisé des populations poursuivies

a invité les criminologues à étudier les filtres qui intervenaient dans la

sélection des individus arrêtés et poursuivis. La criminologie juvénile

s'interrogeait alors sur son objet et examinait les délinquants jugés

comme des « produits » de divers mécanismes sociaux, de rejet et

d'exclusion (Ph. ROBERT, LASCOUMES 1974) (5). Dans cette perspec-

tive la délinquance apparaît souvent comme surdéterminée par des

facteurs sociaux. Des interprétations traversées par des idéologies

marxistes mettent surtout en cause la structure des sociétés et les iné-

galités sociales. La criminologie juvénile connaît les mêmes divisions

(°)

Nous pensons aux formes illégales de la révolte, de la contestation ou de la

protestation qui se présentent comme « contre-culture » et « contre-société », ainsi qu’aux

pratiques marginales du « contre-système ».

— 175 —

que celles qui traversent la recherche criminologique dans son ensem-

ble. Pour les auteurs de la «nouvelle criminologie », la société, sa struc-

ture, et les appareils d'Etat sont en crise fonctionnelle. Le Pouvoir

confronté à une marginalisation croissante de la jeunesse développe

parallèlement une stratégie permissive et un appareil bureaucratique

d'assistance de surveillance et de répression — afin de maîintenir le

contrôle des comportements anti-conformistes. Lorsque ces derniers

échappent au système des sanctions pénales ils tombent sous le coup

d'un pouvoir administratif sans appel. L'ordre public, depuis le déve-

loppement industriel du XIXe siècle, n’est plus seulement conçu comme

l'absence de troubles mais comme assignation à chacun de la place

qu'il doit occuper, compte tenu de sa position sociale dans un système

de production. La logique qui régit les relations entre la délinquance et

la justice apparaît inséparable des processus de reproduction sociale

et de distribution des hommes dans la stratification des classes. Ainsi,

l'organisation sociale et les institutions sont parties prenantes des dys-

fonctionnements sociaux qui génèrent la délinquance et les mouvements

contestataires des jeunes (|. TAYLOR, R. QUINNEY, Ph. MEYER...) (6).

C'est donc à un bouleversement des schémas traditionnels que l'on

assiste dans un courant de critique radicale. En shématisant on peut dire

que depuis une dizaine d'années l'intérêt s'est déplacé : ce ne sont plus

les délinquants juvéniles qui sont étudiés mais la société considérée

comme « criminogène » (*).

I. — Essayons cependant de caractériser rapidement le problème

des populations appréhendées et de leur spécificité. La délinquance

cachée est importante chez les jeunes, cela est indéniable. Diverses

enquêtes estiment entre 68 % et 93 % la proportion des adolescents qui

auraient pu être poursuivis légalement. Mais moins de 10 % de ces

jeunes commettent un acte grave au regard de la loi. Les garçons recon-

naissent avoir commis plus de comportements répréhensibles que les

filles et également plus de faits graves. La délinquance cachée diminue

avec l'âge, par contre les infractions de type réglementaire augmentent.

Ce qui semble indiquer qu'il existe une délinquance statutaire, liée au

moratoire psychosocial de la jeunesse dans les sociétés occidentales.

Dans la plupart des enquêtes sur la délinquance autoconfessée, il ne

semble pas y avoir d'association statistique significative entre la délin-

quance cachée et l’origine sociale de la famille des sujets. (LE BLANC

1977) (7).

Ces informations résument les résultats des diverses enquêtes.

Elles vont alimenter une littérature souvent polémique qui va souligner le

fait que la population délinquante sanctionnée présente des critères

particuliers qui révèlent le caractère sélectif de la réaction sociale et des

filtres institutionnels. I| a même été possible d’estimer « qu’il y a dix fois

(°)

Cf. le titre évocateur du dernier ouvrage de J. PINATEL : La Société criminogène

— Paris — 1975.

— 176 —

plus de délinquance cachée que de délinquance apparente au niveau de

la police et vingt fois plus au niveau de la justice des mineurs ».

De fait, les sujets poursuivis appartiennent plus fréquemment aux

milieux sociaux les plus défavorisés. Les délinquants officiels présentent

généralement plus de handicaps culturels, économiques, sociaux et ra-

ciaux que ceux qui ne seront pas détectés. La délinquance apparente

serait ainsi révélée par les agences officielles de régulation sociale à

partir de critères de normalisation plus ou moins explicites.

Il faut toutefois reconnaître que les sujets qui accomplissent le plus

d'actes graves sont poursuivis dans une proportion double de ceux qui

ne commettent que des infractions réglementaires. Il existe en effet un

certain rapport entre l'importance des préjudices causés et la mise en

œuvre des réactions policières et judiciaires. Mais ce qui complique

l'analyse c'est qu’elle s'effectue dans une période historique de mutation

des valeurs. Jamais il n'a été aussi clair que la délinquance est un concept

plus axiologique que juridique, qui se définit moins parce qu'elle est

« en soi » que par les réactions qu’elle provoque. La délinquance se ré-

fère à des valeurs nées de l'intersubjectivité et variant avec elle. « L'évo-

lution de la délinquance, ce sont, indissociables, le changement dans les

conduites et le changement dans les normes qui les font percevoir ou

non comme déviantes » (M. HENRY — 1976) (8). C'est ce qui explique

l'importance des études consacrées à la représentation sociale de la

justice, à l'estimation des échelles de gravité, à la diversité des réactions

sociales exprimées par les divers acteurs sociaux.

I| convient toutefois de remarquer que, dans cet arsenal d’études,

les investigations portant sur les victimes cachées sont exceptionnelles

et que les enquêtes longitudinales conduites sur des populations repré-

sentatives sont rares. Or, celles-ci apparaissent indispensables pour

une analyse objective de la délinquance cachée et des délinquants po-

tentiels. Des quelques informations recueillies, il semble bien que les

victimes appartiennent également, en plus grand nombre, aux couches

les plus déshéritées de la population et qu'’il existe non seulement une

délinquance endémique (CHAMBOREDON 1971) (9), mais bien plus en-

core des contextes délictogènes, des situations criminogènes. L'impor-

tance de cette conjonction « situation-personne » est confirmée égale-

le taux de

ment par les recherches sur la criminalité des étrangers

criminalité intra-groupe est plus élevé que celui qui traduit l'activité

répréhensible contre les allogènes.

Il convient toutefois de noter que la plupart des enquêtes sur la

délinquance cachée souffrent de leur méthodologie transversale et d'un

échantillonnage non représentatif. Cette coupe, à un âge de la vie, ne

permet pas de saisir l'évolution des comportements et des attitudes à

un moment où les sujets sont en quête de leur rôle et de leur statut

social, où ils sont confrontés à un processus d'intégration des normes et

— 177 —

des valeurs qui s’inscrit dans une période de maturation. Les rares

études qui ont satisfait à cette exigence sont très révélatrices, d'une

part, de l'évolution dans les conduites selon l’âge, d'autre part, des effets

de la réaction sociale.

A titre illustratif considérons rapidement les résultats de A. DUNER

(1970) (10) et de M. LE BLANC (1977). Une équipe de chercheurs de

l'Université de Stockholm a pu conduire une recherche longitudinale sur

un échantillon représentatif de jeunes gens de la ville d'Orebrô. Au

cours de cette enquête a été établi un modèle d’analyse, inspiré de

BECKER (1963) (11) qui tient compte des enchaînements de situations

graduées dans la délinquance et la réaction sociale.

Comment se présente un tel modèle ? Il n'est pas possible de consi-

dérer la délinquance juvénile comme une variable continue appliquée à

l’'étude des processus de socialisation. Par contre, il est possible de

révéler, à la fois, les caractéristiques des populations et les effets des

mesures prises pour traiter la délinquance. Ce modèle conjonctif s'appli-

que sur une cohorte de jeunes suivis pendant une certaine période.

L'échantillon est réparti en fonction de la délinquance de ses membres

en tenant compte de son degré de visibilité, selon qu’elle est simplement

révélée dans un questionnaire autoconfessé, perçue par les instances

de contrôle social, sanctionnée par les appareils administratifs ou judi-

ciaires.

Voici comment les sujets peuvent alors être répartis en sept clas-

ses

1)

les garçons qui n'ont jamais commis d'actes répréhensibles (recours

à la technique du questionnaire self-reported) ;

2)

les garçons qui n'ont pas été vus ni pris et qui normalisent leur

comportement sans intervention ;

3)

les garçons qui n’ont pas été vus ni pris mais qui continuent à avoir

des activités répréhensibles (sur une période de six mois) ;

4)

les garçons qui ont été pris une fois, qui ont fait l'objet d'une réac-

tion sociale et qui se sont amendés ;

5)

les garçons qui ont été pris une fois et qui malgré une intervention

continuent à avoir des activités répréhensibles ;

6)

les garçons récidivistes sanctionnés et qui normalisent leur com-

portement ;

7)

les garçons récidivistes sanctionnés qui continuent leur délinquance.

Les septs classes présentent à l’analyse des caractéristiques pro-

pres dont voici brièvement quelques données illustratives (tableau).

— 178 —

CARACTERISTIQUES DES SUJETS SELON LEUR CLASSE

—

_

=

—

——

——

——

CLASSES

Sujets (N

—

—

426)

Moyennes

11

83

77

62

126

21

46

Agressifs, agités, peu attirés par l’école

48

%

28

34

45

42

53

53

79

Tendus, inhibés, déprimés

ede (ogos effo, ofte, ofoffe

10

%

36

11

12

Intelligence

Ct0c don On 0cCO.d05 - - 5

30,1

%

27,6

32,4

31,7

30,1

29,6

29,1

25,3

Milieu social bas

C0C0 c600000005000

54

%

50

54

48

55

35

70

Niveau culturel des parents inférieur

18

%

10

13

15

25

15

15

38

Installé depuis moins de 5 ans

—… 0000 e

12

%

14

15

10

12

23

Dissociation

S 5O0 cAu0 chOÉÉC OO On 008

12

10

13

30

28

%

. 00000000

17

10

ur

19

30

36

Mère, travail à plein temps

%

Pas de surveillance nocturne (3 sorties

par semaine)

0000000 0 05000 0 0000

16

%

14

14

22

10

38

Délinquance, ivrognerie

110000000000

46

%

23

40

43

66

38

90

Stupéfiants (usage de)

0200100000 000

40

%

41

23

54

37

81

Fugues

CCC d0000 005000006900

4,6

%

o 0o O O

12

35

Si l'on considère les caractéristiques des sujets qui composent la

septième classe : celle des délinquants arrêtés, poursuivis et sanction-

nés et qui continuent à avoir une activité délictuelle, on constate qu'elle

rassemble ceux dont les ressources intellectuelles sont les plus faibles,

dont la personnalité est marquée par l'agressivité mais qui en outre

appartiennent au milieu social le plus bas et le plus démuni économi-

quement et culturellement, le foyer y est plus dissocié et récemment

transplanté. Le recours aux toxiques et la fugue sont des comporte-

ments non négligeables. Autrement dit, les caractéristiques sociales

interfèrent sur les données individuelles pour que les effets des réac-

tions soient plus négatifs que positifs. Que l’on compare les données

de la classe 7 à celles de la classe 4 et l'on verra que les ressources

individuelles et sociales fournissent aux mesures prises les conditions

d'une orientation plus positive.

La lecture des indices ainsi ventilés, selon que les sujets se confor-

ment ou s'engagent dans la récidive, et en fonction des interventions

sociales et institutionnelles, met en évidence la conjonction de facteurs

sociaux et individuels sur les effets positifs ou négatifs de la réaction.

Car la réaction sociale trop souvent étudiée sous le seul aspect de

l'étiquetage et de la stigmatisation joue cependant un rôle de norma-

lisation.

C'est sous cet angle que l’enquête récente de M. LE BLANC (1977)

apporte des éléments de réponse et propose des hypothèses de travail

pour des développements ultérieurs. L'échantillon utilisé est le premier

tiré dans une aire urbaine en respectant les critères probabilistes. |l

comprend des garçons et des filles au nombre de 1 084 âgés de 12 à

18 ans et interrogés à deux ans d’intervalle. GOLD (1970) (12) avait déjà

montré que les adolescents arrêtés continuent à commettre ensuite des

infractions, en plus grand nombre que ceux qui n'avaient pas été pour-

suivis. Il existerait donc un effet amplificateur. L'enquête de LE BLANC

révèle que celui-ci existe mais qu'’il n'est ni uniforme ni généralisé et que

l'effet atténuateur est plus important. L’ampleur de ces effets dépend de

la direction de la délinquance et de l’âge des sujets. La réaction sociale

présente donc des résultats ambigus aux conséquences contraires.

Cette dichotomie des effets entraîne certains auteurs à des prises de

position radicale. SCHUR (1973) (13) par exemple, préconise une totale

non intervention. Toutefois il faut tenir compte du fait que les méca-

nismes individuels et collectifs de réactions devant des actes non tolé-

rés risquent de déborder les mesures institutionnelles, si celles-ci ne

s’exerçaient pas. Le droit pénal se verrait supplanté par la loi du talion.

Car il existe aussi des mouvements réactionnels disproportionnés qui

laissent place à une justice privée autojustificatoire (*).

C'est donc la pertinence de la réaction qui est d'abord en cause

plus que son fondement. A ce propos dans une enquête longitudinale

(°)

Cf. le n°o 2 de la revue Déviance éditée par l’Institut de Criminologie de Paris.

