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DR HERMANN GUNDERT

AND THE MALAYALAM LANGUAGE

Editors of Hermann Gundert Series (HGS)

Dr Albrecht Frenz (b 1937, North-Wuerttemberg, Germany)

Indologist with active interest in Upanishads, Thirukkural, Thiruvasagam,

Yoga, Protestant theology, Comparative religion, Multiculturalism and

Gundert studies; Convener of Dr Hermann Gundert Conference (1993)

Stuttgart.

Rotenberg Str.53, 7000 Stuttgart 1, Germany.

Dr Scaria Zacharia (b 1947, Central Kerala, India) Professor of

Malayalam language and literature St Berchmans' College (Mahatma

Gandhi University) Changanassery, with special interest in Malayalam

linguistics, Cultural history, Contemporary literature, Literary theory,

Textual criticism, Editing and Translation.

Karikkampally, Changanassery - 686 102, India.

DR HERMANN GUNL ERT

AND

MALAYALAM LANGUAGE

Editors

Dr Albrecht Frenz

Dr Scaria Zacharia

CENTRE FOR KERALA STUDIES

ST BERCHMANS' COLLEGE

CHANGANASSERY, KERALA, INDIA

(Mahatma Gandhi University)

1993

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Biography and Critical Studies

Editors

Dr Albrecht Frenz

Dr Scaria Zacharia

Rights Reserved

First Published 25 April 1993

Cover design : Asok

Printed at D C Offset Printers, Kottayam

Publishers

Centre for Kerala Studies

St Berchmans' College

Changanassery, Kerala, India - 686 102

Distributors

Current Books

Kottayam Thiruvananthapuram Kollam Pathanamthitta Alappuzha

Emakulam Aluva Palakkad Kozhikode Vatakara Thalassery Kalpetta

ISBN 81—240—0075—1

HGS

Hermann Gundert Series

Editors

Albrecht Frenz

and

Scan'a Zacharia

Vol 3.2

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Every volume; (except vol 3)

has a critical introduction

by Prof Dr Scaria Zacharia

Vol 1 A Malayalam English Dictionary

Vol 2 A Grammar of the Malayalam Language

Vol 3

1 Hermann Gundert — Quellen Zu

Seinem Leben und Werk

(Biography and Selected Works in German)

2 Dr Hermann Gundert and Malayalam Language

(Biography and Critical Studies in English)

3 Dr Hermann Gundert - Parudiisaayile Bhagsaa Panditan

(Biography in Malayalam)

Vol 4 Keraloolpattiyum Mattum

(History, Literature and Folklore)

Vol 5 Vajrasooci

(Religious works and Translations)

Vol 6 Malayalam Bible

Publishers

Malayalam :

D C Books Kottayam Kerala India

Vol 1,2,33,4,5,6

German

Sueddeutsche Verlagsgesellschaft

Ulm, Germany

Vol 3.1

English

Centre for Kerala Studies

St Berchmans' College

Changanassery, Kerala, India

Vol 3.2

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Preface

Dr Hermann Gundert's academic reputation in Kerala stands as high today as

it did a hundred or a hundred and twenty -five years ago. This volume in

Hermann Gundert Series addressed to readers in English, isa modest attempt

to explain this phenomenon by pointing out that ‘his is a sort of mastery,

suited to experimentation with the intelligibilities of our time’. Besides the

Context of understanding comprising an introduction and biography by the

editors, it provides Possibilities of understanding and Circle of under-

standing through solicited articles.

It would be unreasonable to expect in these articles a solid unity of approach

and treatment but we have come a long way by arranging these papers under

two principal headings which may serve as focal points. Of course this

arrangement is somewhat arbitrary and several alternative schemes would

have been equally feasible. However, this collocation of scholars —

linguists, creative writers,

literary critics, historians, social scientists,

teachers, journalists, a publisher, alawyer and adoctor of medicine may help

the reader to answer the basic questions about Dr Hermann Gundert.

What is he master of?

What is he celebrated for?

Why is he held in very high esteem in Kerala?

Dr Gundert is famous for different reasons but we believe that his deepest

love 'Malayalam' won him a unique place in the hearts of thirty million

Malayalam - speaking people of Kerala.

We must confess that in transliterations, references, italics, etc we could not

enforce strict uniformity. While regretting these shortcomings we hope they

will not affect the intelligibility and readability of this work.

We have done our best to present an exhaustive bibliography of H. Gundert's

works and manuscript collections in various parts of the world. In this

context we must acknowledge our gratitude to Alexander Von Humboldt

Foundation (AVH), Tuebingen University Library, Basel Mission Archives,

German Literary Archives Marbach, Stuttgart State Library, Tamil Nadu

Archives Madras, St Berchmans' College and organizers of Hermann

Gundert Conference Stuttgart (1993) for their generous support.

Though they bear no responsibility for whatever shortcomings there may be

in what follows, I would like to thank Dr Albrecht Frenz for the gracious and

dedicated collaboration; Prof A E Augustine, Prof K V Joseph Prof Dr A P

Andrewskutty, Ms Gertraud Frenz,

Ms Margret Frenz and Prof N S

Sebastian for suggestions and corrections; Dr George Madathiparampil,

Principal SB College, for advice and support; P Antony and Joseph Scaria for

assistance with various aspects of the manuscript; the Manager and and Staff

of D C Offset Printers and Current Books for the printing and distribution.

Changanassery, Kerala

SCARIA ZACHARIA

April 1993

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Dr Hermann Gundert

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CONTRIBUTORS

Dr P T Abraham (b 1946), linguist, working in Southern Regional Lan-

guages Centre, Central Institute of Indian languages,

Mysore. His fields of special interest are Malayalam

linguistics, teaching of Malayalam as a Second lan-

guage and ‘tribal language studies.

Dr A P Andrewskutty (b 1946), Professor of linguistics, University of

Kerala. His Publications and doctoral thesis reflect

his interest in linguistic theory, Malayalam linguis-

tics and methods of second language teaching. He is

editor of the International Journal of Dravidian

Linguistics

Adv Babu Varghese (b 1953), advocate in the High Court of Kerala. His

Professional interests are educational management

and legal history in general

K Balakrishan (b 1963), active journalist working in Desabhimani daily,

Kannur

P Govinda Pillai (b 1926), AKG Research Centre Trivandrum. is a seminal

thinker and a prolific writer. His numerous publica-

tions indicate a social mode, a relation to society

which is clearly Marxian.

Prof S Guptan Nair (b 1919), typical Guru of Indian tradition, who taught

the Malayalam language and literature for four decades

in different universities in Kerala. He was president

of Kerala Sahitya Akademi and writers co-operative

society (SPCS). As a literary critic he is distinctive

and his studies of John Ernestus Hanxleden, Ben-

Jjamin Bailey and Hermann Gundert are formidable.

D C Kizhakkemuri (b 1914), Vice President Federation of Indian Publish-

ers, President, Kerala State Freedom Fighters Asso-

ciation,

Publisher of Hermann Gundert Series

(Malayalam). He is an authority in the history of

Malayalam printing and publication. Formerly as the

Secretary of SPCS and currently as the head of DC

Books he has been chiefly responsible for the devel-

opment of book publication in Malayalam

James V (b 1957)

lecturer in Malayalam language and literature, St

Berchmans' College Changanassery, Kerala

Dr N M Nampoothiri (b 1943), Professor of Malayalam, Government

College, Kozhikodu has done extensive research in

Kerala history. His major concerns are historical

perspective and investigations in the nineteenth

century Malabar society.

N P Muhammed (b 1929), famous Malayalam novelist and short story

writer. His publications include several articles on

cultural history of Kerala. He is the resident editor of

Kerala Kaumudi daily at Kozhikodu.

Dr K M Prabhakara Variar (b 1933), Professor of Malayalam, University

of Madras. His books and articles on grammar and

history of Malayalam have provided new tools for

students of the Malayalam language.

Rajesh Kumar (b 1959), Publication Department D C Books Kottayam, as

a freelance journalist, has an active

interest in

cultural news.

Murko‘t Ramunny (

b 1915),a retired public administrator, belongs to

Thalasseri which is proud of its Gundert heritage.

Ramunny has an active interest in cultural studies

especially in anthropology and he has published

several articles and books on tribes in North Eastern

India. He is a regular columnist in the English daily

The Hindu.

Prof N S Sebastian (b 1941), teaches Malayalam language and literature in

the postgraduate department, St Berchmans' College,

Changanassery.

Dr P Somasekharan Nair (b 1937), Professor of Linguistics, University of

Kerala, is the Chief editor of multi volume Malayalam

Lexicon. His doctoral dissertation and other published

works reflect his interest in tribal languages and

Malayalam dialects.

Dr Sunny P Orathel (b 1954), an enthusiastic doctor of medicine (MD), a

chest specialist working in Kerala Health Services at

TB Centre, Kochi. He provides a short introduction

to the health care system of Kerala —the history,

value system and current controversies.