— 180 —

récente, WOLFGANG, FIGLIO et SELLIN (1972) (14) ont eu l’occasion

d'insister sur le fait que le premier délit peut conduire à un type de dé-

linquance continue. Etudiant 9 945 garçons nés à Philadelphie en 1945 et

la carrière de tous ces

âgés de 10 à 18 ans, ces chercheurs ont suivi

jeunes y compris ceux qui ont eu plusieurs contacts avec la police et la

justice.

Une analyse de la totalité de cette population a révélé que

1)

35 % des garçons (N = 3 475) avaient eu affaire au moins une fois

avec la police et étaient qualifiés de délinquants ;

2)

Dans leurs contacts avec la police, 29 % des garçons étaient blancs

et 50 % étaient de couleur ;

3)

Parmi les délinquants, 46 % n'avaient commis qu’un seul délit et

54 % étaient récidivistes ;

4)

Les garçons connus de la police, en une ou plusieurs occasions

avaient commis un total de 10 214 délits entre l'âge de 7 et 17 ans.

Cependant, les 1 862 récidivistes étaient responsables de 8601 de

ces délits ;

5)

Presque les 3/4 des délits commis par les jeunes coupables d’un

seul délit étaient des délits contre les réglementations sociales,

tels que fugues du domicile, comportements incorrects et école

buissonnière. Ce type de délinquance statutaire est le même pour

les enfants blancs ou les enfants de couleur ;

6)

Les récidivistes ayant commis 5 délits ou plus étaient qualifiés de

délictuels chroniques. 627 de ceux-ci représentaient 18 % de la

population délinquante et 6,3 % de l’ensemble de la population

étudiée. Cependant, les délinquants récidivistes étaient coupables

de 5305 actes de délinquance, soit 52 % des actes commis par la

population délinquante ;

7)

Les délinquants récidivistes ont commis 71 % des vols, 52 % d'at-

teintes aux biens (ex. vol de voiture, cambriolage et larcin) et 53 %

d'atteintes aux personnes (meurtre, agression simple ou violente

et viol) ;

8)

Le délinquant chronique a commis surtout des actes comportant

des blessures corporelles à autrui. La population masculine blanche

est responsable de 45 % des crimes violents, tandis que 70 % des

crimes violents sont imputables à la population masculine de

couleur.

L'étude conduite en Pennsylvanie met l'accent sur le besoin de

créer un changement dans la manière traditionnelle de répondre, par la

punition aux infractions. Rencontrer et rendre service aux jeunes semble

un gage de plus grande sécurité pour le public que de les sanctionner.

WOLFGANG conclut :

« |l est clair qu’empêcher le groupe des garçons de situation socio-

économique la plus basse de continuer dans la délinquance après

— 181 —

leur premier délit aboutirait en vérité à réduire au maximum la

délinquance. En rassemblant ressources et efforts auprès des popu-

lations de couleur de très bas niveau social coupables d'un pre-

mier délit, on ne verrait pas simplement changer le taux de la délin-

quance en général ; les délits les plus graves, ceux avec violence

physique ou agression, iraient en diminuant dans une très forte

proportion. »

I. — Ces données brutes posent un problème criminologique im-

portant, celui d’un diagnostic et d’un pronostic de la délinquance grave,

telle que M. FRECHETTE (1973) (15) en poursuit l'étude en visant à

dégager les facteurs qui distinguent l'adolescent potentiellement dan-

gereux du jeune névrosé ou du caractériel. Trois secteurs requièrent

l’attention du psychologue : les processus de relations interpersonnelles,

l'expression de l’agressivité et le développement intellectuel. L'hypo-

thèse centrale consiste à vérifier que la délinquance persistante est le

fait d’une infrastructure personnelle très perturbée par des expériences

néfastes et un mode de fonctionnement antisocial.

Cette recherche

conduite dans une perspective longitudinale sur une population initiale

de 500 jeunes appréhendés par la police doit se terminer prochainement.

FRECHETTE avait déjà mis en évidence des signes de carences impor-

tantes distinguant « le criminel de l’autre » (1970) — notamment dans la

capacité d'établir des échanges avec autrui.

D'autres chercheurs préoccupés également de la réalité sociale de

RR

A A

ces 15 % (environ) de multirécidivistes dangereux situent leurs inves-

tigations dans une perspective plus épidémiologique. Par exemple, D.J.

WEST et D.P. FARRINGTON (1973) (16) poursuivent l'exploitation du

Cambridge Study in Delinquent Development concluent également à la

nécessité de développer les mesures préventives et l'assistance écono-

mique et sociale dans les milieux les plus défavorisés. lls ont notam-

ment dégagé l’influence de la pauvreté et des mauvaises conditions de

vie sur la réitération des comportements antisociaux. Ces conditions

de vie néfastes interagissent sur des personnalités marquées notamment

par l'extraversion, la défiance, l'agressivité mais également par des

antécédents familiaux pathogènes soulignés par des handicaps sani-

taires et sociaux dans l’antisocialité.

L'’enquête conduite sur un échantillon représentatif d'anciens dé-

linquants mineurs retrouvés en moyenne quinze ans après la première

intervention judiciaire par les chercheurs de Vaucresson, démontre,

s'il en était encore besoin, que les récidivistes et les criminels dange-

reux appartiennent à la population la plus défavorisée sur le plan éco-

nomique et social, celle qui cumule les déficits sanitaires, biologiques

et intellectuels, bref, celle dont les ressources personnelles et maté-

rielles sont les plus pauvres. La socialisation de ces sujets et de leur

famille relève d’une longue histoire d'exclusion et de rejet qui met les

— 182 —

individus en marge et les accule en quelque sorte à la déviance médi-

cale ou/et sociale (BREUVART, ALGAN, SELOSSE 1974) (17). Leur

délinquance traduit les effets d'un regard social discriminateur porté

sur des structures familiales marginales, marquées par la déruralisation

et la prolétarisation (Ch. LEOMANT 1977) (18).

En Suède, le Dr E. JOHANSON (1974) (19) à partir d’une enquête

longitudinale sur 128 jeunes récidivistes condamnés à une peine de

prison comparés à un groupe de contrôle découvre également cette

conjonction de déficits individuels et sociaux qui caractérisent les mul-

PEN

PIO

tirécidivistes.

M. CHARVIN (1974) (20) dépouillant une enquête de Vaucresson

sur 852 adolescents délinquants âgés de 16 et 17 ans révolus compare

les caractéristiques de ceux qui sont des délinquants primaires occa-

sionnels, des délinquants d’habitude. Ces derniers présentent un passé

d'inadaptation significativement (.001) différent des premiers avec une

délinquance plus diversifiée à caractère plus agressive et opposition-

nelle et prenant une forme de plus en plus solitaire. Ils sont originaires

de familles ayant un passé de déviance et de délinquance, donc habi-

tués à rencontrer le contrôle social et judiciaire depuis leur plus jeune

âge. L'amendement escompté s'est traduit en fait par des délits à répé-

tition. Les mesures prises se sont révélées inopérantes. Le traitement

ne relève pas d'interventions cas par cas, mais de mesures sociales

globales, modifiant le milieu de vie des intéressés.

En bref, pour la majorité des délinquants, les handicaps génétiques,

éducatifs, catégoriels et structurels contrarient l'accès aux buts propo-

sés officiellement. Ceci est d'autant plus fort que l'enfant appartient à

son milieu avant de s'appartenir. Ses liens avec son environnement

familial et social ne relèvent pas du raisonnement mais d'une partici-

pation directe aux situations.

Face à cette convergence de résultats, la recherche contemporaine

dépasse l'approche analytico-déductive qui a caractérisé longtemps la

démarche criminologique. C'est dans une perspective plus dialectique

que la criminologie juvénile intègre les éléments d'un cadre explicatif.

LE BLANC (1977) propose un modèle systémique qui apparaît pertinent

pour mettre l'accent sur les liens entre les causes, les facteurs expli-

catifs et pour rendre compte à la fois des effets contraires de la réaction

sociale. S'inspirant de la théorie de la régulation sociale d'HIRSHI (1969)

il considère que le comportement des adolescents dépend de deux

ensembles de forces en interaction

les liens que les jeunes entretien-

nent avec les individus et les institutions et les frontières sociales des

conduites. Si les adolescents sont attachés aux personnes et engagés

vis-à-vis des institutions, il est attendu que la réaction sociale pourra

avoir un effet positif : la délinquance sera épisodique et aura valeur

d'épreuve. La réaction sociale renforcera au contraire l’opposition si le

— 183 —

jeune n’entretient que des liens fragiles avec les personnes et les insti-

tutions et si les valeurs sont peu contraignantes pour lui ou dépourvues

de crédibilité.

[V. — Dans une certaine perspective de psychologie criminelle, la

délinquance juvénile continue à être considérée comme un trouble de

l’adaptation individuelle.

Elle permet de s'interroger sur la manière dont le jeune s'adapte à

son environnement, étant entendu que l'individu ne s’adapte pas à une

réalité préexistante mais qu'’il crée des réalités techniques, sociales,

éthiques, et esthétiques qui ne sont pas données au départ. L'organisme

s'adapte en assimilant ce qui lui est nécessaire du milieu extérieur, mais

surtout en le modifiant, pour l’utiliser mieux ou l’ajuster à d’autres fins.

Cette conception pragmatiste invite à situer l'aptitude à comprendre

comme une fonction de la capacité d’agir. D'où l'intérêt qui continue à

être porté sur l’analyse instrumentale de l'intelligence chez les jeunes

inadaptés sociaux. Le National Institute for Juvenile Justice and Delin-

quency Prevention a publié en 1976 une recension intéressante des

principaux résultats américains en la matière (21). Les troubles du fonc-

tionnement intellectuel

être considérés comme

ne peuvent, certes,

causes de la délinquance mais comme un élément parmi d'autres, sus-

ceptibles de faciliter le comportement délinquant. Ce qui retient l'atten-

tion des chercheurs c'est moins le score psychométrique ou le niveau

des sujets que leurs modalités opératoires.

L'analyse des processus intellectuels implique deux critères complé-

mentaires

recours à des circuits longs et construction de modèles. Le

développement de l'intelligence conduit en effet à des actions dont les

points d'application sont de plus en plus éloignés. Dans le monde

moderne, c'est la complexité des trajectoires qui caractérise l'instrumen-

tation intellectuelle. Sur le plan de la conduite, les circuits longs inter-

viennent lorsque le sujet recourt à ses souvenirs, analyse la situation,

élabore des hypothèses… avant de passer à l’action. Cela n'est possi-

ble que si l'individu est capable d'’inhibition, c'est-à-dire s’il peut blo-

quer l’impulsion qui le pousse à utiliser le circuit direct. L’échec des

procédures tient généralement au fait que le but d’une démarche est

recherché par un circuit court.

Dans une thèse récente P. COSLIN (1976) a montré que la délin-

quance pouvait être pertinemment étudiée par l’analyse des relations

qui peuvent exister entre les gains et les sanctions escomptés, les

seuils de tolérance de la société et les estimations et acceptations de

risque qui en résultent, pour l’auteur et pour autrui, dans le passage à

un acte déviant (22).

« Ceux qui sont le plus aptes à bien estimer les probabilités pa-

raissent manifester plus de prudence que les autres. Tout individu

e ton —

passant effectivement à l'acte ne semble pas le faire avec une même

intelligence de la conjecture. » Mais ce que P. COSLIN met également

en évidence c'est que le niveau d'acceptation de risques varie avec

l'importance des gains et les sanctions éventuelles. Délinquants et non-

délinquants admettent des risques différents selon la nature du délit.

Toutefois l'estimation de risque varie avec le type de réaction sociale

escomptée — tant il est vrai qu’un comportement ne peut être cir-

conscrit à une simple opération intellectuelle. | s’agit donc de prendre

en compte les phénomènes d'interactions complexes mis en mouvement

par un passage à l'acte, tant dans le corps social que dans le micro-

milieu d'appartenance.

D'autres chercheurs mettent l’accent, à la suite des travaux de

N. MAILLOUX, sur les processus d'’identification négative qui se déve-

loppent à partir d'attitudes de discrimination (23), et de désapprobation

des groupes primaires de socialisation. Le passage à l'acte ne serait

alors que l'aboutissement de mécanismes psychosociaux de dévalori-

sation, d'exclusion et de rejet. L'analyse privilégie soit le sentiment

personnel d'une image de soi dépourvue de valeur (A. ALGAN 1972)

(24) soit le transfert d'une déviation primaire en déviation secondaire à

la suite de stigmatisation liée à l'étiquetage (M. SPECTOR 1972) (25).

La dépréciation de l'image de soi implique l’interaction d'un effet

social sur un individu. Les caractéristiques personnelles ne prennent

leur sens que par référence aux influences sociales qui caractérisent les

processus de socialisation. Les concepts opératoires d'image de soi,

d'estime de soi, d'attente de rôle….. relient le social à l’individuel. Le rai-

sonnement recourt à la dialectique et la démonstration requiert, une fois

encore un modèle conjonctif.

|| serait aisé de multiplier les exemples pour signaler qu'au cours

des quinze dernières années la réaction sociale s'est imposée comme

une donnée nécessaire à l'explication du passage à l’acte. D'autre part,

comme la signalisation des actes visibles de déviances aux instances de

contrôle social dépendent des filtres sociaux et institutionnels, les per-

sonnels, les pratiques et les organisations ont fait l'objet d'analyses

diverses. Ces enquêtes débouchent sur des observations qui se situent

à différents niveaux : politique, systémique, psychosociologique… (26).

V. — Les sociologues de la déviance juvénile ont mis l'accent sur

l'institutionnalisation des conduites, c'est-à-dire sur les processus de

perception, de sélection, de nomination et de décodage qui débouchent

sur une intervention judiciaire. Celle-ci va cataloguer, nommer et quali-

fier selon des règles et des codes (dont la signification échappe bien

souvent aux sujets auxquels ils s'appliquent) en étendant l'emprise et

l'extension d'un contrôle qui pourra prendre des formes diverses

de

la surveillance à la punition (27).

— 185 —

L'intérêt des chercheurs se déplace en même temps que s'élargis-

sait le champ d’appréhension de la délinquance juvénile aux mécanismes

de contrôle social. Le fonctionnement des organisations sociales, poli-

cières, judiciaires est devenu objet d'analyse. Les critères d’aiguillage

sont plus particulièrement dénombrés ainsi que les cheminements so-

ciaux, médicaux ou institutionnels par lesquels se distribuent les cohor-

tes de sujets “assistés, soignés, contrôlés, sanctionnés”’.

La lecture des comportements répréhensibles relève de critères qui

apparaissent de plus en plus comme relatifs, non seulement les mœurs

changent — que l'on songe à la libéralisation de la sexualité — mais la

loi elle-même se fait flexible et se transforme. Les réactions du corps

social et des praticiens se diversifient. C’est ainsi que dans une enquête

récente H. MALEWSKA et V. PEYRE (1977) (28) illustrent le fait que l'ap-

partenance sociale et l'expérience humaine interviennent plus que l'âge

et le sexe et que les corps professionnels diffèrent sensiblement dans

leurs appréciations des seuils de gravité. Les divergences intra-groupes

sont moins importantes en général que les différences inter-groupes,

sauf pour ce qui concerne les violences contre les personnes qui ne

justifient que d'une faible part de l'intervention judiciaire.

Ces divergences entre acteurs sociaux (les juges des enfants sont

plus proches des éducateurs que des juges d'instruction et assez éloi-

gnés des policiers et des gendarmes, par exemple) interfèrent sur le

fonctionnement de la juridiction des mineurs. Les critères de saisine ne

relèvent pas d’un consensus. Parents et jeunes se réfèrent également

à des valeurs différentes de celles du Droit. Dans un tel contexte, aussi

diversifié, la justice ne peut être que controversée. C’est le corps so-

cial, stratifié et morcelé, qui a perdu les bases de sa conformité et qui

est maintenant conduit à accoucher d'un droit à la différence auquel les

appareils d'état et les intervenants sociaux doivent se préparer. Dans un

univers en changement, ce n'est plus seulement par rapport à la confor-

mité que l’on décode les conduites, mais également par rapport à l'inno-

vation. L'étude des déviances relève du champ de l'influence sociale.

De surcroit l'étude des comportements marginaux (A. PATSALIDES

1976) se situe dans un espace limite entre la délinquance et la non-dé-

linquance. Les comportements marginaux (bohèmes, drogués, prosti-

tués…) placent les sujets qui les accomplissent en marge de la loi sans

qu'ils soient hors la loi. Ce sont donc les zones frontières qui diversi-

fient la délinquance de la déviance supportée qui deviennent illustratives

des seuils de tolérance.

L'étude des systèmes de régulation sociale associés à la définition

de la délinquance se développe dans les différents pays. L'image de la

police, mais également son fonctionnement et son pouvoir discrétion-

naire, de fait sinon de droit, font l'objet d’enquêtes (J.-P. POTVIN, 1974,

JUNGER-TAS, 1976) (29). Le fonctionnement des instances judiciaires

— 186 —

(parquet, instruction, tribunaux des mineurs) est décripté de façon à

préciser les critères d'orientation qui président à la répartition des pré-

venus, inculpés et jugés (M. HENRY, 1976, H. GIRAULT, 1976) (30).

Ces enquêtes s'interrogent sur le dysfonctionnement de l’appareil

judiciaire mais posent en fait le problème plus fondamental de l’opportu-

nité de l’intervention judiciaire, et plus spécifiquement du moment appro-

prié à la prise en charge du mineur. I! convient à ce propos d'indiquer

que ces recherches prennent leur relief propre lorsqu'’il est possible

de les situer par rapport à un contexte plus extensif sur l'image et la

représentation de la justice dans son ensemble (Ph. ROBERT, C. FAU-

GERON et al, 1973) (31) ou sur la façon dont la communication judiciaire

s'établit avec les différents milieux sociaux (H. LAFONT et Ph. MEYER,

1976) (32). Deux modèles de justice apparaissent, l'une centrée sur le

justiciable, au service de l'hygiène sociale, l'autre axée sur le bien

public, défendant l'ordre et la sécurité.

VI. — Compte tenu des interactions du champ social sur les com-

portements ainsi mises à jour, les modalités de prise en charge ont

connu au cours des dix dernières années des changements importants.

Les établissements fermés ont vu fondre leurs effectifs au profit des

mesures en milieu naturel de vie. Cette évolution est complexe. Il est

certain que l'internat connaît une remise en question assez radicale. Les

échecs rééducatifs sont révélateurs d'une certaine inadéquation des

placements autoritaires. Le système totalitaire des placements a été

décrié par de nombreux chercheurs. Par contre, les formes de rééduca-

tion, d'inspiration communautaire présentent des aspects si variés qu'il

est malaisé d'en conduire des évaluations précises. D'autant plus que

le principe de la continuité de l'action éducative privilégie l’ajustement

des contextes aux besoins des jeunes. Ainsi, de plus en plus souvent,

au cours d'une même mesure rééducative, le délinquant mineur connaîtra

de multiples affectations. L'internat de rééducation (J. SELOSSE, M.

JACQUEY, M.T. MAZEROL, P. SEGOND, 1972) (33) a éclaté en un

complexe éducatif qui offre aux mineurs de justice des formules variées

de prise en charge. Par exemple, en France, la transformation des Inter-

nats Professionnels d'Education Surveillée (I.P.E.S.) — équivalents des

Borstals britanniques — en Institutions Spéciales de l'Education Sur-

veillée (I.S.E.S.) se traduit par le fait que les jeunes qui leur sont confiés

ont la possibilité d'évoluer dans un ensemble institutionalisé mais souple

qui leur permettent des choix : de l'accueil dans une structure repérable

au retour à la société en passant par un foyer ou une famille d'accueil

pour déboucher sur la vie autonome en appartement.… (R. PRETOT 1973).

La rééducation cherche en fait à se rapprocher le plus possible des

conditions de vie ordinaire et à faciliter des relations extérieures en

associant le corps social à la régulation des comportements de ses dé-

viants (34).

— 187 —

L'expérience la plus complète et la plus systématique dans la réfor-

me des modalités de la rééducation a été conduite par l'Etat du Massa-

chusetts à l'initiative du Dr. Jérome MILLER depuis 1970. Les chercheurs

de Harvard (Center for criminal justice), notamment L.E. OHLIN et C.A.

Mc EWEN, à la suite d’une vaste procédure d’enquêtes longitudinales,

commencent à dégager à partir de méthodes comparatives les critères

d'efficacité d’une redistribution des équipements et de leurs perspec-

tives en fonction d’une problématique dont l'objectif essentiel vise à

maintenir le jeune délinquant soit « dans », soit à proximité de la vie et

de l'organisation sociale. C’est-à-dire, à développer les processus de dé-

sinstitutionnalisation et à mettre en place des prises en charge commu-

nautaires. Les premiers résultats semblent conformer le bien fondé de

cette politique et fournissent d'utiles renseignements sur les effets res-

pectifs des diverses formes de traitement. Bien que cette réforme soit

très controversée, COATES, MILLER et OHLIN (1976), dans une première

estimation de la récidive montrent que celle-ci n’est pas plus élevée pour

les jeunes pris en charge de façon non résidentielle. Et surtout, que la

récidive la plus grave est le fait de jeunes maintenus dans des structures

de sécurité (35).

Cette «désinstitutionnalisation» — qui complète la «décriminalisa-

tion» dans le domaine de la politique pénale — s'ouvre sur un large

courant de mesures alternatives qui essayent des solutions d’aide, de

soutien, ou de contrôle, dans des contextes et des cadres de vie flexi-

bles s'ajustant aux besoin des sujets et dégage, le plus possible, des

contraintes liées au fonctionnement routinier des établissements. Ce

mouvement traduit une double préoccupation

il tient compte de l’effi-

cacité douteuse des placements dans les centres de rééducation, de

leur coût élevé et de la nécessité pour le corps social de trouver des

solutions aux effets néfastes de ses dysfonctionnements et de ses con-

tradictions. Allant de pair avec cette évolution sociopolitique on assiste

également à une «déprofessionnalisation>» des praticiens et à un recours

à des semblables anciens «déviants» pour aider les populations inadap-

tées et délinquantes à se situer par rapport à elles-mêmes et par rapport

aux autres. Ces interventions s’exercent dans des lieux sociaux multiples

plus préoccupés de répondre à des besoins réels que de satisfaire à des

critères «déclaratifs». Le «vivre avec» dans la quotidienneté des rela-

tions signifiantes l’'emporte sur le projet institué, la convivialité prend

le pas sur la relation programmée (B. MOORE 1974) (36).

Certes, une telle position aussi radicale va à contre-courant de

l'opinion publique et des pouvoirs institués — qui exploitent solidaire-

ment le thème de la sécurité — pour faire basculer la rééducation dans

la répression.

L'institution rééducative demeure toutefois un lieu d'investigation

particulier dans la mesure où ses populations, ses objectifs, son fonc-

tionnement constituent des sujets d’études propres. C’'est ainsi que, par

— 188 —

exemple, M. CUSSON (1972) dans sa thèse sur la resocialisation du

jeune délinquant en institution, insiste sur la nécessité de réconcilier le

délinquant avec la société. Son propos s'inspire d'une analyse des mé-

canismes d'attraction et d'influence susceptibles d'inciter l'adolescent à

participer, à accomplir et à poursuivre des objectifs reconnus et valo-

risés. Influencé par la progression par étapes définie par J. GUINDON

(1969), il préconise une organisation institutionnelle qui veille à l'accueil

et à la participation des pensionnaires aux décisions qui le concernent

avec l’exercice d'une délégation de responsabilités dans la marche du

Centre. L'établissement se doit de fournir aux élèves les moyens de se

sentir partie prenante de leur devenir.

Cette préoccupation d'associer les jeunes à leur prise en charge

est fondamentale. Trop souvent les mineurs se ressentent comme «ob-

jets» de décisions diverses qui interviennent sur leur destinée en chan-

geant leur cadre de vie et leur position sociale. Alors que la rééducation

peut être définie comme le moyen approprié de rendre l'individu sujet

et acteur de son devenir.

Au cours de la récente décennie, les recherches évaluatives ont

continué à intéresser les praticiens. Une attention plus particulière a été

porté aux établissements qui recevaient les jeunes gens considérés

comme rebelle aux prises en charge traditionnelles ou relevant de

traitement spécifique. Par exemple, Y. ROUMAJON, C. CHIROL, M.

GUERIN (1972) ont précisé à partir d'une analyse de 70 cas de jeunes

délinquants difficiles confiés à un établissement spécialisé (Vauhallan)

combien l’accumulation des incidents de vie, qui ont entrainé des inter-

ventions extérieures, aboutit à une multitude de placements vécus

comme autant de non-réponses à des demandes sociales et personnelles

précises, oblitérées par l'effet systématique de la mesure (37). L'intolé-

rance de l'entourage conduit à de nouvelles réactions de rejet face aux

comportements déroutants et agressifs des sujets. Ils deviennent alors

des catalyseurs des conflits et cristallisent un cycle répétitif des

conduites d'échec et de mise en échec de leur entourage. Ces cas

difficiles apparaissent soit comme les plus handicapés de fratries pro-

blèmes, leurs handicaps psychologiques et organiques sont aggravés

par le contexte socio-économique, soit comme les sujets qui se vivent

comme « mauvais objets » de milieux familiaux qui n'’ont pu compenser

échecs ou privations.

L'expérience néerlandaise de Zandwick a fourni l'occasion d'une

présentation alerte et éclairante d’'une institution vivante, fonctionnant

avec un programme élaboré en vue d'objectifs précis (J. SCHOUTEN,

S. HIRSCH et BLANRSTEIN, 1976) (38). Il était intéressant dans un tel

contexte d'essayer d'évaluer les effets d'un tel traitement appliqué à des

adolescents délinquants considérés cliniquement comme névrotiques

et psychopathes. J. EIJER (1975) s’y est essayé en comparant les niveaux

atteints par d'anciens pensionnaires à ceux d'un groupe témoin, 2 à

— 189 —

10 ans après la fin du traitement. Les indices construits par clusters à

partir d’une batterie d'épreuves et d'observations, concernaient les

conditions d’existence, le travail et les progrès d'évolution. Des différen-

ces significatives sont enregistrées ; elles concernent l'influence de l'ac-

tion éducative et de la psychothérapie dispensée en cours de traitement.

Mais un aspect intéressant de cette recherche évaluative tient au fait

que le pronostic appliqué à des adolescents à partir d'une distinction

en fonction de troubles névrotiques ou psychopathiques n'est pas utile

tandis qu’une différenciation basée sur des distinctions étiologiques

paraît plus pertinente (39). Derrière cette observation c'est tout le pro-

blème de la structuration des personnalités juvéniles délinquantes qui

est posé. Est-il pertinent et cliniquement valide de poser la probléma-

tique de la délinquance juvénile à partir d'une hypothèse de personna-

lité criminelle ?

C'est en partie à cette question que le XIIe Congrès français de

criminologie de Bayonne (1971) avait consacré ses réflexions à partir

des données d'une recherche de Mme FAVARD, conduite sur des dos-

siers de jeunes inadaptés et délinquants (40). Les rapports de P. RO-

BERT et J. SELOSSE avaient notamment à cette occasion attiré l'atten-

tion sur le fait que les traits de personnalité considérés comme des

variables intermédiaires et présentés comme des prédicteurs de réci-

dives relevaient de constructions institutionnelles qui interféraient sur

les significations cliniques et structurelles qui leur étaient attribuées.