Dr T B Venugopala Panikkar (b 1945), Professor of Malayalam, Univer-

sity of Calicut. His major field of study is Malayalam

linguistics and his major concern as reflected in his

publications is linguistic theory

CONTENTS

PART 1

CONTEXT OF UNDERSTANDING

i

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

- the context of Understanding

Scaria Zacharia

15

Hermann Gundert

- a biography compiled from his letters and other sources

Albrecht Frenz

translated into English

M N Hebbar 45

Gundert Album

157

PART II POSSIBILITIES OF UNDERSTANDING

Dr Hermann Gundert and Kerala's Renaissance

P Govinda Pillai

159

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Art of Lexicography

S Guptan Nair

167

Dr Hermann Gundert's Relevance to Malayalam Lexicography

P Somasekharan Nair 172

Malayalam the Deepest Love of Hermann Gundert

177

A P Andrewskutty

Aspects of Gundert's Grammar

P T Abraham

182

Gundert's Grammar of Malayalam

K M Prabhakara Variar 190

The Relevance of Hermann Gundert's Historical Works

N M Nampoothiry 200

Pascimodayam and Rajyasamacaram

T B Venugopala Panikkar

204

Dr Hermann Gundert Series — A Critical Review

Murkot Ramunny 209

Remembering Dr Hermann Gundert

N Rajeshkumar, K Balakrishnan,

N S Sebastian, James V. 219

Bibliography 227

PART III CIRCLE OF UNDERSTANDING

Reflections on Mappila Heritage

N P Muhammed

241

Printing and Publishing in Kerala

D C Kizhakkemuri 251

Judicial System of Kerala in the Nineteenth Century

Babu Varghese

258

Divergent Systems of Medicine in Traditional Kerala

Sunny P Orathel

276

Appendix

Grammar of (the) Malayalam 291

DR HERMANN GUNDERT

AND

THE MALAYALAM LANGUAGE

PART I

CONTEXT OF UNDERSTANDING

é

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

- the context of Understanding

Scaria Zacharia

Hermann Gundert

- a biography Compiled from his letters and other sources

Albrecht Frenz

translated into English

M N Hebbar

Gundert Album

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam

Language

The Context of Understanding

Scaria Zacharia

Dr Hermann Gundert continues to be a great guru for the people of Kerala

who speak Malayalam, one of the critical languages of the world. His

academic reputation stands as high today as it did a century ago. His works

are 100—150 years old but they are still regarded by specialists in Kerala

|

studies as authoritative. Hardly does any interpretative study of Malayalam

classics, etymological analysis of words, grammatical analysis of Malayalam

go without reference to Dr Gundert. He is famous fora systematic, scientific

approach to cultural phenomena. So he is praised as a pioneer of disciplines

like Kerala history and Malayalam folklore. As a committed missionary he

translated several Christian books including the Bible and supervised the

publication of these works. In this he has become a role model for translators

and publishers. Today, as Kerala tops the list of Indian states in the

productionand subscription of periodicals, Keralities remember with gratitude

Dr. Gundert, the pioneering spirit behind the publication of the first two

Malayalam journals (1847) from Tellicherry. Asan inspector of schools and

alsoasamissionary engaged in educational service he preparedand published

a number of text books which are noted for their design and quality of

production. In Germany during the second half of his life he spent several

hours for the completion of many Malayalam works, but officially he was

working as the President of the Calw Publishing Company. So Dr Gundert

has a multifaceted claim to fame.

His place in the cultural life of Kerala is evident from the warm

response to the Hermann Gundert Series (HGS) (See Part II, Ramunny, of

this book) published at the beginning of the centenary year and many

seminars and meetings held in different parts of Kerala (See Part II,

Rajeshkumar, Balakrishnan, Sebastian and James, of this book) during the

15

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

centenary year. Mahakavi Ulloor S. Parameswara Aiyer, in his monumental

multivolume history of Kerala literature has echoed the noble sentiments of

gratitude of Keralites (see the excerpt in page 154-155 of this volume). The

current research and publications have reconfirmed the views expressed by

Mahakavi Ulloor. The well researched biography and articles on Gundert’s

dictionary, grammatical works and historical treatises in this volume “Dr.

Herman Gundert and Malayalam Language’(see Part II of this book)

elucidate the varied contributions of this German cultural genius. In this

introductory article we shall try to specify the background of his cultural

activities in Kerala and mention some areas and aspects of his contributions

that could not be highlighted through solicited articles.

1.1 Some scholars designate all the works of Christian missionaries

as Christian literature. This label is unacceptable as it is misleading. Many

of the works of Christians, both foreign and native, have nothing specifically

Christian about them. The best example is Hermann Gundert’s Malayalam-

English Dictionary. This may be labelled as a missionary Malayalam work

as it has foreign inspiration in its design. But we may not call it Christian

literature as it has nothing specifically Christian about its design and content.

1.2 The above description may be treated only as a tentative attempt

to define missionary Malayalam. But this description brings out the funda-

mental fact that it manifests western influence. It is evident that, after the

advent of the Portuguese in Kerala, Christian message was preached through

modern media and invariably these modern media were the offshoots of

western civilization. Schooling, printing, publishing and several other mod-

ern amenities came through western Christian missionaries to Kerala.

Invariably they are the products of European society. Moreover, in the

contemporary world, all these are treated as signs of modernism. It is a

historical accident that modern schooling, printing, publishing all came to

Kerala with the Christian missionaries.

1.3. Today we may imagine christianisation, westernisation and

modemisation as three distinct circles of influences. Today in Keralaone can

make use of these modern amenities without getting into the circles of

westernisation or christianisation. But during the period of vigorous western

Christian missionary activities in Kerala, approximately from the advent of

the Portuguese in the sixteenth century till political independence in 1947, all

the tools of modernisation were looked upon as part of westernisation, and

occasionally as part of christianisation. So we may briefly state that

modernisation, westernisation and christianisation may be imagined as

16

Context of Understanding

three intersecting circlesinthe life of Kerala during the four centﬁries, prior

to Independence. Though these three influences were not identical, they had

many things common so that they were not and are not clearly demarcated

on the cultural map of Kerala.

2.1. Kerala, which lies at the southwest corner of the Indian peninsula

had contacts with the West from time immemorial. The old Roman coins

discovered in Kerala prove trade relations beyond any trace of doubt. The

Middle East nations, especially Arabs, played a major role as middlemen in

the trade between Kerala and the West. The Arabs and Greeks, on behalf of

the Romans, brought pepper from the port of Muzris, which Pliny has de-

scribed as the “first commercial centre of India.” Located midway along the

spice route between Rome and China, Kerala thrived as an international

meeting place. Maybe through this trade link, C hristianity and Islamreached

Kerala long before they reached many other countries in the world. There

has been a very old Jewish colony also in Kerala. Today, Kerala is proud of

its multiculturalism and cultural symbiosis (cf Narayanan 1972 & Part 11,

Muhammed, in this volume)

2.2. When the Portuguese came to Kerala in 1498 under the leader-

ship of Vasco da Gama, they carried with them the religious heritage of

Christian Europe. In the Portuguese system, civil and ecclesiastical organi-

zations were so closely tied up that civil authorities had ecclesiastical

jurisdiction in the lands ruled by them. Thus from the beginning Portuguese

ships brought to India Roman Catholic priests and the missionary network

gained strength with the full backing of the civil authorities. The diocese of

Cochin was established in 1558. Portuguese missionaries with their experi-

ence of Christianity in Europe reacted violently to Muslims and Jews in

Kerala. They could not tolerate the native Christians who were oriental in

spirituality and Indian in culture. With evangelical zeal and colonial power

the Portuguese started working in Kerala. That was the beginning of

westernisation and a new wave of christianisation.

2.3 Portuguese missionary activities came to a halt when the Dutch

expelled them from Cochin in 1663. During the period of the Dutch (1663-

1795) who were Protestants, the activities of western missionaries continued

but at a slower pace. Catholic missionaries worked to consolidate the gains

of the Portuguese in the missionary field. During this period the Carmelite

missionaries were very active in Travancore and Cochin. The British in1793

declared Malabar a province with headquarters at Calicut. Travancore and

tly

Cochin, though they continued to be ruled by the local kings, were indirec

17

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

under the control of the British. The British raj opened the gates for the

inflow of more Protestant missionaries into Kerala. The activities of the

London Missionary Society (LMS) in Southern Kerala, the Church Mis-

sionary Society (CMS) in Central Kerala and the Basel Mission in North

Malabar brought in waves of change in the socio-cultural life of Kerala

during the nineteenth century.

2.4. Each Christian denomination, in fact each missionary society or

religious order, had its own charisma and style of operation. The colonial

rulers also reacted differently to the missionary organizations. For example

the Dutch never took active interest in Christian missionary activities. The

British also did not get involved in them as the Portuguese rulers had done.