Poursuivant ses investigations sur la même institution, le service

de recherche de la sauvegarde du Pays Basque (1976) a mis en évidence

les dissonances qui existent entre les fonctions déclaratives, expres-

sives et affectives d’une consultation médico-psychologique. La méthode

structuraliste a été employée pour analyser le langage des praticiens.

L'intérêt de ce travail porte notamment sur l’'examen des indices de

changement des jeunes au cours de l’'intervention institutionnelle dans

la mesure où ils orientent l’enchaînement des prises de décision de

l’'équipe éducative. La méthode de chronologie employée met en relief

l’interférence du fonctionnement systémique de la consultation sur la

représentation du phénomène délinquance ou inadaptation, représen-

tation qui est préalable à l'admission des sujets et qui va modeler les

attitudes fondamentales des praticiens à l'égard de son objet.

Ainsi la recherche institutionnelle rencontre-t-elle également cette

interrogation sur l’écart entre un discours idéologique, des références

théoriques et des pratiques personnelles. Le décalage entre l'acteur

social et l'agent de l'institution est source de dissonance dans l'exer-

cice des prises en charge.

Dans une perspective plus pragmatique M. CUSSON, J. BEAU-

CHAMP et S. LAFLAMME-CUSSON (1973) ont créé un instrument

d'évaluation du comportement des élèves confiés aux institutions de

rééducation (41). Cet instrument vise à établir un profil qui renseignerait

— 190 —

l'éducateur sur les faiblesses et les forces de l’adolescent, ses acqui-

sitions et ses régressions. Les dimensions comportementales retenues

(79 pour la vie de groupe et 33 pour les activités de classe et d'atelier)

ont été analysées en fonction de variables externes telles les étapes

du programme rééducatif, le niveau de maturité interpersonnelle et la

durée de séjour des élèves. L'instrument répond aux dimensions sui-

vantes

relations avec les pairs, avec les éducateurs, l’expression de

soi, le milieu institutionnel et autres critères. L'institut de Criminologie

de Ljubljana, sous la direction du Dr VODOPIVEC (1971), a conduit une

recherche pour apprécier « les changements dans les méthodes édu-

catives appliquées dans une institution de jeunes délinquants » (42).

Après avoir introduit une nouvelle conception dans la prise en charge

des pensionnaires, à la fois plus libérale et fondée sur des principes

psychothérapiques, une évaluation des modifications d'attitudes a été

entreprise à l’aide de l'inventaire de personnalité de JESNESS pour les

jeunes et du test de SCHAEFER-BELL pour les éducateurs et les ins-

tructeurs techniques. Les personnels d'éducation semblent plus sen-

sibles à l'évolution institutionnelle que les personnels d'ateliers. |ls

présentent des dispositions plus positives vis-à-vis du changement in-

troduit dans l'établissement. Les attitudes des pensionnaires se sont

également modifiées dans un sens positif au cours du programme de

rééducation. L'intérêt de cette recherche est de mettre en évidence la

liaison entre l'évolution des personnels et celle des jeunes. Une insti-

tution ne change vraiment que si ses agents sont partie prenante dans

le changement.

S. MILLHAM, R. BULLOCK et P. CHERRETT (1975) (43) ont conduit

pendant quatre ans une étude comparative sur les expériences résiden-

tielles de garçons confiés à dix-huit approved schools. Plus de mille

jeunes ont été suivis durant cette période afin de voir comment ces

institutions pouvaient participer à l'application du Children and Young

Persons' Act et à l'encadrement des mineurs délinquants dans une

conception de changement radical. L'ouvrage des chercheurs britan-

niques rend compte non seulement de la façon dont les jeunes ont vécu

cette intervention mais également la manière dont les personnels ont

plus ou moins réagi et ajusté leur conduite aux nouveaux objectifs qui

leur étaient proposés. Cette publication est une utile contribution à

l'analyse des changements institutionnels et des oppositions qu'elles

soulèvent. La défense des personnels et de la hiérarchie de même que

les réactions méfiantes du corps social conjuguent leurs résistances

pour contrarier l'esprit de la réforme en cours.

POUR CONCLURE

VHII. — Ainsi, depuis une quinzaine d'années le thème et la problé-

matique de l'étude de la délinquance juvénile sont fondamentalement

renouvelés. Hier les travaux étaient essentiellement développés à

— 191 —

partir d’une approche criminologique du passage à l'acte centrés sur

des traits individuels, aujourd’hui les chercheurs intègrent une perspec-

tive plus contextuelle. La conduite |nterpellante ne prend son sens que

par et à partir de l'environnement qui tout à

la fois la secrète et la

suscite

Cette interaction implique également une orientation méthodolo-

gique qui tient compte des effets dialectiques du développement indi-

viduel et social. D'où cette multiplication, au cours de la récente décen-

nie, d’enquêtes longitudinales qui tentent d'intégrer les données de la

maturation avec les effets des réponses sociales et institutionnelles

L’examen séquentiel de cohortes de jeunes scandées par des inter-

ventions en réaction à des faits, paraît actuellement définir une voie

pertinente pour saisir la complexité des inter-relations en présence, car

ni la totalité des individus, ni les divers milieux n’interagissent de façon

uniforme, par rapport à un même événement

Il ne semble pas que l’on puisse, en l'état de nos connaissances

restreindre le champ d'analyse à une théorie. La perspective différen-

tielle doit encore affiner nos connaissances

Si l’acte considéré comme répréhensible est bien le produit d’une

construction active de la part des auteurs, récepteurs et témoins

il

paraît également fertile de s'inspirer des systèmes de communications

(la conduite visible pouvant être décriptée comme un message spéci-

fique dans un circuit d'émissions à audiences multiples) pour lancer

des passerelles entre les niveaux, les réalités et les conceptions. Si une

complémentarité des perspectives doit être souhaitée, sans doute ga-

gnerait-elle à être introduite par l’intermédiaire de « recherches ac-

tives », au cours desquelles les tenants de ces diverses approches les

confronteraient dans la rencontre signifiante avec les déviants

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1973, pp. 9-2

(35)

OHLIN (L. E) MILLER (A.-D.), COATES (R. B)

Juvenile Correctional Reform In Mas-

sachussets, L.E.A.A. Washington 1977, 116 p

(36)

MOORE (B.) :

The roots of Counter lnstltutlons et Counter Cultural Alternatives to

modern institutions, in A study of Child Variance, Vol. 3 : RHODES (W.) et HEAD (S.),

Service Delivery Systems, Ann Arbor, Mich, 1974, pp. 559-594 et pp. 595-636.

(37)

ROUMAJON (Y.), CHIROL (C.), GUERIN (M.) :

Analyse de 70 cas de jeunes délinquants

difficiles, Annales de Vaucresson, 1972.

— 193 —

(38)

SCHOUTEN (J.), HIRSCH (S.), BLANKSTEIN (H.)

Garde ton masque, Fleurus, Paris

1976, 352 p

(39)

ElJER (M.-J.) :

Quand tout a été dit et fait, Etude des effets du traitement résidentiel

du Centre de Zandwnk Annales de Vaucresson, 1977 (sous presse).

SELOSSE (J.) :

Quelques préoccupations actuelles de la psvchosoclologle appliquées

à la crlmlnologle, Cont. Inst. de Crim. Paris, 1972, Doc. Ronéo, 1

p.

(40)

FAVARD-DRILLAUD et al

XIIe Congrès français de criminologie (Biarritz

1971),

Imp. Adm. Melun 1973

(41)

CUSSON (M.)

BEAUCHAMP (J.)

LAFLAMME, CUSSON

Observations du compor-

tement des jeunes en institution, Rapport technique Montréal, 1975, Doc. Ronéo, 165 p

(42)

VODOPIVEC (K.) et al

Changements dans les méthodes éducatives dans une insti-

tution de jeunes délinquants, Doc. Ronéo, 41 p., Ljubljana, 1972

After grace-teeth, À comparative study

(43)

MILLHAM (S.), BULLOCK (R.), CHERRETT (P.)

of the residential experience of boys in approved schools, London Human context

books, 1975, 309 p

= 104 —

Social problems

in the metropolitan area of TEL-AVIV

An analysis of urban problems

against national background

by Dan SOEN

Tel Aviv University, The Technion

Israël Institute of TechnologY

A. — THE METROPOLITAN AREA OF TEL-AVIV,

ITS GROWTH AND DENSITY

Anyone who comes to discuss the social problems of the metro-

politan area of Tel-Aviv must be cognizant of two basic facts:

a)

The area contains pockets of significant social problems;

b)

The towns of the region are nevertheless some of the best in the

urban fabric of Israel, and one should not therefore lose the sense

of proportion while considering the problems.

The social problems of the metropolitan area of Tel-Aviv—many of

which are grave enough — are the results of at least two spe-

cific Israeli factors: first, the intensified urbanization process which has

passed over the country as a whole, and over this region in particular;

second, the lack of urban planning and of an overall urban concept

within the leadership of the Jewish community up to relatively recent

times.

Without entering into details, it is worthwhile, nevertheless, to

illustrate in this connection, with the aid of figures and a few facts, the

two said factors.

Thus, for instance, official figures show that the

urban part of Israel's population has increased from 75% in 1961 to

85.6% in 1974 (1). This figure, however, does not reflect the urbani-

zation factor of special interest to us, since it deals with the population

as a whole, and not with the Jewish population by itself.

Within the Jewish part of the population, the urbanization coefficient

is even greater, and now exceeds 90 % in comparison with 76 % in 1955.

To stress this point further, it should be stated that Israel is one of the

most urbanized countries in the world.

Furthermore, between 1961 and 1972, the population of the Metro-

politan Area of Tel-Aviv rose by 33% (3).

Here one must note that

during the same period the Jewish population of Israel grew from

1,932,400 to 2,667,500 (4), i.e. by about 38%.

However, although the

growth rate of the metropolitan area of Tel-Aviv was lower than

that of the Jewish population as a whole, owing to the Government'’s

avowed dispersal policy and the settling of immigrants in the different

so-called “Development Towns,” it was nevertheless higher than the

— 195 —

THE TEL-AVIV CONURBATION

LEGEND

Conurbation boundary

Municipal boundary

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— 196 —

growth rate of the second metropolitan area by size in Israel, the one

of Haifa, which during the same period increased by only 29% (5):

Moreover, the growth within the communities of Greater Tel-Aviv's

area was differential, since the periphery of the area showed during

that period a 64% increase, whereas the inner zone grew by 75% (6).

Also, within the boundaries of the metropolitan area examined above

are not included such communities as Kefar Saba (130,500 inhabitants

in 1974), Rehovot (46,400 in 1974) or Netania (79,500 in 1974) (7)—com-

munities which already today lie just beyond the outer ring of the metro-

politan area and will, within a very short time, certainly become parts

of it.

TABLE |

GROWTH OF ISRAEL’S URBAN POPULATION, 1948 TO 1974 (2)

PERCENTAGE OF URBAN

PERCENTAGE OF URBAN

YEAR

dwellers among Jewish

dwellers in total

Population

population

1948

……s sec0 cccc 00000

80.4

(-)

1955

76.4

70.8

76.7

1960

vs s000 c00000000

83.1

1965

cccc cenececce0000

88.4

81.8

1970

89.3

82.5

1971

—.s se ue s0000000000

89.5

82.6

1974

90.6

85.6

In brief, the rapid growth which has taken place in the population

of the metropolitan area of Tel-Aviv in the past decade, and the expec-

ted urban sprawl (down to Rehovot in the south and up to Ra'annana in

the north as of today; up to Hadera in the north and down to Ashdod

in the south by the year 2000) indicate that in the foreseeable future—

by the end of the present century—the area will not only continue to be

the dominating urban centre of the country, with all the consequent

results, but may even strengthen and expand.

Here one may note again that, despite the urbanization coefficient

in Israel being so high, one of the causes of the complex problems

belabouring urban life in Israel is that the Zionist movement in the

country was directed not towards urban but towards rural settlement.

The whole Zionist ideology was built on “return to the land,” or, as was

stated in 1935 at the 19th Zionist Congress in Lucerne, Switzerland, by

the late Arthur Ruppin: “It is now 2000 years since we have had no

contact with agriculture, and we must first of all return to it in body and

soul (8).” Very clear words on the subject were said even earlier, at the

13th Zionist Congress held in Karlsbad, by Hantke, who claimed that

if the Zionist movement must decide where to invest most of its efforts,

— 197 —

whether in towns or in the country, it will have to take into account that

the decisions in the country are taken in favour of the land, while the

towns must adapt themselves to these decisions (9).

The village is

dominant; the town is secondary.

In this matter a fitting statement on the conclusions to be drawn

has been made by Erik Cohen: “Owing to the almost exclusive concern

with agricultural development, the rural sector was given all the atten-

tion and means which were at the disposal of Jewish national institu-

tions.

No comparable effort has been made to develop the urban

sector.

In fact, the tendency of the Zionist leaders and, particularly, of

the leaders of the pioneering socialist movements, which dominated

the Jewish community in Palestine, was to disregard the city comple-

tely (10).”

The two above factors were thus specific Israeli factors and both

combined to intensify the social problems involved in urbanization gene-

rally, as well as the largest metropolitan area of the country.

The social problem of the metropolitan area of Tel-Aviv should,

however, be looked at from a much wider aspect.

This is, to start with,

Whereas in 1961 the

a very densely populated metropolitan area.

population density in the Tel-Aviv District was 4113.5 persons per sq.km.,

in 1974 the density reached 5573.8 persons per sq.km. The second

most densely populated region in the country, the Haifa Sub-District

contained in 1961 only 976.0 persons per sq.km., while in 1974 it had

1327.9 persons per sq.km. (11).

Moreover, this density is high not

only in Israeli terms, but also in absolute terms; it suffices to note here

that Los Angeles has a density of 4400 persons per sq.km., Paris a

density of 3900 persons per sq.km., London - 4 370, and Athens - 4 620.

Secondly, the region as a whole is a most highly populated one:

in the population census of 1972 it numbered 1,477,400 persons, or

48.3% of the total population of the State (with the exception of the

population of East Jerusalem) (12).

Admittedly, when examining the

relative weight of the population of the Tel Aviv and the Central

Districts (the two districts which can be viewed as “Greater Tel Aviv”),

one must admit that their part of the total Jlewish population in 1961

(55.6%) in comparison with their part in 1974 (52.9%) (13), shows an

apparent slight decline of 2.5% nevertheless one may say that throu-

ghout this period the region retained its full strenght, certainly in

economic and financial terms.

Here the central question may be asked: since the metropolitan

area of Tel Aviv is the largest urban concentration in the State, and

since this region continues to grow in extent, does the sociological

— 198 —

““axiom”’ which foresees great normative deviations in such large urban

concentrations prove correct? Do the tensions and conflicts consi-

dered by sociology as an inseparable part of urbanization indeed

appear in the metropolitan area of Tel Aviv to a greater measure than

in other parts of the country?

ls welfare population in the area a

Is delin-

bigger problem in comparison to other parts of the country?

quency more rampant here than in the State as a whole?

An attempt will be made further to answer this many-faceted

question, at least in part.

B

— AN OVERVIEW CORRELATION BETWEEN

URBANIZATION AND CRIME

As already mentioned it has become one of the cornerstones of

modern urban sociology ever since the pioneering work of Emile Dur-

kheim (14), but mostly since the conscientious work of the Chicago

School, that crime and delinquency are directly related to the degree

of the urbanization of an area.

More specifically, the rate of serious

crimes tends to increase with the size of the community and the den-

sity of its population (15).

The U.N. Commission for Social Development too claims in its

1971 Report that a significant correlation existed between crime and

delinquency rates on the one hand and the growth of city population on

the other hand. The bigger the population—the higher the rates (16).

Others, like H. Tarniquet, maintained that crime in the urban areas

was the result of large population, unemployment, deprivation and

poverty (17).

Likewise, L. Gronholm stated that urbanization was a

major factor of juvenile delinquency in Helsinki (18).

Shoham et al maintained as much when reaching the conclu-

sion (19) that the ranking of the variables in relation to the strengh of

their link with delinquency would seem to be in the following increa-

sing order: homogeneity, ethnicity, length of stay in the country and

the degree of urbanization.

And a great deal has been written on urbanization and ecological

factors as related to juvenile delinquency by the same Chicago School

of Criminology, notably Shaw and McKay (20), Terence Morris in

England (21) and Christiansen in Denmark (22).

Yet, despite all these claims recent research has shown that

things are much more complex than that.

In their research, Hagedorn,

Miller and Labovitz (23) found no clear-cut correlation between indus-

trialization and urbanization on the one hand and deviant behaviour

on the other (23).

— 199 —

Berman, who studied the links between size of population and

juvenile delinquency in Israel found that generally speaking delinquency

rates are higher in the small towns (with a population of less than

10,000) than in the bigger ones (with a population of 40,000 and more).

His conclusion is, therefore, that ethnicity is more important than popu-

lation size inasmuch as juvenile delinquency is concerned (24).

A more complex conclusion may be derived from my study of social

problems in Israeli urban settlements (25).

With the help of the

Factor Analysis technique twenty-three variables included in a Social

Problems Index were checked. Among those variables there were

seven that covered different facets of social deviance:

1

Minors cared for by the Children and Youth Services of the Mi-

nistry of Social Welfare;

Juvenile delinquents, after conviction;

Juvenile delinquents in probation officer care;

Offences against public order;

Offences against life and limb;

Sexual and moral offences;

NOGUSON

Offences against property, fraudulence.

One of the basic conclusions reflected in the correlation coeffi-

cients matrix is that not all those facets are significantly correlated

to each other.

On the other hand, the size of the population per se

did not turn up as a negative factor.

One should, therefore, be

careful when talking about correlation between crime and urbanization.

TABLE 2:

CORRELATION COEFFICIENT MATRIX

VARIA

(

.BLE

0.73

0.1

0.47

0.56

0.54

0.49

—0.14

0.62

0.77

0.74

0.62

—0.16

—0.26

—0.17

—0.13

0.94

0.92

0.98

0.96

0.94

0.95

NOU SON

And that despite the fact that as to the predisposing factor of high-

rates-of-delinquency areas it was claimed by Shoham that the highest

zone of delinquency in the Tel Aviv area, for instance, is the central

business and commercial area.

The average delinquency rate (distri-

buted according to boys’ age groups) in that area was at Shoham's

survey 46 per 1000, while the total average for the whole Tel Aviv

area was 30 per 1000 (26).

— 200 —

C. — CRIME AND DELINQUENCY IN THE TEL AVIV AREA

So far the correlation between urbanization and crime in general.

As to the specific problem of Tel Aviv, analysis of data released

by the Police and the Central Bureau of Statistics Shows—contrary

to expectations deriving from some of the sociological theories—that

the conditions are not bad in comparison with the situation in the

country as a whole.

In relative terms, one may in fact definitely assert

that conditions in Tel Aviv are good.

Thus, whereas the population of the Tel Aviv Police District

amounted to 28.9% of the total population of the country in 1974, the

part of this District in the national crime basket was smaller, and

amounted merely to 26.1 % (34,749 offences out of 133,156) (27).

The relative weight of the District's offenders was even smaller and

stood at 23.7% of the national sum total (10,537 out of 44,392) (28).

And finally, the relative weight of juvenile delinquents was smaller

than all and stood at 22.3% of the national total (2,730 out of 12,213)

(29).

Even the number of convictions in the District amounted to a

mere 28.8% of the national total (23,295 out of 80,980) (30).

While

Tel Aviv's share inside the District is more problematic.

its population amounted to 37.9% of the total, its share in the offences

basket was a mere 29.3% (10,185 out of 34,749).

Yet, its share of

the offenders was much bigger and amounted to 46.8% (4,935 out of

10,537) and its share in the convictions was still bigger, and amounted

to 59.2% (13,799 out of 23,295) (31).

To add some idea as to the dynamics of crime in the region one

should perhaps draw attention to the fact that inasmuch as change

in the new investigation files opened by the police is concerned the

Tel Aviv Police District is again far from problematic.

Thus, while in 1973 there was a drop of 7.3% on the national level

in comparison to 1972 (135,678 new files as against 146,446), the drop

in Tel Aviv was much steeper, and stood at 20.5% (32).

In 1974 crime

was again on the ascent, and on the national level there were 19.4%

more files opened in comparison to the previous year.

The figure in

Tel-Aviv was smaller than the national average and stood at 17,2%,

where/as in the Northern District it was 21.6% and in the Southern

District—17.3 % (33).

These data give a fairly clear illustration of the crime problem

in the metropolitan area, although they are most general and do not

go into details.

Statements such as “Tel Aviv serves as the centre of

— 201 —

the Israeli underworld and the deviant population.

Proliferation of

drug addiction and prostitution, extramarital births, etc., have increased

the population of law-breakers who are unable to support their

families”’ (34) uttered by officials are very often unaccompanied by

statistical data and in any case are too general to mean anything.

Nevertheless, one should perhaps mention that there is one

point which is worth attention and which has not been dealt with so far

except in passing. While the percentage of adult offenders who live

in Tel Aviv is relatively low (consult Table 1 for time-series 1957-

1970) (35), it appears from police data that the percentage of offences

committed in Tel Aviv is much higher than that.

The interpretation to that is that a relatively small number of

offenders is involved in a large number of crimes, or one may say

that although Tel Aviv is not infested by a high concentration of cri-

minals, there exists there a good number of seasoned habitual de-

linquents.

Finally, this picture will not be complete without indicating the

ecological differentiation of crimes in the town.

Without entering a

micro-quarterly analysis, and without examining the question where

the offenders reside, it appears that the greatest number of crimes

take place in the area defined by the police as the Yarkon area, namely

the central sections of Tel Aviv.

At this point it only remains to agree with Dr. Shimon Spiro who

summarized the findings in his article (36) as follows: “This is not

surprising in view of the higher concentration of economic, tourist and

entertainment activities within this area.”

D. — SOCIAL WELFARE, POVERTY AND HARDSHIPS

Statements such as, “Tel-Aviv is the largest of the country's towns

and contains more wealth and poverty than any other town in the

country (37)” reflect correctly the position of the city, which constitutes

the heart of the metropolitan area.

Such statements, nevertheless, call

for statistical corroboration and wider explanation.

The number of aid recipients in the city, among the families in care,

reached 3,480 in April 1975, compared to 2,950 in the previous year,

2,710 in 1973 and 2,140 in April 1972. The increase was recorded mainly

among small families, rather than of large families: 55% were single per-

sons and childless couples, (51% in 1972), 3-5 member families cons-

titued 29% of the recipients (27% in 1972) and 6 member or larger,

families—16% (as against 22% in 1972).

— 202 —

The number of financial aid recipients in the city as a percentage

of the recipients in the whole country points to the deteriorating situa-

tion in this field; in 1975 there were in the city 13% of all these cases

It follows

in the country, compared to 12% in 1974 and 10% in 1972.

that together with the decrease in the number of the city's residents

as a percentage of the country's population (from 11.6% in 1972 to

10.5% at the beginning of 1975), an increase was recorded in the num-

ber of financial aid recipients among the inhabitants of the city. Their

percentage of all the recipients in the country was higher in 1975 than

the city's share in the country's population.

TABLE 3:

ADULT DELINQUENT INHABITANTS OF

TEL AVIV-YAFFO BY RECIDIVISM (Jews)

(1957-1970)

% of

% of

ABSOLUTE NUMBERS

Whole

First

Recidivists

First

Total

YEAR

Country

Offenders

Offenders

21.8

57.4

1,068

1,442

2,510

1957

19.2

54.3

1,038

1,238

2,276

1958

21.6

55.6

1,054

1,324

2,378

1959

20.7

48.2

1,174

1,096

2,270

1960

20.7

48.2

1,246

1,158

2,404

1961

16.7

44.9

1,154

938

2,092

1962

15.2

45.4

949

788

1.737

1963

13.6

44.9

937

763

1,700

1964

14.2

42.7

1,197

892

2,089

1965

13.6

45.4

1,061

883

1,944

1966

14.5

40.3

822

554

1,376

1967

12.7

39.0

789

504

1,293

1968

12.3

41.0

894

621

1,515

1969

12.7

38.6

1,055

663

1,718

1970

The reason for support of the majority of the financial aid recipients

in the city is illIness—chronic or mental.

Those people constitute 2/3

of the total number of aid receivers in the city and about 14% of all the

aid received of this category in the country.

27% of the financial aid receivers in the city earn a living, but their

income is not sufficient for the subsistence of the family. An addi-

tional 59% of the city's aid recipients live only on the National Insurance

allowance and this number has increased quite considerably during the

last years—in 1972/73 they constituted 49% of all the aid recipients in

the city.

— 203 —

One—third of the financial aid recipients applied to Social Welfare

for the first time before 1965, slightly more than one fourth—between

The so-

1966 and 1970, and over 40% at the beginning of the 1970's.

cial problems of the city are heavier than in other parts of the country.

About 7% of all the city's needy had applied to Social Welfare for the

first time before 1954; they have been in need of welfare aid for over

20 years and they have raised a generation educated to ask for society's

financial support.

This category of population in Tel-Aviv-Yafo consti-

tutes over 16% of all the financial aid recipients in the country, while

those who turned to Social Welfare during the past years (after 1971)

constitute only 12% of those in need of aid in the whole country (37a).

Nevertheless, one should not lose the right proportions.

Families

receiving municipal welfare numbered 16,000 in 1973/74 (38).

The total

number of families in the case of Social Welfare Bureaux in the Country

in that year was 157,660 (39), which means that Tel-Aviv's share in the

national basket amounted to 10.2%—less than its share in the popu-

lation.

Moreover, even if one goes outside the boundaries of the metropoli-

tan core and examines the conditions of the two districts in which the

metropolitan area of Tel-Aviv lies—the Tel-Aviv District and the Central

District— it is seen that the conditions in the region are good. Whe-

reas in 1971 the combined population of the two districts was 47.2% (40)

of the country's total, the number of families in need of social aid in the

two districts was not more than 46.2% of the country's number of

families in need of social welfare (41).

In actual act, the situation in the Tel-Aviv District and in the Cen-

tral District is much better than in the other districts—the Jerusalem

and Southern District on the one hand, and the Haifa and Northern

District on the other hand.

However, here it is necessary to point out that a great difference

exists between the region as a whole and its component parts.

When

going into details, it is found that there is considerable variation among

the communities, and the problems involved strike the eye immediately.

Benei Berak and Herzliya appear as the weakest links in the chain of

communities in the metropolitan area, since in Herzliya 60% of all the

families in need of welfare are defined in 1970 as fully dependent, while

in Benei Berak 54,9% of the families are so defined. Not far behind this

comes Holon with 50.2% of fully dependent families; whereas in the

small communities on the outskirts of the metropolitan area the most

prominent are Beth Dagan with 57.1% of fully dependent families, and

the town of Yavneh with 53.0% of fully dependent individuals (42).

004

The data point to pockets of abject poverty within the region which

in general is, as stated, at a high prosperity level.