A close perusal of records will show that there were many occasions when

the British rulers and Christian missionaries held diametrically opposite

views on many subjects. However, it must be admitted that the Rajin general

supported the activities of the missionaries especially their socio-cultural

activities. Itisevident that general statements about the activities of mission-

aries in Kerala and their impact on the society cannot bring out the whole

truth. So we propose to give below a bird’s eye view of the major arcas

of social life where the missionary impact was most crucial as we evaluate

ittoday. Indoing this we shall give top priority to the missionary contribution

to the development of Malayalan language.

3.1.1 Printing and publishing in Kerala owe their ori gin to the efforts

of western Christian missionaries. The native Christiansalso had amajorrole

in the development of this branch of knowledge industry. In their efforts to

facilitate the mechanisation and modernisation of printing they became

agents of script reform also. The story of printing in Kerala can be traced in

detail through Kesavan (1985, 1988), Zacharia (1989), Kizhakkemuri (1977,

1993), Etamaruku (1971), and Govi (1973, 1989).

3.1.2 Modern printing at its very beginning in 1450 was closely

associated with missionary activities. Most of the early specimens of printing

are Christian literature. The first printing press in India was established at St

Paul’s College, Goa, in 1556. Joao de Bustamante, a Spaniard was the master

brain behind the printing work done at that time. Doctrina Christa, a cat-

echism by Francis Xavier, was the first book in any Indian script to be printed.

As Kesavan (1985: 13) has pointed out ‘if the locations of the earlier printing

presses in India were plotted on the map,

it will be found that they all hug

the coastline of the peninsula. Goa, Cochin, Punnaikkayal (near

Kanyakumary), Quilon, Vaipicotta, Ambazhakadu were the earliest centres

18

Context of Understanding

of printing in India.

3.1.3. All these presses were established as part of an academic

programme imparting higher Christian knowledge. So it is evident that

missionaries treated printing as an indispensable medium for dispensation of

Christian knowledge and the presses were established as an integral part of

centres of Christian training and teaching.

3.1.4 Doctrina Christam, en lingua Malaaur Tamil, a sixteen-page

book printed at Quilon in 1578 is preserved in the Harvard University Li-

brary. This book is the Tamil translation of a catechism by Francis Xavier

and it has the Tamil name ‘tampiraan vanakkam’ Two priests, Henrique

Heriques and Manoel Pedro were the brains behind the production of this

book. The latter was Indian though his name sounds alien.

3.1.5 Another Doctrina Christiana, printed at Cochin in Tamil is

available in Bodleian library, Oxford.? This catechism printed in 1579 has

116 printed pages. The printing presses at Vaipicotta and Amabazhakkadu

also were very active in printing Tamil books.

3.1.6 Thefirst Malayalam book to appear in print was a catechism by

Clement Peanius, a Carmelite missionary. Samksepa Vedaarttham was

printed at the Polyglot press, Rome in 1722,

3.1.7 Clement Peanius has a book on writing systems in Kerala and

itbears the titte Alphabetum Grandonica Malabaricum siva Samscrudonicum.

These two books were printed in Rom¢ making use of 1128 square types

prepared for this purpose.

3.1.8 Malayalam printing in Kerala was started at Kottayam by

Benjamin Bailey, a CMS missionary. The first major Malayalam work

printed at Kottayam was the translation of the New Testament. In the

beautiful printing of the New Testament * Bailey made use of only 500 types.

This was a major breakthrough in the history of Malayalam script. He

reduced the number of types and changed their shape from square to round.

It may be noted that the present shape of Malayalam characters in print is the

brain-child of Bailey.

3.1.9 The Basel Mission in Malabar started Malayalam printing at

Mangalore and Tellicherrybefore 1850. The Basel Mission pressat Mangalore

won national fame during the British raj as the best printing press in South

India and retained it till the press was closed down under the Enemy Trading

Order 1916.

19

Dr Herman(z Gundert and the Malayalam Language

3.2 Missionaries and their modern tools like the printing press and

journals have played a major role in the standardisation of Malayalam

spelling. Foreign missionaries were aware of the inconsistencies in the

writing system. Hermann Gundert and other Basel Mission workers

popularised the use of a special symbol for enunciative /ul.

3.3. The use of punctuation marks was not known in Kerala traditions.

According to evidence available today RoosinRe Niyamaavali ‘Rozian

Statutes’ (1606) is the first major prose work in Malayalam that makes use

of various punctuation marks. The use of internationally accepted punctua-

tion marks like the period, semicolon and comma in the scribal and printing

tradition of Malayalam is an innovation popularised by Basel mission

presses at Tellichery and Mangalore. cf Velayudhan (1981: 147)

3.4 The use of paper was well known in Kerala from the fifteenth

century as testified by the history of printing in Kerala. For the Doctrina

printed in Quilon in 1578 paper made in China was used. Missionary writ-

ings are found invariably on paper.

3.5.1. Journalism. The Basel Mission at Tellicherry started Raajya

Samaacaaram, the first Malayalam journal, in June 1847. The primary aim

of the publication as it can be normally expected was the dissemination of

Christian news. It was intended to help the neoconverts to grow in faith and

Christian knowledge. The journal as testified by Kunhappa ( 1973: 99)

helped the members of the Basel Mission to get over their petty feelings and

emerge as a casteless community, a rare phenomenon in the caste-based

traditional society of Kerala.

§

3.5.21n October 1847 another periodical with the title Pascimodayam

was started, again from Basel Mission, Tellichery. F. Mueller was the editor

of this journal. Hermann Gundert, as seen from the titles published in it, was

the master mind behind this publication. Pascimodayam published articles

and small write-ups on topics of general interest like geography, astronomy,

history, science, graphemics, etc. (See part II, Venugopala Panikkar, in this

volume)

3.5.3 The third journal in Malayalam Jitaananiksepam was published

from Kottayam. The first issue came out in 1848. Baile)}, Mathen and Koshy

were the missionaries behind this publication. The first college magazine in

Kerala was published in July 1864; Cottayam C ollege Quarterly Magazine.

As a bilingual journal edited by Mathen, this carried research-oriented

articles on various topics. The lead provided by Christian missionaries in

20

Context of Understanding

journalism was taken up by many organizations and individuals in the

Christian community. The momentum of Christian missionary initiative is

still felt in the field of printing and journalism. Some of the most famous

presses and publications in Kerala still belong to Christian organisations

which in tumn trace their origin or inspiration to missionary efforts.

4.0 Great foreign missionaries like Amos®, Gundert and Bailey ¢ are

remembered for their monumental contributions to Malayalam lexicogra-

phy. All of them gave primary importance to bilingual dictionaries. The

mululingual background of the missionaries might have helped them in the

composition of these voluminous works.

4.1.1. Among the oldest dictionaries of Malayalam Vocabularium

Malabarico Lustianum by Amos Paatiri’ deserves special mention. This

Malayalam-Portuguese dictionary, though extensively used by many for-

eign missionaries, appeared in print only in 1986. To this printed version an

English translation also is added. The fact that it was printed and published

in Kerala after centuries will bear testimony to its importance.

4.1.2. Amos as per secondary information available today, composed

two other dictionaries also: Sanskrit-Portuguese Dictionaryand Malayalam-

Sanskrit-Portuguese Dictionary. But they are yet to be traced.

4.1.3. There are scholars who would describe Arnos as the first

indologist of Europe. 1t is true that he prepared a Grammar of Sanskrit on the

basis of Sidharuupam and it was used by many other European indologists,

especially missionaries. But this book never appeared in print. This work is

known as Grammatica Grandonica.

4.14.1 Among western Christian missionaries who worked in

Kerala, Arnos the German missionary has the rare distinction of being

honoured as a popular poet. Christians in Kerala still sing some of his poems,

especially puttenpaana or kuutaasappaana, with great relish and deep de-

votion.?

4.1.4.2 DrH Gundert started composing Malayalam hymns in 1840

and his first collection of 50 hymns was printed at Mangalore in 1842.

Tuebingen University Library has a collection of 100 hymns (GK VI, 126)

under the cover of 1842 edition. He went on improving these hymns and

composing new ones. A new edition of hymns was printed in Tellicherry in

1847. They reappeared in several editions of Christian hymns. But every

time there were some alterations, deletions or additions.

21

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Some of the hymns composed by Gundert are still used by certain

Christian congregations.

4.1.4.3 Itseems Dr Gundert was reading every book with a pen in his

hand. His amendments (MS, 80 Pages) to DrRobert Caldwell's Comparative

Grammar of Dravidian Languages (London 1856) highlight this biographi-

cal truth. Dr Gundert's suggestions were incorporated in the second edition

of Caldwell's book. But Gundert could not stop with that. He read through

the new edition and marked possible corrections in his perosnal copy. This

copy is now available in Tuebingen University Library. (My interest in

Gundert started with the curiosity to have a glimpse of his personal copy of

the famous dictionary which is reported to have many valuable additions in

handwriting. Unfortunately we have not been able to trace it so far. But we

have had the rare fortune of identifying and classifying Gunderts MSS

collections in Tuebingen University Library which may be described as a

treasure trove)

4.1.5 Amos prepared a grammar of Malayalarh in Portuguese for the

use of other missionaries. This has the title Arte Malavar. A manuscript copy

of this work is preserved in the British Museum with the subtitile Grammar

of the Malabar Language (Grantham) in Portuguese. A close perusal of the

book which is very profitable reveals that the author is dealing with the

literary dialect of Malayalam. Again, in this respect also Gundert has

followed the line of Amnos and he has surpassed him by the quality of his

works. He has dealt with the literary dialect of Malayalam synchronically

and diachronically in his monumental grammar and dictionary.