Everything said

above relates to communities which also include quarters within com-

munities, such as, for instance, Neveh Israel and Shaviv in Herzliya,

Morasha in Ramat Hasharon and the Hatikva Quarter, the Argazim

Quarter, the Ezra Quarter, Kefar Shalem, Shabazi Quarter, Manshia and

other quarters in Tel-Aviv, or the old town of Ramla, etc., whereas in

1971/72 an increase of 11.5% took place in the number of families

registered in the welfare bureaux of Tel-Aviv, the increase in Jaffa was

19%, while in the “southern” bureau it was 13% (43).

Analysis of the trend of internal migration to Tel-Aviv in the period

1966 to 1970 shows that, apparently, the percentage of those settling

in the better quarters of Tel-Aviv in the north (42.9%)—was greater

than the percentage of settlers in the backward quarters of the town in

the south (37.1%).

Moreover, the number or residents leaving the

backward quarters was greater than the number of those settling

in them (44).

However, in this connection one must agree with the statements

made by David Pines: “One must remember that, generally the families

leaving the backward quarters are those that are better off (45).”

At this point one must note that the growing metropolitan area

represents a considerable attraction to migrants from other parts of

the country, including development towns and immigrant communities.

Among these migrants are included problematic families which reach

the communities at the outskirts of the area, such as Ramla, Lod, and

These fami-

Beth Dagan, and also the backward quarters of Tel-Aviv.

lies join in all these said locations the stratum in need of welfare

support.

In other words, the growing need for welfare aid in the

metropolitan area of Tel-Aviv is not only an outcome of internal growth,

but also a result of migration.

This circumstance has already been noted by the committee on

examining the situation in the welfare bureaux of Tel-Aviv, which found

that in every one of the three years 1969, 1970 and 1971 the town

absorbed nearly 400 families from development towns and ““lost’”’ 150

families that moved out into development towns.

The net migration balance was 250 families that have moved out of

“These families are the

the development towns and settled in Tel-Aviv.

most problematic ones and have not been absorbed in the development

towns or in the new settlements.

They arrive without any coordinated

arrangements, rent cheap lodgings in the slums at monthly rent, and

apply to the welfare bureaux for the provision of living quarters and

for economic aid (46).”

— 205 —

E. — TEL-AVIV METROPOLITAN AREA - ITS PLACE

IN THE SCALING AND RANKING ACCORDING

TO SOCIAL PROBLEMS INDEX

So far a piecemeal analysis of the social problems of the Metropo-

litan Area.

In this last section of the paper an account is given of the attempt

to bring together the above mentioned (see section B) twenty variables

that come under the heading of Social Indicators and contribute to what

was termed as the Social Problems Index.

It was assumed that the index would be an objective and efficient

tool for analysing the social problems of the metropolitan area relative to

the whole urban framework of the state.

A first attempt to use the technique to rank and scale urban settle-

ments according to what was then termed as ““population quality index”

was made some time ago by an Israeli team (47).

The present paper

uses the same technique to different ends.

Multivariate analysis was used to determine a hierarchy of urban

settlements in Israel with a population of 5,000 and more, scaled accor-

ding to the ““social problems index.”

The variables used contained the following components:

Categories of the population receiving social welfare support;

Data on the normally dependent population;

Data on juvenile delinquents;

Data on general delinquency;

Data on large families;

Demographic composition of population.

Owing to various constraint not all relevant variables could be

located for the same year.

Some of the data therefore relate to 1969,

some to 1970, some to 1971, and some to 1972.

Some relevant data concerning the demographic and socio-eco-

nomic profile of the population are not available in Israel; no data are

It is therefore

available (at the local level) for employment breakdown.

impossible to get reliable information about the unemployed in each

of the urban settlements.

Similarly, no information regarding education of the population at

the local level is available.

Although statistics on population environ-

ment in secondary schools are available, they were rejected as a substi-

tute, since there is no way of ascertaining where the students come

— 206 —

from.

In several small regional towns it was found, for instance, that

almost half of the school's population commuted to the town from the

rural hinterland. The high correlation coefficient existing between edu-

cation and continent of birth (48) helps to solve the problem at least

partially.

Factor analysis develops a scale on which items can be rated and

compared by dividing the characteristics into independent sources of

variation factors.

Each of these factors represents a scale based on

empirical relationships between the items.

What is more, the factor

analysis also supplies the weights for each item when combining them

into the scales.

The factor score results determine the place of each

item on the scale.

In the present case iterations were used, and the

grading shown below was arrived at after iteration.

The first factor received covered 45 percent of the variation

space, the second another 9 percent, the third 5 percent, and each of

the others some 3 percent.

The values obtained for the variables in the first factor are shown

in Table 5.

From the results presented in Table 5, a grading for the country's

towns was arrived at.

This grading reflects the theoretical classification

of the towns according to their social problems index (Table 6).

Eilat, Tel-Aviv, and Giv'atayim, which show the highest negative

values, have the least social problems and stand at the head of the

grading, whereas Beit Shemesh, Shderot, and Or Akiva (all of which

are new towns), which show the highest positive values, have the

greatest relative concentration of social problems, and are at the bottom

of the urban grading in this respect.

— 207 —

TABLE 5

VARIABLES USED TO INDICATE DISTRESS

AND VALUES FOR THE FIRST FACTOR

Supported invalids

". ...................+.....

0.79773

Supported household units with no other income.

0.79441

Large families

".1 00 000606004666 80 5 0 0 00 00000

0.77740

Persons of Afro-Asian origin

10000000 0 0 0500000

0.73885

0.72864

Mentally deficient persons

Supported blind persons

D00000000000d00000000

0.70446

Household units receiving aid in kind

0.69326

Children cared for by youth service

0.69274

Blind persons

—… 0 00004 00 00 0 4 6 04 600 0 0 8 40 00 00000

0.64973

0-14 age group

—… 00000 4 40 8 1 0 0 0 00 4 0 0 0000 0 1 1000

0.63875

. ..........

0.62962

Juveniles in probation officer care

Supported household units composed of widows

and children

— 1100000 0 04 0 0 00000 08000 0000000

0.59686

Juvenile delinquents, after conviction

0.55585

Supported mentally disturbed persons

.1 800000

0.52690

Recipients of regular aid

D0 001010100050 0°01)' 00101010 010

0.48545

Households receiving aid in treatment

0.41767

Offences against life and limb (*)

1.00 0006 00000

0.34982

0.31385

Household units receiving economic aid

Supported old-age persons

C0 00000000 0000000

0.27470

Offences against public order (*)

...

-0.21570

Offences against property, fraud (*)

. 0 00000000

-0.18196

65+ age group

-0.35376

Sexual and moral offences

daofo2 0001010 9 50.00 0000

-0.45349

(*) These variables used rates per thousand while all others were percentages

— 208 —

TABLE 6

THEORETICAL CLASSIFICATION OF TOWNS ACCORDING

TO THEIR SOCIAL PROBLEMS INDEX. NEW AND

DEVELOPMENT TOWNS ARE ITALICIZED

Eilat

-2.97901

Tel-Aviv

-1.32790

Giv'atayim

".1 08000 00 0 0 4 0000 0 64 4 0 0 4 000 0 80000

-1.29440

Bat Yam

00 000 00 000 0000 4 0 0 0 0 0 06 000 00 0 00000

-1.14844

Haifa

-1.12609

Qiryat Bialik

.. ..........................

-1.09466

Jerusalem

"1 8800000 00 0 0 0 00 000 4 400 4 000 0 00000

-1.05456

Holon

2.00 0000000000 00000000 0 0 0 0 60 0 000 000000

-1.02805

Ramat Gan

".1 0000000 0000 000 0 00004 0 0 05 05000

-1.02805

Qiryat Motzkin

"1 #0 000 00 0 0 0 0 000 00 0 0 01 0 0 00008

-0.85783

Hadera

-0.79459

Herzlia

OO 00 900000000000 00007000000000055900 0

-0.73087

Rehovot

—… 0000 0000 000 0 0 0000 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 000 0

-0.65914

Ramat Hasharon

C00 080 SO 0000000 100000 099050

-0.63260

Beersheba

-0.62964

Qiryat Ono

". 0 0000 000 0000000 00 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 00 0000

-0.61280

Acre

". ...................................

-0.52067

Petah Tikva

".1 00000000 0 0 0000 0 0 00 60 00 0 0 00000

-0.51676

Qiryat Tiv'on

SOR CO OOROO O 00 O OOOD OO 080 0X st

-0.50035

Bene Berak

—… 000 000 0000 0 00 0 0 0 0 00 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0000

-0.49453

Rishon le'Zion

180000600000 0 00 0 00 0 00 0 00000 0

-0.47158

Naharia

... ...

-0.42916

Kefar Saba

100000000000 ”

-0.36220

Ramla

... ...

-0.17823

Ashdod

e ... ...

-0.10930

Natania

—… 080 00 0 00 00 00 00 00 0 0 4 4 00 0 0 0 0 0 0 00 00 »

-0.09011

Hod Hasharon

".1 0 0 00 00 0000 05 00 00 0 08 4 00000

-0.04417

000000000000 000000050007

Upper Nazareth

-0.04460

Qiryat Hayim

—… 0 0000 000 000 0 6 0045000 0 5 5 5000

-0.01817

— 066 —

TABLE 6

THEORETICAL CLASSIFICATION OF TOWNS ACCORDING

TO THEIR SOCIAL PROBLEMS INDEX

(contd.)

Dimona

000000000000000000000000 5000 Di00 00500

0.09765

Lod

00700010 000/00090000000000000000000 0000000 00

0.11349

Safad

190000000000000009003000009000000060000 t 0

0.21053

Ashkelon

— 8180000000 4 04 0 4 08 0 00 80 0 80 0 00 0100 »

0.23821

Afula

...

0.28443

Or Yehuda

J'On0. OHO40; 004010 0 0,D#0 00400 -040-0.0:0-080.0 0000404000

0.38106

Ra'annana

CIOR0 OO d'OPCO O10/00 00801080 OYORD 0010600800 2010,0 D0

0.40539

… 00 00 0 0 00 0 6 0 0 0 0010 0 0 0 00 00 0t0N 016 0 « 0 d 010

0.41569

Qiryat Ata

Oiryat Yam

00000600 00000000 00°080 0 d'di0i0 c.dfo 0160 0

0.44864

Tiberias

0:0°60/0/0 001000000000 00900000t 0000 00000 000

0.45863

Nes Ziona

300000 00909000000900000000 0000000090

0.52051

Qiryat Gat

—… 0000000 0 0 1 00 0 00 0 0 0 0 00 00 00 0 0 0000 0

0.62620

Yavne

0000000000 0000000000000500 3400800000 0000

0.80832

Qiryat Shemona

0'°00D01000000000000000000000—7

0.85135

Tirat Ha'Carmel

0650000501600005090005649500000 5040

0.85482

Nesher

00000 4 00 0 0 00 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 440000 000 00 1100 0

0.87137

Beit Shean

0D00000900000000000000050 00069000

1.14630

Ofakim

0000000000003

1.28912

0690 Oud/C-0°05D:0- 070 OnO G CO 58080090 01 000

1.43990

Migdal Ha-emeq

Hatzor

00001040 000 06000 0000004000 00h0ODODO0 D 0600 G0

1.63942

Rosh Ha'ayin

000000000900 050400060905%5090000d00095

1.64272

Beit Shemesh

Q00 070 6 6000 COc 0.00 00000 0000 9 OOD

1.89830

010000000005 00000 0000000804 04 D0

1.90541

Qiryat Malachi

Or Akiva

d000000000000000000006°000050000.00 350

1.94490

— 210 —

AIl in all one arrives here at a very significant conclusion, namely

that the Metropolitan Area of Tel-Aviv is indeed less problematic—from

a sociological point of view—than a great many other towns in the

country. AIl the urban settlements within its orbit fall in the upper

median, while five of them—Tel-Aviv, Giv'atayim, Bat-Yam, Holon and

Ramat Gan fall among the ten least problematic of the country's cities.

The question raised in Section À is therefore answered negatively.

This, in fact, comes as no big surprise in the wake of what has been

said in Section B.

— 211 —

REFERENCES

(1) Central Bureau of Statistics: Statistical Abstract of Israel, 1975. No. 26, pp. 28-29.

(2) Statistical Abstract of Israel 1953, 1955/56, 1961, 1966, 1971, 1972, 1975, Central

Bureau of Statistics, Jerusalem.

3

Moshe Sikron: «Population and housing census in urban planning», in Town and

Region (Hebrew), January, 2, 1973, p. 10.

(4)

Central Bureau of Statistics data.

(5)

Sikron, ibid., 10.

Ibid.

(6)

(7)

AIl data from Statistical Abstract of Israel, 1975, No. 26, pp. 36-37.

8)

Arthur Ruppin: Thirty years of country building. Schoken, Jerusalem, 1937 (He-

brew).

Stenogr. Prot. der Verhandlungen des XIII Zionisten Kongresses vom 6. bis

18. August 1923 in Karisbad, p. 105.

(10) Erik Cohen: «The City in the Zionist Ideology», Jerusalem Urban Studies No. 1,

1970, Jerusalem.

(11) Central Bureau of Statistics; Statistical Abstract of Israel, 1975, p. 25.

(12) Computed from C.B.S. data in Israel Statistical Yearbook 1972, p. 682.

(13)

C.B.S. data in the 1975 Yearbook, p. 23.

(14)

Emile Durkheim: The division of Labour in Society, Free Press of Glencoe, 1947.