4.1.6 A Malayalamand English Dictionary by Gundert was published

in 1872. This has been reprinted several times and is still an indispensable

reference work for any serious study of the Malayalam language. This book

with citations from Malayalam literary classcis, official records, folk songs,

proverbs, etc may be described as a mini encyclopaedia on Kerala and its

people. Velayudhan (1981) has the following observation about this work:

One could say without any exaggeration that the publication of

Gundert’s Dictionary marked the take-off stage of lexicographical

and grammatical work in Kerala. There has not been a student of

Malayalam before and after him who knew as many languages as he

did, who could boast of sound philogical training coupled with actual

proficiency in a score of languages, Indian and foreign.

4.1.7 Malayaala bhaasaa vyaakaranam, Gundert’s Grammar of the

Malayalam language excelled all other g;vrammalical works available in

Malayalam at the time of its publication by its scientific rigour and popular-

22

Context of Understanding

ity. This book continues to influence grammarians of Malayalam, including

modemn linguists. Ezhuthachan (1975:50) provides a contemporary objec-

tive evaluation of this work.

Gundert’s grammar has a number of defects and has been superseded

by more popular works. But the fact remains that there is no other

grammatical work even now which gives so many examples and

details connected with the actual structure of the language...His

Malayalam grammar though written 100 years ago with imperfect

data, has many interesting points and his opinions still carry weight

with all writers who work on Malayalam grammar,

4.1.8 Gundert, immediately after his arrival in Malabar, had prepared

a short treatise on Malayalam with the title Grammar of the Malayalam. A

manuscript copy of this work, completed in 1839, is available in Tuebingen

University library. This work in English was meant for other foreign

missionaries who were to join him in Malabar. In 1851 when he published the

first part of his grammar it was completely in Malayalam. But subsequently

he permitted his publisher Diez to include English subtitles in the complete

edition of 1868. However, itmust be admitted that Gundert’s treatment of the

Malayalam language, both in his grammar and in his dictionary takes into

account the native speaker’s point of view and needs.

4.1.9 Gundert’s Herculean efforts for mastering the genius of the

Malayalam language and understanding the cultural ethos of Kerala can be

clearly understood from the vivid descriptions and thought-provoking

commentsrecorded in hisdiary which isnow available in printin three volumes.

4.1.10 Malayaalmayute vyaakaranam by Mathen was published in

1863 at Kottayam.?.This work sparkles with originality of ideas and strikes

the reader with the feeling of freshness it provides among all other grammati-

cal treatises on Malayalam. He has used many new terms to designate

grammatical concepts and parts of speech. Recognizing the importance of

mid-central vowel [u/ in Malayalam, he accorded phonemic status to it and

also pointed out the need to have a special script for it. Variar (1979) has

pointed out the importance of Mathen’s grammar.

4.1.11 Mathen was an ardent supporter of the Malayalam language.

He wanted it to be used in all spheres of life including education and

administration. He himself translated some scholarly works from other

languages and coined beautiful technical terms using the inherent capabili-

ties of Malayalam. cf Chandanappally 1969. He sought the use of Malayalam

23

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malaydlam Language

in all public offices in Kerala. This love of Malayalam made him critical of

the intellectual elite of Kerala. He prefaces his grammar with the following

remarks:

The absolute want of a Malayalim Grammar in the Language itself,

was the motive, which prevailed with him to take up-his pen on the

subject. The Ancient Literati of the country, being chiefly Brahmins

were only anxious to acquire a knowledge of the Sanskrit and

regarded the vernacular as unworthy of their attention; which fully

accounts for the want of any Grammatical work by the Natives

themselves. It was this circumstance, which made the Language to be

commonly looked upon by foreigners as a poor and ungrammatical

jargon whereasitsnatural capabilities are as good as those of any other

language of South India, requiring only cultivation to develop its

riches and beauties. My acquaintance with the Learned Languages as

well as with some of the cognate Dialects and my being engaged in

translations, revisions and original compositions in the language,

qualified me in some measure for undertaking the work, which was

felt to be great desideratum. Mathen (1863) 1969:11)

4.1.12 The Christian missionaries in general shared the noble senti-

ments expressed by Mathen in the words quoted above. In the sixteenth

century, when the Portuguese came to Kerala, the Christian missionaries

stressed the need for giving importance to Malayalam. The seminary of

Vaipicotta, established by the Portuguese, was perhaps the first academic

institution to offer a course in the Malayalam Language. Bishop Roz, pre-

pared materials for this pupose and set apart hours to teach Malayalam.

4.1.13 The Synod of Diamper condemned the practice of teaching

catechism in the Syriac language and insisted that it should be in Malayalam.

Itspecifically pointed out that the universal custom of the church was ‘o teach

the doctrine to children and the people in their mother tongue’ (Hough

1839:655.) This point is being stressed here to avoid the contemporary

prejudice that Christianisation has been partly responsible for the non-

promotion of regional languages. In fact, it is the opposite that is true. One

may be in the right if he says that it was the upper class members of the Indian

society, irrespective of caste and religion, and the bureaucracy who joined

hands to keep regional languages like Malayalam out of education and

administration. Anyhow, western Christian missionaries, as testified by

documentary evidence, were ardent promoters of regional languages like

Malayalam.

24

Context of Understanding

4.1.14 Joseph Peet *°, has published two books on Malayalam gram-

mar. A Grammar of the Malayalam Language, 1841, is designed in such a

way that it can be profitably used both by foreigners and by natives. The

sections on orthography and syntax provide fresh insights. An excerpt from

the preface of this work will give any reader a feel of this missionary

grammarian’s linguistic sensibility.

‘The young student’s attention is requested to the two following

cautionary statements.

1 That no native Malayalim Grammar has ever been written, and

therefore it will occasion no surprise to find that, until within the last

25, or 30 years, no native written purely Malayalim work can be

found.

There does indeed exist a written conglomerate called Baasha, or

common Dialect; but nearly all, and, entirely all termed good native

writings of the kind, are in slogums; in which sense is sacrificed to

Sound.

These writings are, for the most part made up of provincialisms,

mixed with words, ideas and illustrations from Sanscrit, Tamil and

their cognate langues; so that, without an interpreter, they are a dead

letter, even to anative reader. Indeed they were partly composed upon

the ancient Brahminical principle “Amuse but Impose” .

Elements of Malayalim Grammar is a grammatical treatise in

Malayalam which was extensively used as a textbook. The second edition of

this book was printed in 1854.

4.1.15 A Progressive Grammar of the Malayalam Language for

Europeans is a unique treatise on Malayalm as F. rohnmeyer, the missionary

author, very clearly analyses the relation between language and society.

Occasionally he compares Malayalam with many European languages like

Greek, Latin, English, German, etc. This book will be a useful guide to any

European who has an active interest in Kerala studies. For a native speaker

it provides valuable information about diaiects and special languages. In fact

hehas given moreimportance to the spoken language. Ezhuthachan (1975:618)

has the following complimentary remark about Frohnmeyer:

An exhaustive grammar paying equal attention to theory and practice

is still a desideration in Malayalam and for those who embark on

writing such a work will doubtlessly get very much help from the

work of our author.

25

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

4.1.16 Frohnmeyer’s Introduction to his grammar is hoteworthy for

several reasons. In this he has made the following pertinent remarks which

may be of interest in the context of the issues discussed in this book.

some

Turning to the Malayalam Prose, besides the Keraldlpatti

ancient medical treatises and the Tellicherry records (Chiefly A.D.

1796-1799) not much can be mentioned of old prose. On the advance

of Western culture, the task of moulding the colloquial language in

suchamanner as to make it an appropriate vehiclefor conveying new

ideas and occidental knowledge had been left almost entirely to

foreign educationists and missionaries, aided by their Indian assis-

tants. Thisnot only resulted in the frequent use of English construc-

tions in Malayalam (eg. the use of the passive voice, scarcely ever

occurring in classical Malayalam) but has, with the difference be-

tween the Northern and Southern dialects, increased the difficulty of

arriving at anything like a general standard for Malayalam prose.

Genuine native productions from the South and North of Malabar

show that the difference between North and South is not irreconcil-

able. That the Malayalam language has yielded to a process of

modification due to western culture and Christianity is a matter of

course. It is for the Malayalam Bible, good school books, newspa-

pers, and periodicals 1o prepare the way for a standard Malayalam.

Butnothing can be hoped for until the educated part of the Malayalam

people has come to understandthat their mother-tongue must be made

the vehicle of modern culture making the language keep pace with the

general national progress and the advance of civilisation. The manner

in which the language is dealt with in Government offices and court

translations (Sometimes more like a transliteration than a transla-

tion), together with the Anglo-Malayalam jargon of English-learning

pupils does much to impoverish the language.’

4.1.17 Bailey compiled and published two standard bilingual dictio-

naries. They may be described as the first two printed dictionaries of

Malayalam.

A Dictionary of High and Colloquial Malayalam,Cottayam 1846

A Dictionary of English and Malayalam, Cottayam 1849

The preponderance of Sanskrit words in these dictionaries may be

pointed out as a major defect. Gundert (1872:vi) has criticised Bailey for not

discriminating between Sanskrit and Malayalam words. Guptan Nair

(1986:111) treats this work as important as it includes many archaic expres-

26

—

—

Context of Understanding

sions and dialectal variants.

4.1.18 Gundert has expressed his indebtedness to two other bilingual

dictionaries also. They are generally called Veropoly dictionaries and

Gundert marks them as V! and V2 Aiyar (1940. 324) has the following

observation about these dictionaries.

“The Portuguese-English and English-Portuguese Dictionaries,” called

by Gundert the “Verapoly Dictionaries” are (to cite the words of

Gundert who has freely utilised the materials of these dictionaries for

his own work) “very valuable works compiled by the Portuguese and

ltalian missionaries of Verapoly, which though completed in 1746

rest upon materials accumulated in the 17th, perhaps even the 16th

century, and rank as the oldest monuments extant of European schol-

arship in India.”

No copy of this work is available today; but the numerous

items cited by Gundert in his work sufficiently indicate that the work

may have been mainly based on the language of the Christians.’

These dictionaries are available in the Tuebingen University Library.

cf Zacharia 1989:388-394. The Malayalam-Portuguese Dictionary (V')

compiled in 1745 has more than six hundred pages. Perhaps, this is the

biggest Malayalam dictionary compiled before the publication of dictionar-

iesin the nineteenthcentury. The Portuguese-Malayalam dictionary (v which

is undated has less than four hundred pages. These works may be considered

as the cumulative result of the lexicographical efforts of several Catholic

missionaries who were working in Kerala, especially in central Kerala.

4.1.19 A Latin-Malayalam Dictionary of about eight thousand words

is available in the Vatican library, Vallavanthara (1984) treats it as the

dictionary of Peanius. Colloquial words are given a prominent place in this

manuscript dictionary. A Malayalm-Latin-English dictionary was published

from Verapoly in 1851.

of

4.1.20 The first Malayalam-Malayalam Dictionary wés compiled by

Richard Collins' with the help of Raman Variar and Subramonian Potti. This

was published in 1867 with the title Malayaanma nighantu. In the second

edition of 1905 the title was changed to Malayaala Nighantu.

of

4.1.21 Missionary efforts in Malayalam lexicography continued till

the second half of twentieth century. Many lexicographers of recent times,

I

especially catholic monks, have refrained from putting their names on their

27

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

voluminous works.

4.1.22 Christian missionaries had an active interest in the history of

Kerala. So they took pains to collect all the possible source materials of

history. In 1843 Gundert, edited and published Keera]oolpdtti, the famous

legend about the origin of Kerala and its people. Depending on reliable

sources he narrated the history of Malabar (1498-1631) under the title

Keerala Palama and this was published in 1868. Gundert’s translation and

analys.is of copper plate records in possession of St Thomas Christians and

Jews appeared in the Madras Journal of Literature and Science, Vol. xii, part

1&11,1844/45pp, 115-146.Gundert’s collection of TellicherryRecords (1796-

1800) preserved in 13 volumes in the Tuebingen University Library also

reveals the interest he and his colleagues had in historical records. As early

as 1606, Gouvea, a Roman Catholic priest who accompained archbishop

Alexis Menezes in his Kerala tour, published a voluminous book with the

title JORNADA Do Arcebispo De Goa DOM Frey Aleixo de Meneses Primas

da India oriental religiso da ordem dea S. Agostinho, Coimbra. Two other

treatises on the Christian community in Kerala also deserve special mention

for the painstaking research and source materials behind those works.

Voyage to the East Indies by Vincent Maria, Venice 1728, provides very

interesting information about the life of people in Kerala, especially St

Thomas Christians.

India Orientalis Christiana by Paulinus'® provides a description of

Kerala with details of principalities, kings, churches and social leaders of the

eighteenth century. A sixteenth century curious description of Kerala and

Kerala Christians which ran into twentyfive different versions in seven

European languages needs to be mentioned. The narrator is Joseph the In-

dian, a St Thomas Christian priest who travelled aboard one of the ships of

Pedro Alvares Cabral from Cochin to Portugual in 1501.

4.1.23 Missionaries were the pioneers in collecting folk literature of

Malayalam. In 1791 a collection of Malayalam proverbs with Latin trans-

lation was printed and published in Rome: Centum Adagia Malabarica cum

Textu Originali, Versone Latina. The great scholar missionary Paulinus was

the compiler of this book.

In 1845 Gundert’ s Collection of Malayalam Proverbs was published

from Mangalore. The Basel Mission Press at Mangalore has brought out

several editions of this book with additions and comments. The following

editions are available in various libraries:

Palaticolmaala, Mangalore 1845

28

Context of Understanding

Ora Aayiram Palancol, Tellicherry 1850

Oru Aayiram Palaficol, Mangalore 1856

Gundert’s critical edition of Keeraloolpatti also reveals his love for

mythological and folkloristic studies. Gundert himself considered this as an

important work. He has referred to Keeraloolpatti on several occasions in his

own writings. cf HGS vol IV & V 1992,

4.1.24 Missionaries were very good translators. They have translated

books from classical languages like Hebrew, Greek, Sanskrit and Syriac into

Malayalam. Some of their translations are from modern European languages

like Portuguese, German and English. Their translations in Malayalam in-

clude works from modern Indian languages like Bengali, Kannada, Tamil,

etc.In this translation work they used to receive assistance from local experts.

CTO "CO " VLN 8T e Yt Ol W

4.1.25. The early Catholic missionaries who reached Kerala took

§

pains to study Syriac, the liturgical language of St Thomas Christians.

Scholar missionaries like bishop Roz translated many Latin texts into Syriac.

)|l

Bishop Roz knew Syriac and Malayalam very well. So in the Canons of

Diamper Synod there are several references in which the synod authorises

i

Roz and his colleagues to translate Latin documents and prayers into Syriac.

Even the text of the Mass was translated from Latin into Syriac:

Session V Decree 1V:

of

For as much as the Syrian Mass is too long for priests that have a mind

1

d

to celebrate daily, the Synod doth grant licence for the translating of

the Roman Mass into Syriac, desiring the reverend father, Francisco

qll

Roz of the Society of Jesus, to undertake the work, which mass

of

together with all the Roman ceremonies the priest may say on

particular occasions, but the solemn and sung masses of the day shall

be always the Syrian, as they shall be amended by the most reverend

of

metropolitan: and such priests as are able to say masses both in Latin

and Syriac in the churches of other dioceses, may say it in Latin, but

not in this bishopric, in which to avoid confusion, it shall be said only

a5

in Syriac.” Hough 1839 : 592

4.1.26 In this context it will be interesting to have a look at the

translation arrangements connected with the Synod of Diamper. According

ut

to the descriptions in chapter X VIII of Jornada, Archbishop Alexis Menezes

g

prepared the draft of canons in Portuguese. Then these drafts were translated

into Malayalam by a group of Kerala priests working in the diocese of

Cochin. The translation was supervised by Francisco Roz. In the translation

29

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

care was taken to use Syriac terms that were popular among the native

Christians.

4.1.27 At the Synod, according to Canons Jacob, a priest and curate

of the church of Pallurte in the said bishopric, a person well-skilled in both

the Portuguese and Malabar languages was appointed by common consentas

the official translator. cf Hough 1839:514 & Zacharia 1976:2

In order to make sure that translations are true the archbishop

appointed ‘the reverend fathers Francisco Roz and Antonio Toscano of the

Society of Jesus in the college of Vaipicotta in the diocese, who being well

skilled in the Malabar tongue, were to observe all that was related by the

interpreter and in case he was atany time faulty to correct him.’ Besides these

officials, according to the testimony of the archbishop and his followers

‘there were several others present, native as well as Portuguese that were well

versed in both languages.’ cf Hough 1839:515

4.1.28 It may be noted here that the Canons of Diamper Synod is not

the writing of Chacko Kattanar ie the priest Jacob. Almost every Malayalam

scholar has missed this point. Though he was the official translator at the

synod, the decrees were not translated by him. It was a group of Malayali

priests working under the supervision of Roz who translated the Canons.