E.H. Sutherland and Dr. R. Cressey : Principles of Criminology, Chicago, Lippin-

(15).

cott and Co., 1960; Marshall B. Clinard: «The relation of urbanization and urbanism to

criminal behavior» in E.W. Burgess and D.J. Bogue (eds.): Contributions to Urban Sociology,

Univ. of Chicago Press, 1964.

(16).

Commission for Social Development: Criminality and Social Change, 1971, UN

Economic and Social Council.

7

H. Tarniquet: «Crime in an urban area undergoing rapid industrialization», in

Revue Internationale de Criminologie et de Police Technique, 1968, 22, pp. 49-

18) L. Gronholm: «The ecology of social disorganization in Helsinki», in Acta Socio-

logica, 1961, 5, pp. 31-41.

(19) Shlomo Shoham, Nahum Shoham and A. Abd-El-Razak: «Immigration, ethnicity

and Ecology as related to juvenile delinquency in Israel», in The British Journal of Crimi-

nology, October, 1966, pp. 391-409. Also Shlomo Shoham: «Race and Crime: the Pyrrhic

triumph of sociological approach » in Dan Soen (ed.) : Social Problems in Urban Renewa/|—

Symposium, Bar llan University, The Institute for Planning and Development, Tel Aviv, 1969,

pp. 63-69.

C. Shaw and R. McKay: Juvenile Delinquency and Urban Areas, University of

Chlcagâ Pre:

ss, 1942.

(21) Terence Morris: The Criminal Area, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1958.

22

D. Christiansen:

«Industrialization and Urbanization in Relation to Crime and

Juvenile Delinquency», in International Review of Criminal Policy, 1960, pp. 3-8.

3

R.B. Hagedorn, J.P. Miller and S. Labovitz

« industrialization, urbanization and

deviant behavior», in Pacific Sociological Review, 1971, 14 april, pp. 177-195.

(24)

Yitzhak Berman: «Size of population and juvenile delinquency in cities in Israel»,

in Saad, Bi-Monthly for Social Welfare, 1972, 6 November, pp. 26-30 (Hebrew).

— 212 —

(25)

Cf. Dan Soen, M. Honig and M. Tamir: «Social problems in Israel; urban settle-

ments—a method for location of ’Distress Towns,», in International Social Work, Vol. XVIl,

3, 1974, pp. 26-31; D. Soen, M. Honig and M. Tamir: «Social distress in Settlements in

Israel», in Journal of Ekistics, Vol. 4, No. 242, January 1976, pp. 50-54.

26)

Shlomo Shoham: «Social Stigma and the criminal group», in The lIrish Jurist,

Vol. 111 (New Series), part 1, Summer 1968, p. 93.

27

Research and Statistics Section,

Israel

Police: Police Stations Settlements—

Population,

Crime, Motor-Vehicles and Accidents, 1975, pp. 00-01.

(28)

Ibid.

(29)

Ibid.

(s0)

Ibid.

(81)

op. cit. p. 114.

(32)

Israel Police: Annual Report 1974, Jerusalem, 1975, p. 40.

(33)

Ibid.

(34)

Tel-Aviv Yafo Municipality: Statistical Year Book 1974, p. 167.

(35)

op. cit. p. 359.

tute for Urban Research and Information, Tel-Aviv, 1973.

Shimon Spiro : Social Problems in the Metropolitan Area (Hebrew), Israel Insti-

37)

Dr. Uriel Yodfat: «Development of Tel-Aviv-Jaffo as a Metropolis in the 25 years

of the State », (Hebrew) in Tel-Aviv-Yafo Municipality : Statistical Yearbook 1972, p. 27, 1973.

(37a) Statistical Yearbook 1975, op. cit. pp. LIV-LV.

(38)

Tel-Aviv-Yafo Municipality: Statistical Yearbook No. 15, 1975, p. 373, Tel-Aviv.

(39)

Statistical Abstract of Israel, 1975, op. cit., p. 662.

(40)

Ibid.

Summaries from Ministry of Welfare: Summaries of Work Loads at Welfare Bureau

in 1970/71, 1972, July (Hebrew).

(42)

Ministry of Welfare : Statistical Quarterly No. 3, December 1970, p. 7.

(43)

Statistical Yearbook, 1972, op. cit., p. 269.

(44)

David Pines: Appendix 24: «Fiscal considerations for the establishment of an

overall municipal council», in Municipal Reform in the Dan Region. Israel Institute for Urban

Research and Information, 1973, p. 59.

(45)

Ibid.

(46)

Statistical Yearbook, 1972, op. cit., p. 69.

(47)

Dan Soen, J. Bleger, M. Honig, M. Run and M. Tamir: «Israeli Urban Settlement—

an attempt at scaling and ranking according to population quality index », in Geoforum, 13.

1973, pp. 63, ff.

(48)

Central Bureau of Statistics: Statistical Abstract of Israel, 1974, No. 25, p. 124.

— 213 —

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Apparent tendancies

in scandinavian criminology

during recent years

by Preben WOLF

University of Copenhagen

INTRODUCTION

In 1961 Professor Nils Chritie, Oslo, summarily reviewed Scandi-

navian criminology for an American sociological journal (1). At the time

only one major systematic textbook and one major anthology were avai-

lable to Nordic students of scientific criminology in their own languages,

oné in Danish (2) and one in Swedish (3).

At the same time compara-

tively few monographs had appeared within the field, while scientific

papers and articles on criminological matters and matters concerned

with crime policy were mainly published in the now more than 60 years

old Scandinavian journal « Nordisk Tidsskrift for Kriminalvidenskab »

(N.T.f.K.). This journal is still the main forum for Scandinavian crimino-

logists to express themselves on scientific matters.

Another important source of information about Scandinavian crimi-

nology « The Yearbook of the Nordic Associations of Criminalists »

(Nordisk kriminalistisk arsbok) still existed in 1961, but it stopped in

1968 with its last issue concerning the year 1963.

Since then research activities have increased considerably. A

new forum has been found among the readers of « Scandinavian Studies

in Criminology”, a series started on a biannual basis in 1965. Professor

Hurwitz's textbook (2) has been greatly expanded, thoroughly revised,

and republished with Professor Karl O. Christiansen (*) as ço-author

in 1968-1971 (4).

In 1971 Professor Knut Sveri, Stokholm, reviewed Scandinavian

criminology for German readers (5).

His review showed that the gene-

ral traits of Scandinavian criminology had changed very little if at all

during the ten years which had elapsed since Nils Christie drew up

his picture.

Other reviews like the ones by Professor Inkeri Anttilla in: 1967 and

1971 (6) and one by Dr Leif G. Persson in 1976 (7) have concentrated

on specific aspects of crime policy (Anttilla) or on certain developments

(°) Professor Christiansen died in Minneapolis, 1976 at the age of 68.

— 217 —

These

in the relations of criminology to general sociology (Persson).

later articles are more evaluating, critical, and perhaps controversial

than those written by Christie and Sveri.

GENERAL TRENDS APPEARING IN ARTICLES

PUBLISHED IN CRIMINOLOGICAL PERIODICALS

IN SCANDINAVIA

Both Christie and Sveri find that criminological theory and research

in Scandinavia have always been closely connected with practice and

practitioners.

Christie mentions that “ .….research is mostly done by «practitio-

ners» in the field—with other «practitioners» as their major reference

group.”

This seems to hold for the ten years from 1961 to 1970 if measured

by the occupations of the authors of articles appearing in N.T.f.K. during

that period. Out of nearly 200 articles published thus, a little less than

60% were actually written by practitioners.

During the period following

1970 (1971-1976) the percentage of articles written by practitioners

came down to about 54% of all articles published during that time in

N.T.f.K. This decline is small and not significant, so Christie’s conten-

tion from 1961 supported by Sveri in 1971 still seems to hold.

If measured by number of practitioners among authors of disserta-

tions and monographs or by articles in Scandinavian Studies in Crimi-

nology the picture is completely reversed. But these authors are fewer

in number and their works selected by different criteria.

FAVOURITE AREAS OF RESEARCH

About 85% of the articles in N.T.f.K. 1961-1970 were classifiable

within the following focal concerns or research areas especially stressed

as characteristic by Nils Christie in 1961 :

1)

Studies concerned with volume of crime, crime statistics, dark

numbers, etc.;

2)

Studies of criminal populations, e.g. all registered criminals, convict-

ed or sentenced, prison populations, etc.;

3)

Studies of specific types of crime, e.g. incest, murder, rape, treason,

shoplifting, drunken driving, etc.;

4)

Studies of sanctions, treatment e.g. effects, recidivism, prediction,

differential crime risks, etc.;

5)

Studies of control systems, e.g. prison systems, police, courts, etc.

The 15% not classified are mainly reviews of the general crimino-

logical field, historical studies, biographies, policy suggestions, and one

victimization study. Of the classifiable articles the largest proportion

— 218 —

(35%) come into the category no. 5) control systems.

This is mainly

due to the fact that most articles by legal scholars and practitioners are

concerned with such questions.

Categories 3) and 4) held each just

under 25%, while 1) and 2) held 6% and 13% respectively.

Knut Sveri in his review from 1971 had a slightly different approach

to the categorisation of research areas from that of Nils Christie.

Still

he points out much the same fields of interest as characteristic of Scan-

dinavian criminology. Except that Sveri does not stress the category

of specific types of offences.

It holds for the period from 1971 to 1976 as well that 85% of the

articles appearing in N.T.f.K. fall within one or the other of the five cate-

gories mentioned above.

The distributions of the classified articles

over the various categories are also very similar from one period to the

next.

Their rank correlation is perfect, and percentages almost iden-

tical.

The category of victim studies not mentioned by Christie, nor by

Sveri, have increased from 1 to 5 articles appearing in N.T.f.K. from the

first to the second period.

A closer study of the contents of these many articles supports the

impression that even authors, who are not at the time of publication

active practitioners, may have been in practice before, and that they

are in most cases greatly concerned with practice or policy or with

criminology as an applied science. Most studies are firmly based on or

at least greatly concerned with empirical data.

Pure theory, methodo-

logy, and model building studies are rare, and even for those it can be

said that the criterion of truth is empirical, i.e. observable data logically

connected. Normative attitudes of both practitioners and theoreticians

are usually found to be moderately liberal and humane.

NOTABLE CRIMINOLOGICAL WORKS

FROM RECENT YEARS

The works selected for treatment in this section have been chosen

in accordance with the present author’'s ideas about which publications

will give the best coverage or recent trends and the present situation

of Scandinavian criminology.

| have among several books and articles

picked a few, which | consider not necessarily the best or the most

interesting, but in some way notable, influential or characteristic of the

field through the seventies.

THE WORKS SELECTED

The books and articles selected for this job have been published

after 1971.

— 219 —

One is from Denmark, one book and one article from Finland, two

books from Norway, and one book from Sweden.

One is a crimino-

logical textbook by Inkeri Anttilla and Patrik Tôrnudd (8) published in

Finnish 1972 and in Swedish 1973. It will be considered in conjunction

with an article on crime, crime policy, and society by Klaus Mäkelä

from 1973 (9).

Two books are essentially prison studies, one Danish

from 1972 by Eggert Petersen et al. (10) and one Swedish by Ulla

Bondeson from 1974 (11).

The remaining two books are somewhat difficult to categorize.

They are both Norwegian.

One about action research written by a

radical sociologist, an action leader of “the prison movement” in Scan-

dinavia, Professor Thomas Mathiesen (12), the other by Nils Christie is

a broad attempt at description and analysis of crime in the light of the

present of state society, and at the same time of society in the light of

the present state of crime and crime control (13).

AIl the works mentioned are firmly rooted in Scandinavian crimino-

logical tradition.

AIl of them are explicitly policy oriented. Each of the

authors has had her or his scientific education in a predominantly empi-

ricist if not exactly positivist (whatever that means to day?) tradition.

AIl of them have done excellent empirical work in the pieces of research

presented here and/or in some of their previous works.

None of them

are particularly original and creative in general theory or in methodo-

logy, but they are mostly very good at midlle range theoretical level (in

the Mertonian sense) building ad hoc models, testing hypotheses, and

putting forward effective argumentations for their various points of view.

Now let us take a closer view of the more specific traits of these

works and their authors, and try to justify their notability among a num-

ber of other talented works of scientific criminology in Scandinavia.

A GENERAL THEORETICAL APPROACH

Anttila's and Tôrnudd's textbook has been picked together with their

Finnish compatriot Mäkelä's article because those two publications are

exellent examples of two opposite theorical approaches, which have

both a long tradition in the history of social science, and a recent upsw-

ing in their antagonistic positions within scientific and metascientific

discussions.

The textbook is simply the best single example in Scandi-

navia of an explicitly functionalist theoretical approach to crime and

crime control in an almost pure Durkheimian spirit, but concordant with

similar trends in Scandinavian sociology of law as represented by

Vilhelm Aubert (14), and with more modern tendencies within American

criminology such as labelling theory (15).

The functionalist approach to crime studies has been discussed in

connection with the first edition of the textbook by Klaus Mäkelä in a

— 220 —

clear and explicit, rather orthodox Marxist vein, which may be said to be

as pure as the functionalist vein of Anttila and Térnudd.

The functionalist view that crime is unavoidable under any social

system and sometimes beneficial to the system and contributing to its

survival, is met by the Marxist view that crime is unavoidable in capita-

list systems only, never beneficial for a socialist system, and not contri-

buting the least to the survival of any system, whether capitalist or

socialist.

Both of these mutually opposing theories of crime are up

against serious dilemmas of crime control and crime policy in general.

Apart from utopian conditions the problems of such dilemmas are not

easily solved under any social system, whether it be capitalist, socialist

or under conditions of mixed economy. Such a confrontation of func-

tionalist with Marxist theory is not a new phenomenon in criminological

discussions, but rarely have they been conducted at a higher level of

clarity and fairness.

SPECIMENS OF THE

“NEW”

CRIMINOLOGY

The two Norwegian authors in this selection, Thomas Mathiesen and

Nils Christie are much more difficult to place within any particular theo-

retical system. Mäkelä has definitely placed Christie within the func-

tionalist group, basing his classification on Christie’s small textbook on

the sociology of crime from 1965 (16).

Mäkelä is probably right so far,

but Christie of 1975 may have a theoretical approach, which is different

from that of Christie in 1965. Thomas Mathiesen is equally difficult to

classify.

In many ways both may be said to have retreated from theory

during recent years.

The ““new”” criminologists of Britain may be correct

in embracing both Christie and Mathiesen as being of their kind, i.e. be-

longing to the “new normative criminology” with Nils Christie following

the “poetic social democratic”” tendency and Thomas Mathiesen the

“direct action revolutionary” (17).

Both tendencies are extremely important (or have been) during the

early seventies.

Several cohorts of criminology students have been

dominated by the theoretically diffuse tendencies of normative crimino-

logy, and policy makers too have been greatly influenced or thoroughly

confused by them.

The book by Christie selected for this presentation was published

in 1975 and in its title it raises the question of how dense a society

ought to be? This book is full of ideas and hypotheses, but the aim of

the author is not theoretical.

The aim is to set up a diagnosis for socie-

ty, and to suggest remedies for its diagnosed ills.

Such an enterprise

implies not only prognoses, it also implies a certain application of “mid-

dle range”’ theories, of which the author is aware, but norms are his

His aims are in the classical tradition of

concern, i.e. social control.

Comte and Durkheim, who wanted to do sociology in order to improve

society and create a new order.

— 221 —

In his book “The Politics of Abolition” Thomas Mathiesen holds,

that in traditional research inductive information is used to improve

theory, “….whereupon the gathering of information is improved, whereu-

pon the theory in turn is improved, and so on.”

So “…research is in

principle an unfinished process.”

However, the problem of traditional

research is that theories are psychologically binding the researcher, and

so theory becomes a closed system, its character of being unfinished

set aside.

In action research on the other hand, information is gathered

in an attempt to realise “given practical or political values.”

lt is the

action not the theory, which is psychologically binding. The action

“…takes the place of the theory, in a feed-back process with the gathe-

ring of information.”

The choice of action is a moral or at least a normatively determined

choice, and the difference between Mathiesen and Christie is merely a

question of the degree of force or speed of the action implied or directly

advocated.

POLICY ORIENTED, MIDDLE RANGE

EMPIRICAL STUDIES

The two remaining works selected from Sweden and Denmark are

both evaluative studies within the correctional field. Neither is promp-

ted by, veiled in, or advocating any encompassing ideas, universal theo-

ries or all inclusive normative aims.

They are concerned with middle

range theorizing, falsifiable hypotheses, methodological

principles,

sober descriptions, and practical implementation of research results.

Ulla Bondeson’s study of the prisoner in prison society is based on

empirical studies of 13 correctional institutions of various types for

various clienteles in Sweden.

Her fundamental hypotheses are that

inmates are being socialised more or less permanently in the correc-

tional community, that negative influences, e.g. criminalization, drug

addiction, institutionalization, stigmatization, alienation, and a deterio-

ration in social conditions outside the institutions, outweigh the positive

influences, e.g. rehabilitation.

The author suggests that these effects

are determined primarily by the deprivation of liberty and detention wi-

thin a total institution.

“Both social learning theories and functional

theories contribute to explain the inmate subculture.””

Her hypotheses

are borne out by her empirical work.

The original and most important contribution to this kind of research

by Ulla Bondeson is her use of an “‘argot test” for the existence of a

criminal subculture.

She thus utilizes her own findings from 1968 (18)

that knowledge of criminal vocabularies is an indicator of criminal socia-

lization.

Her book is important not just for crime theory and crimino-

logical methodology, it also has important practical implications in

pointing out the probability of existing subcultures of crime, and of the

— 222 —

role of institutions for criminals as virtual schools for crime.

The senior

author of the Danish correctional study “In custody—in prison,” Profes-

sor Eggert Petersen, is not a permanent figure on the scene of crimino-

logy in Scandinavia.

He is an occasional but always interesting visitor.

At the time of the study he was in charge of the research institute run

by the organization for Mental Health.

He is now professor in the so-

cial psychology of industry at the University of Aarhus, Denmark. His

chief contributions are a stochastic criminality model, based on the

theoretical statistical work by Professor G. Rasch concerning the Poisson

process and various probabilistic models within other behavioral fields

(19), and a similarly developed model of mental well-being (*) previous-

ly developed by Eggert Petersen for a study of people’s mental well-

being at their places of works (20).

Based on these models from previous research Professor Eggert

Petersen and his associate researchers describe the prison system,

which consists of the local detention houses (gaols) of Copenhagen

and five different provincial cities in Denmark. The descriptions are

concentrated around the following three aspects of the system: a} the

formal aspect or exterior aspect, b) the subjective or psychological

aspect, and c) the sociological aspect, on which the researchers base

their final diagnosis of the system. This procedure suggests that the

study is characterized by so-called positivistic traits as well as by cri-

tical traits.

The word critical used both in the ordinary sense, and as

it is usually understood in the context of modern meta-theoretical works.

This research comprises studies of prison personnel as well as of

inmates, and the researcher attitudes are not just positivist and criticist,

they are also pragmatically reformist.

The diagnosis of the state of the

largest among the Copenhagen prisons has been formulated by Eggert

Petersen himself in such a dramatically devastating way, that if it should

be taken at face value, no reform of the system will be possible.

It

cannot be mended, it will have to be destroyed and replaced by some-

thing else.

Still, and in spite of their critical pessimism expressed in the dia-

gnosis and elsewhere, the authors suggest various curative reforms

concerning more and better contacts between inmates and staff and

within each of the two groups with respect to their own members.

Va-

rious other practical and structural changes and changes in manage-

ment styles have been suggested, and what is more, some of them had

been carried out even before the report was completed, others were in

the process of being carried out at the time the final report was pu-

blished.

The last few pages of the publication contain a postscript written

by the director of the local prisons of Copenhagen, Mr. Jorgen Heilbo,

(°)

Mental well-being is used by Eggert Petersen «for lack of a better term in En-

glish…, as a translation of the Danish term «trivsel» of the same origin as the English verb

to «thrive.»

— 223 —

describing the primary changes in the system made in consequence of

the research results.

After all, this may be the most remarkable trait

of this otherwise notable piece of research: the willingness and the

ability of the management openly to follow up in practice, what had been

His postscript thereby becomes an effec-

suggested by the research.

tive disavowal of certain parts of the pompously formulated, critical

diagnosis of the system as suffering from “…a convulsive, conflict

ridden fossilification—resulting from a chronically frustrated refor-

mism.…” etc.

ONGOING PROJECTS

lt may be appropriate on concluding this review of criminology in

Scandinavia to mention some of the projects, which are under way in

these parts at the present time.

They cannot be describe in any detail,

only touched upon summarily. One characteristic trait of Scandinavian

criminology worth mentioning is a tendency to take up comparative

studies not only in an inter-Scandinavian context but often with a wider

international scope.

A number of these activities have been sponsored by The Scandi-

navian Research Council for Criminology, among these a series of victi-

mization studies (21), police studies conducted by Ragnar Hauge, Oslo,

and various: interdisciplinary studies, studies coordinated with larger

projects of a more general character in sociology, biology, or psycho-

logy. Some studies are conducted over a considerable period follow-

ing a longitudinal design.

Prominent among such studies are the series of twin studies which

the late Professor Karl O. Christiansen developed in close cooperation

with Scandinavian colleagues from other scientific disciplines and later

extended in cooperation with an international team of researchers from

many fields of interest.

Another important longitudinal study, mainly,

but not entirely sociological in character, and with criminological resear-

ches attached to it, is the inter-Scandinavian “Project Metropolitan” (22)

which was started by Professor K. Svalastoga, University of Copen-

hagen in 1965 as an inter-Scandinavian comparison of the life chances,

educational and occupational careers of a cohort of boys (in Sweden

including girls as well) born in the metropolitan areas of Scandinavia.

The members of the cohort are now in their early twenties, and are being

followed up with regard to their criminal as well as their conventional

careers.

This has been done in Sweden and in Denmark in a way

which makes comparison possible.

It is suggested that comparison

should be tried with respect to other cohort studies in the world, e.g.

that of Wolfgang, Figlio and Sellin in Philadelphia (23).

This very brief summary of some of the ongoing research activities,

which | think have some importance, and which have a fairly wide scope

in time and space, may serve as an indication of the kinds of Scandina-

vian research in criminology, which will be reported and probably pre-

sented'to international fora during the next few years.

— 203 —

LITERATURE

(

CHRISTIE (N.) : «Scandinavian Criminology,» Sociological Inquiry, 1961 XXXI, 1, 93.

(2)

HURWITZ (S.) : Kriminologi, Copenhagen, G.E.C. Gad, 1948, Published in English,

London, Allen & Unwin, 1952.

(3)

AGGE (I.), et al : Kriminologi, Stockholm, Wahlstrôm & Widstrand, 1955.

(4)

HURWITZ (S.) & CHRISTIANSEN (K.O.) : Kriminologi ! & Il, Copenhagen, Gyldendal,

1968 & 1971, An edition in English is in print, forthcoming.

(5)

SVERI (K.) : «Skandinavische Kriminologie», Kriminologische Gegenwartsfragen, Mit-

teilungen der Gesellschaft für die gesamte Kriminologie, 1971, XV, 9, 17.

ANTTILLA (I.) : «Konservativ och radikal kriminalpolitik i Norden», Nordisk Tidsskrift

(6)

for Kriminalvidenskab, 1967, 55, 3, 237, and in English, «Conservative and radical cri-

minal policy in the Nordic countries» in CHRISTIE (N.), Scandinavian Studies in Cri-

minology, Oslo, 1971, 3, 9.

(7)

PERSSON (L.G.W.) : «Sociologin som fôrsvann» (The sociology which disappeared),

Nordisk Tidsskrift for Kriminalvidenskab, 1976, 64, 1-2, 95.

(8)

ANTTILA (1.) & TORNUDD (P.) : Kriminolog!I ! kriminalpolitisk perspektiv. En lärobok

gC;imlnology in the perspective of crime policy. A textbook), Stockolm, Norstedts,

(9)

MAKELA (K.) : «Straffrättssystemets samhälleliga uppgifter» (The social functions of

the penal law system), Eripainos, Sociologia, 1973, 1,

(10)

PETERSEN (E.), et al.

| varetægt—I fœngsel (In Custody—in prison), Copenhagen,

Mentalhygiejnisk Forskningstitut, 1972.

(11)

BONDESON (U.) : Fangen | fangsamhället (The prisoner in prison society), Malmô,

Norstedts, 1974.

(12)

MATHIESEN (Th.) : The Politics of Abolition.

Essays In Political Action Theory, Oslo,

Universitetsforlaget, Scandinavian Studies in Criminology, 4, 1974.

(13)

CHRISTIE (N.) : Hvor tett et samfunn ? (How dense a society?), 1 & 2, Copenhagen &

Oslo, Christian Ejlers's Forlag & Universitetforlaget, 1975.

(14)

AUBERT (V.) : Om straffens sosiale funksjon (The social functions of punishment),

Oslo, Akademisk Forlag, 1954.

(15)

LEMERT (E.H.) : Social Pathology, New York, Mc.Graw-Hill, 1951.

(16)

CHRISTIE (N.) : Kriminalsosiologi, Oslo, Universitetsforlaget, 1965.

(17)

TAYLOR (l), WALTON (P.) & YOUNG (J.) : The new Criminology. For a social theory

of deviance, London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1973.

(18)

BONDESON (U.) : «Argot knowledge as an indicator of criminal socialization»

in

CHRISTIE (N.), Scandinavian Studies In Criminology, Oslo, Universitetsforlaget, 1968,

(19)

PÈTÈRSEN (E.) : Sanktioner og trivsel ! et autoritaert ledet sociait system (Sanctions

and mental well-being in an authoritarian social system), Copenhagen, Nyt Nordisk

Forlag, Arnold Busck, 1967.

(20)

PETERSEN (E.) : Trivsel pa arbejdspladsen, Bd. | & !! (Mental well-being at the place

of work, vol. | & Il), Copenhagen, Nyt Nordisk Forlag, Arnold Busck, 1968.

(21)

WOLF (P.) : «Victimisation research and means other than crime statistics to provide

data on criminality,» in Council of Europe, Legal Affairs, Collected Studies in Crimino-

logical Research, Means of Improving Information on Crime, Strasbourg, European),

Committee on Crime Problems, 1976, XIV, 51.

(22)

SVALASTOGA (K) : «Longitudinal Research Designs,» International Journal of Compa-

rative Sociology, 1970, XI, 4, :

(23)

WOLFGANG (M.), FIGLIO (R.) & SELLIN (Th.) : Delinquency in a birth cohort, Chicago,

University of Chicago Press, 1972.

— 225 —

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BALLE (C.) : La menace, un langage de violence, Paris, C.N.R.S., 1976

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BRUCE (N.) et SPENCER (J.) : Face to face with families—a report on

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dren—a textbook, N.Y., Int. Univ. Press, 1975, 477 p.

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VAYER (P.) et DESTROOPER (J.) : La vie dynamique de l'action éduca-

tive chez les enfants inadaptés, Paris, Doin, 1976, 203 p.

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SUR LES PRESSES DE

L’IMPRIMERIE ADMINISTRATIVE

DE MELUN

n° 1790-1977