These priests as per evidence available today were children of St Thomas

Christians but were unacceptable in their community as they did not study

Syriac as part of the priestly training at Vaipicotta. But they had the heritage

of St Thomas Chistians and they might have been familiar with the religous

support this hypothesis.

language of St Thomas Christians. The style aqd Syriac words of the Canons

4.1.29 Among hundreds of translated works of missionaries the

following are very important for their literary quality or for their unique

position in the history of the Malayalm language.

(1) John Bunyan’s "Pilgrim’s Progress” had two translations in

Malayalam.

Paradeest Mooksayaatra (tr) Archdeacon Koshy, Kottayam 1847

and

Sancaariyute Prayaanam

(tr) Hermann Gundert, Tellicherry 1849

(see HGS Vol. V. 1992: 156-274)

(i1) A religious play by Hermann Moegling was translated from

Kannada by two missionaries.

Matavicaarana (tr) Hermann Gundert, Manglore 1845

30

C ontgxt of Understanding

and

Tellichgrry 1846 (See HGS Vol V1992)

Matavicaarana (tr) Joseph Peet, Kottayam 1846

Both the translations are noteworthy for the use of dialects in the

conversations. Gundert’s translation is full of dialectal variations of North

Malabar. Peet uses the dialects of Kottayam and surroundings. A contrastive

analysis of these two works will bear ample testimony to the linguistic

sensitiveness and literary aptitude of the translators. cf Zacharia 1989:492-

E

499

(iii)

John Bunyan’s Holywar which is very often described as an

excellent example of mystic literature, was translated by

Archdeacon Koshy with the title Tirupporaattam.

E

(iv)

Joseph Butler’s Analogy of Religion, a complex treatise on

religion, was translated by George Mathen with the title Veda

Samyukti and its first part was published at Kottayam in 1866.

v)

Herzbuchlein of Johanness Evangelista was translated from

it

German by Hermann Gundert and this work is most notewor-

thy for the quality of pictures found in this booklet. This book

i

was printed at Tellicherry in 1848 with the title Maanusa

Hrudayam. Cf HGS Vol. V. 1992: 274-304

(vi)

Jhaana piiuusam and Jriaana prajaagaram are two books

translated from Tamil and they were printed in 1847 and 1862

respectively. cf Zacharia 1989: 466

(vii)

Hermann Gundert’s translation and commentary of

S

5

Asvaghosa’s Vajrasuuci is a powerful attack on the caste

system. It was first printed in 1851 at Tellicherry. cf HGS Vol.

V 1992:1-16

(viii)

0

Catherine Hannah Mullen’ s Bengalinovel was translated into

Malayalm by Joseph Peet and it was published from Kottayam

in 1858 with the title Phulmoni ennum Kooruna ennum

N

peeraaya rantu Striikalute Katha the story of Phulmoni and

Koruna. This was the first work to appear in the form of anovel

in Malayalam. In that restricted sense this work may be

described as the first novel in Malayalam. A copy of this work

is available in Tuebingen University Library.

(ix)

"The Slayer Slain" by Mrs Collins, a novel depicting the social

life of Central Kerala, was translated into Malayalam by Mr

Collins and it was published from Kottayam in 1877 with the

title Ghaataka Vadham. Some scholars consider this as the

first novel in Malayalam.

31

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

5.1.1 The Bible translations in Malayalam deserve a special refer-

ence. Two great missionaries, Bailey and Gundert, devoted a large share of

their time and energy to this task. Though Kerala has a very ancient Christian

community, the Malayalam Bible came out later than its counterparts in

Tamil (1714) Urudu (1743) Bengali (1800) Hindi (1809) Marathi (1805)

Sanskrit (1808) Gujarati (1809) and Oriya (1809).

5.1.2 The Christian community in Kerala claims its origin from

apostle Thomas. The ancient Christians in Kerala were called Maartoomma

Nasraanikal, ‘St Thomas Christians’ (Maartoomma is Syriac for St Thomas,

Nasraani is the Arabic equivalent of Christian). When the Portuguese came

to the Kerala coast they used every means to bring this community under the

direct control of the Portuguese king and the Roman Pontiff. Subsequenlty

the Portuguese missionaries engaged in missionary activities and developed

a new Christian community. The traditional Thomas Christians, who were

typical Indians, practised casteism and did not mingle with the new converts

to Christianity who were mostly from lower castes. When the Dutch

occupied the Kerala coast they invented new names to distinguish the two

mutually exclusive Christian sects. Those traditional Christians who had

Syriac as the liturgical language were called Syrian Christians. So St Thomas

Christians got the label Syrians from the Dutch and the English who ruled

this country for long years perpetuated thisname. The other sectof Christians

which comprised mostly those who were baptised by the Western missionaries,

were called Latins, as their liturgical language was Latin. These two names—

Syrians and Latins—continue, so too the identity of these two communities;

they have separate churches, bishops within the same Christian communions

like the Catholic church. This may sound an anomaly to foreigners. But the

truth is that the traditional Indian society works with the forces drawn from

different complex social processes. The forces of modernisation,

westernisation, or christianisation could not tackle the caste problem ef-

fectively. Perhaps industrialisation may bring in another wave of

changes.

.

5.2.1 The traditional Thomas Christians had copies of Syriac Bibles

in their churches. They were placed at the central place of the church not to

be read but to be worshipped. In 1806 when Claudius Buchanan, the chaplain

of the East India Company in Calcutta visited the Metropolitan of the Syrians

he was presented with an old copy of the Syriac Bible. This copy is preserved

in the Cambridge University Library, London. The internal evidence of this

Bible—a rubrics and the script—proves that this was written between the 6th

and 12th centuries. Claudius Buchanan arrranged for a translation of the New

32'

Context of Understanding

Testament under the supervision of the Syrian Metropolitan. A team of

translators under the leadership of a priest called Philip composed the four

Gospels in Malayalam.

R - o I PPN A

“They had made use of Pshita the ancient Syriac translation and a

Tamil bible. This was printed at Bombay in 1811. This s the first Malayalam

Bible (incomplete). The hallmark of the translation is the abundance of

Syriac words which are found even today in the liturgical language of St

Thomas Christians. But this mixing up of Syriac words was not very much

J

in tune with the linguistic sensibility of local Christians. They were and are

limiting the use of Syriac words to liturgy. It has never penetrated into their

social or intellectual life. So the Bible translation of 1811 was ignored by

Keralites.

5.2.2 Col Munro, who was the British representative in the capital of

Travancore the southemmost kingdom of Kerala, took the initiative for a

translation under the supervision of CMS

missionaries at Kottayam.

Benjamin Bailey who is remembered as the father of Malayalam printing in

Kerala, was in charge of the Bible translation project. He arranged experts in

Greek Hebrew and Malayalam and a team of translators. He belongs to the

category of translators called ‘midwives’ (Nida 1964). He arranged for the

printing of the Bible at Kottayam. The complete New Testament was printed

15

at Kottayam in 1829. The Old Testament was completed in 1841. So

5

Malayalam had its first complete Bible in 1841.

5.3 Bailey’s translation was criticised by missionaries working in

5

1S

Northern Kerala. Mr T Spring, Chaplain of the East India Company, said it

17

was useful only in Travancore. He expressed the view that purer Malayalam

was spoken from Cochin to Canara and a northern version was therefore,

I

necessary. Spring undertook to prepare this version and the Madras Bible

Society agreed to publish it. By 1822 he had almost completed a version of

of

the New Testament. This translation was done from William Carey’s

Sanskrit Bible, of course with reference to Greek texts. Every sentence in the

translation was discussed at the meetings of native scholars and thus the text

was finalised. But the Bible Society backed out of its promise and Spring

0

returned to England. We do not know anything more about this translation.

in

(see J.S.M. Hooper: The Bible in India, Oxford University Press 1938: 56-

1S

60)

IS

5.4.1The greatest Bible translatorin Malayalam, Dr Hermann Gundert

with a special gift for languages both classical and modemn, came to Northern

i

Keralain 1839. He was proficient in Hebrew, Greek and Malayalam. He was

W

33

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

the first to collect the literary texts in Malayalam which had a low status in

the eyes of the brahmins who were the custodians of knowledge in the

hierarchical society of Kerala. But Gundert, with the help of local language

teachers, collected Malayalam literary texts and edited them for use as

textbooks in schools. He collected and published proverbs. He had a large

collection of records both literary and nonliterary. He used them in compiling

the dictionary which in turn was a tool for a good Bible translation. He was

so meticulous in the translation of the Bible that it took him 40 years to

translate 49 books in the Bible. To begin with in 1842 he started publishing

Bible tracts. His first tract deals with the first part of the Genesis and he

describes Creation Story using the religious and cultural expressions of

Indian thought. This wasresisted by his fellow missionaries in Europe. So he

abandoned this methodology which would have helped the incarnation of the

Bible in Indian culture. In 1852 the second part of the New Testament starting

with the Epistle to Romans was lithographed at Tellicherry. In 1854 the

lithographing of the Gospels started and it was completed in 1856. In 1857

the five poetical books appeared in one volume. The next volume of

prophetical books was printed only once and that was at Mangalore in 1886.

He translated all the 49 books and a condensed version of the first 17 books

was published under the title Satyaveeda Itihaasam ‘epic of true religion’. cf

HGS Vol V—Malayalam Bible.

|

5.4.2 Looking back at various early translations of the Bible in

Malayalam one may not hesitate to acknowledge the great literary quality of

Gundert’s translation. He has rendered Hebrew poetry giving consideration

to the rhythm of ideas. He has employed typical Malayalam poetic language

and sometimes developed powerful prose in this work. In all these respects

he can be compared only to Martin Luther.: In the translation work he has

made use of commentaries mostly, favoured by pietistic leaders like Albrecht

Bengel of Wuerttemberg. Remnants of these reference works, manuscripts

of Gundert’s Bible and early printed versions are available in Tuebingen

University Library, Germany and Basel Mission Archives, Switzerland.

5.4.3 Gundert had criticised the early translations of the Bible for

Hebraism and the artificiality of Malayalam usages which were admitted

under the influence of English versions. He had accused them of literalism.

Gundert was able to overcome most of the limitations of the earlier versions.

However it is a paradox that his translation was not accepted widely,

especially beyond Northern Kerala. This was primarily due to the rivalry

among various missionary societies.

34

Context of Understanding

Dialects of Cochin and Travancore were heavily sanskritized. The

Malabar traditions and Gundert’ svision of standard language favoured more

Dravidian words. Even today this difference exists; it has been in existence

for centuries as testified by literary worksinbothregions. After the unification

of Malayalam speaking areas into one state the Malabar dialect has gained

greater respectability in the southern parts and the sanskritisation tendency

is fading away. So we have the feeling that a revaluation of Gundert’s

translation will again boost up its prestige even in the southern parts of

Kerala. However, it can never gain a role it should have received in public

estimation especially among Christians. Even today literalism and formal-

ism are the major tendencies in Malayalam Bible translation.

5.4.5 In 1871 a committee was appointed to prepare a Union Version

on the basis of Gundert’s translation. But itcould not produce any result even

after a decade. Then suddenly in 1886 there appeared the revised version of

the New Testament. However, a definitive edition was published only in

1899. Now, after many revisions, this Union Version claiming the heritage

of Gundert and Bailey, is actively used. The Bible Society of India publishes

it and all non-Catholic churches recommend it to their faithful.

5.4.6 The influence of Bible translations in the development of

modemn Malayalam prose has been estimated differently by various scholars.

George (1972), after taking into account the divergent views on this subject,

makes the following statement:

‘The Malayalam version of the Bible has shown that great ideas can

be couched in simple language not far removed from the spoken tongue.

There have been critics of the prose style of the Malayalam Bible. Some of

them feel that certain usages smack of western idioms, and they call it paadiri

Malayalam, in a derogatory sense. There is a certain amount of truth in this.

The translators must have been more keen about fidelity to the original than

about the beauty of diction. And since most of the work was done by small

groups, no individual style was possible. It is quite a difficult task to give

expression to a completely alien culture in a language far removed in

background and mode of expression. In certain situations, therefore, the

translator is obliged to sacrifice either idiom or faithfulness to the original.

And in the translation of Scripture, it is better to sacrifice idiom in order to

preserve fidelity. By and large, this is what happened in the Malayalam

translation. In any case, it is true to say that modern Malayalam prose has

been to some extent influenced by the language of the Bible.’

6.1 Besides the Bible, Christian missionaﬁes have translated or

35

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

composed numerous religious books, which may be labélled as Christian

Literature, in the full sense of the name. They were printed and circulated in

very large numbers, that too very often free of cost. An exhaustive listof such

works is attempted in Thomas (1961) and Zacharia (1989). The nature and

extent of the impact of these missionary works on Kerala culture have to be

estimated on the basis of an elaborate study.

7.1.1. Education is the field of Kerala life where missionary impact

has been most prominent. The western Christian missionaries propagated

systematic and institutionalised education and paved way for modernisation

in Kerala. Even before the arrival of the European missionaries Kerala had

a strong tradition of teaching and learning. But this system was person-

oriented and completely individualistic. The upper castes maintained mo-

nopoly in certain branches of knowledge. Still, they had a tradition-bound

system of education in which the body, mind and soul were given equal

importance. This system may be considered as a form of gurukula system.

7.2.1 In the Canons of Diamper synod there are specific references to

the educational pattern which existed in Kerala at that time. The synod

criticised the system and suggested modifications. The rationale for church

intervention in education also is explained in the Canons:

Session II Decree XII

‘Notwithstanding it is contrary to the sacred canons, that the children

of Christians should go to school to heathen masters: nevertheless,

seeing this church is under so many heathen kings, who many times

will not suffer any but infidels to be schoolmasters; wherefore the

synod doth command and declare, that in all schools, whether for

reading or writing, wherein the masters have pagodas, to which they

oblige their children at their coming into the school to pay their

reverence, as the custom is; that it shall not be lawful for Christian

parents or guardians to send Christian children to such schools, upon

pain of being proceeded against as idolaters; but if there should be any

such schools, wherein the heathen masters will consent that Christian

children shall pay no reverence, nor be obliged to any heathen

ceremony, in case there is no Christian master near, they may be sent

to such schools, their parents instructing them that they must pay no

reverence but only to the master, and that they must use none of the

ceremonies of the heathen children, that so they may not suck in

idolatry as mother’s milk. Furthermore, the Synod doth earnestly

recommend it to all towns and villages, to do all that is in their power

36

Context of Understanding

to have their children educated by Christian masters, and as for

reading and writing, to have the parish priests to teach them to do that

in their houses’ cf Hough 1839:542 & Zacharia 1976:21.

This decree very clearly brings out the fundamental principle in all

missionary endeavours in education. This attitude of segregation was

strengthened very much by the Western Catholic missionaries.

7.2.3 With the coming of Protestant missionaries in the nineteenth

century a fresh wave started in the field of education. They started schools

where children belonging to all religions were admitted but the primary aim

continued to be Christian education. The London Missionary Society in

Southern Kerala started six schools before 1913. The LMS seminary at

Nagercoil started English classes in 1819. Church Missionary Society, which

was entrusted with the welfare of St Thomas Christians (Syrian Christians)

in Central Kerala had a well-defined programme of action in the field of

education. Each church was encouraged to start a school of its own. Then

there was the Grammar school at the higher secondary level.

7.2.4 A limited number of students would be admitted at Kottayam

College for higher education. A letter dated 23rd May 1818 from the British

residentColonel Munroto the CMS missionary Bailey mentions the objectives

of the Cottayam College.

...All priests must of course be educated at the College previously to

their ordination, and the laity should also to the greatest practicable

extent receive instruction there. All this will in a primary degree

depend upon your exertions and I am satisfied that you will spare no

efforts to render the College eminently conducive to the general and

early improvement of the Syrians. I hope that you continue your

endeavours to introduce the English language among the branches of

study at the College. This is an object of great importance and claims

your serious consideration. The translation of the English Liturgy is

another object of primary importance for I think if it were well

translated it might without any difficulty be substituted in all the

churches for their present forms of worship. You will of course

gradually prepare the minds of the Syrians by a reference to the

Scriptures to abandon the seven sacraments the Mass and other

remnants of Roman Catholic usage...

7.2.5 The first CMS school was established at Kottayam in 1817. This

school received financial support from the rulers of Travancore. About 51

3

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

schools were started within a period of five years. In 1834 the Basel Mission

started their first school in North Malabar. Very soon every parish had

schools attached to it. Catholic missionaries in Kerala objected to the

education of Catholic children in Protestant schools and colleges. This

denied them the privilege of English education for a few decades. Then they

too started schools and by the turn of our century Catholics alone had more

than one thousand schools with a total strength of fifty six thousand students.

7.2.6 Mrs. Bailey, Mrs Fenn and Mrs Baker, all wives of CMS

missionaries started girls’ schools in their houses at Kottayam. Of them Mrs

Baker’s school had had an uninterrupted history of progress. By the end of

the nineteenth century CMS schools had about five thousand girls on their

rolls.

7.3.1 The missionary schools opened their doors to the downtrodden

communities so that they could receive the benefit of English education.

CMS missionaries like Henry Baker and John Hauksworth took special

interest in the-schooling of the children of the most backward communities.

This triggered off a chain reaction in the socio-economic structure of Kerala

society.

7.3.2 The christian missionaries especially Protestant missionaries of

nineteenth century, took care to provide working skills to neoconverts. So

they were given training in weaving tailoring, binding , tile making, etc. This

technical education raised the socio economic status of lower caste converts

and provided them social mobility. About this impact Raghaviah (1990)

makes the following observation in a study of Basel Mission industries in

Malabar:

Operating in an evironment of social transition it gave a thrust to the

social movements of the time, though not seriously intended. In a

caste-stratified society, it gave avenues for higher level employment

to lower caste persons though to alimited extent. Moreover their other

activities such as opening of educational institutions and issuing of

journals did help to widen the area of interaction between persons of

different backgrounds.

7.4.1 The involvement of western missionaries in the preparation and

execution of school curriculum has influenced the form and content of school

textbooks in Kerala. The missionaries were the pioneers in the preparation of

school textbooks. The first textbook committee of Travancore was formed in

1868. But much before that many standard textbooks in Malayalam were in

38

Context of Understanding

use especially in Malabar

7.4.2 The first Malayalam Reader was compiled by Hermann Gundert

in 1860: Paathamaala. This anthology which was used in Malabar for

several years comprised selections from Malayalam classics like

Raamacaritam Raamaayafiam, Bhaaratam, Pancatantram, Veetaala Caritam

etc. Most of the prose lessons were the handiwork of the compiler. Gundert’s

Malayaala Bhaasaa Vyaakaranam was used as the textbook of grammar

from its very first edition in 1851. Catechism of Malayalam Grammar pre-

pared by Gundert and edited by Garthwait went through many editions and

was used as the textbook in schools. cf HGS Vol IV 1992

1.5 Textual criticism Many Malayalam classics like Paficatantram

and Mudraaraaksasam were edited by missionaries for the use of students in

schools and colleges. Paficatantram appeared in print in 1847 at Kottayam

and in 1861 at Tellicherry. In the 1868 Mangalore edition of Pancatantram

(ed) Garthwait all the words are separated using the dash so that students can

follow the text more profitably. The technique of editing with a scholarly

introduction, copious notes, basic references and the index is an innovation

propagated in Kerala by Christian missionaries

7.6 The missionaries especially members of CMS and Basel Mission

were keenly interested in propagating scientific knowledge

Vidyaamuulakannal a general knowledge digest published from Kottayam

in 1858 is most noteworthy for its subject content, mode of presentation and

Malayalam diction. The book explains natural phenomena like the wind

cloud, rain, thunder and cyclone. Products of modern technology like

divingbell also are introduced. Mrugacaritam by J G Beuttler is an introduc-

tion of animal life printed with multicolour pictures at the CMS press

Kottayam in 1861. Prakrutisaastram a textbook of physics by Frohnmeyer

presents the beauty and vigour of Malayalam prose in science literature

Missionaries made a good job of devising a prose style and mode of treatment

which would serve as the medium of modern science. At the same time they

maintained their commitment to religion and spiritual values. They believed

that religiosity and scientific temperament are not opposite but mutually

complementary. This sober vision of science and religion enabled them to be

effective agents of modernisation

8.1 Modern Malayalam prose has occupied a prominent place in

literature and in many types of formal discourses. But it was not so before the

advent of the western Christian missionaries. Prose, the common language

%

of the people, was never treated as a powerful medium of effective commu-

9

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

nication. In classical Indian languages like Sanskrit and Tamil prose had no

significant role to play as the medium of literature or scientific discourse.

This tradition was shared by all Indian languages and Malayalam was no

exception to it. Inscriptions, a few sections of literary works generically

called campu and minor puranic treatises may be cited as samples of early

Malayalam prose.

8.2 An analytical study of Malayalam inscriptions is available in

Evolution of Malayalam by A.C.Sekhar, Deccan College Poona 1953.P. V.

Velayudhan Pillai has conducted a detailed research study of puranic texts in

early Malayalam Prose. The major significant prose work in Malayalam

before the adventof the Portuguese is Bhaasaakautaliiyam. K. N. Ezhuthacan

has presented an analysis of this work: Bhaasaakautaliiyam, University of

Madras, 1960. M. Leelavathy has done the linguistic analysis of old manuals

of dance dramas: Linguistic study of Aattaprakarams with special reference

to Asokavanikankam, unpublished PhD thesis University of Kerala 1972. C.

L. Antony has traced the evolution of Malayalam Prose reinterpreting the

data available to him-

8.3 All these studies bring out the truth that before the sixteenth

century Malayalam prose was not very different from poetry. The pedantic

styles of inscriptions are marked with jargons high-strung compounds and

unnatural highsounding words. It may be remembered the style of official

documents in any language will smack of archaism. The prose style of

puranic narrations was influenced by classical poetry, especially its rhetoric

and rhythm. Of course a few sentences in unaffected simple and natural style

may be available in each of these prose works. But they are only exceptions.

8.4 The western Christian missionaries of the sixteenth and the early

seventeenth century were confronted with the task of propagating the

Christian message through Malayalam. Aiyar (1973) remarks:

These missionaries knew well that aknowledge of the language of the

people among whom they worked was always a key with which they

could unlock the people’s heart.

8.8 The Missionary prose was to evolve from the spokemlanguage as

the missionaries were more concerned about the force with which they could

convey the message than the beauty of linguistic expression. But to discuss

Christian ideas about God and other concepts alien to Kerala culture they had

to borrow lexical items from Sanskrit and non-Indian Languages like Syriac,

Portuguese and Latin. The missionary prose style cannot be equated with any

of the Malayalam dialects at that time.

We hope the above account of missionary involvement in the history

40

Context of Understanding

of the Malayalam language with specificreferences to Dr Hermann Gundert’s

contributions will provide points of reference for later discussions. If one still

feels the need to sum up Gundert’s contributions to the Malayalam language

we may request him to return to the introductory part of this article

Footnotes

1 For a brief but excellent introduction to modern Kerala see National Geographic

Vol 173, No.5, May 1988, PP 593-617

3 Another copy of this Doctrina (1579) was available in Sorbone University library

but now it has disappeared

4 Many leaflets and small books were printed at Kottayam before the publication of

the Malayalam Bible cf Zacharia 1989:355

5 John Ernestus Hanxleden (1680-1732), famous German missionary of the Society

of Jesus

gj

6 Benjamin Bailey (1791-1871) an English missionary of the Church Missionary

Society

7 Arnos Paatiri’s dictionary was published by Kerala Sahitya Akademy. This has a

very informative introduction by S.Guptan Nair

8 A neatly edited version of Puttenpaana was published by the Oriental Manuscript

Library, University of Kerala with the title Kuutaasappaana.

9 George Mathen, (1819- 1870) a famous native missionary of CMS

10 Joseph Peet (-1868) an active worker of CMS

|

11 Evidently a mistake for Portuguese—Malayalam and Malayalam—Portuguese

dictionaries.

12 Richard Collins (- 1890) an English missionary of CMS

13 Paulinus of St Bartholomew (1748-1806), a great scholar Carmelite missionary

from Austria.

Select Bibliography

Aiyar, Ramaswamy (LVR)

1940

Eighteenth Century Malayalam Prose

written by Christians

New Indian Antiguary Vol.III

1941

The Malayalam of the Missionaries

Bulletin of the Rama Varma Research

Institute Vol. IX Part I

Kerala Sahitya Akademi Trichur 1973

Antony, C L

1958

Bhaasaa gadyam

§

Saahitya Caritram Prasthaanannaliluute

(ed) K.M.George, NBS, Kottayam

Brown, LW

1953

The Indian Christians of St.Thomas

Y

Cambridge University Press

Eapen, K V

1985

Church Missionary Society and Educa-

tion in Kerala, Kollett Publication,

Kottayam

41

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Edamaruku, Joseph

1971

Keerala Samskaaram

Vidyaartthimitram, Kottayam

Ezhuthachan, K N

1960

Bhaasaakautaliiyam

University of Madras

Doktar GunderttinRe Gadyam

1972

Dooktar Hermann Gundert

(ed) N.E. Viswanatha Aiyar

Cochin University

Frenz, Albrecht (ed)

1986

Hermann Gundert’s Diary in three vol-

umes

Tagebuch aus Malabar 1837-1859

Calwer Tagebuch 1859-1893

Schriften und Berichte aus Malabar

1993

Hermann Gundert - Brueck

Swischen Indien und Europa Ulm.

and Zachana Scaria 1991-1992 HGS— Hermann Gundert Series

Vol I-V], Kottayam and Ulm

Geddes, Michael

1694

The History of the Church of Malabar

London

1972

George, KM

Western Influence on Malayalam Lan-

guage and Literature

Sahitya Akademi, New Delhi

Gouvea, Antonio

1606

Jornada do Arcebispo de Goa Dom Frey

Aleixo de Meneses Primas de India ori-

ental religiso orde de S.Agostihno

Coimbra

Govi, KM

1973

Malayaala granthasuuci

Kerala Sahitya Akademy Trichur

Guptan Nair, S

1986

Punaraaloocana

)¢

NBS Kottayam

Hough, James

1839

History of Christianity in India Vol.ll

Z

London

John, K J

1981

Christian Heritage of Kerala

L.M.Pylee Felicitation Volume Cochin

Kesavan, B

1985

History of Printing and Publishing in In-

dia Vol I National Book Trust of India

1988

History of Printing and Publishing in In-

dia Vol II National Book Trust of India

Kizhakkemuri, D C

1977

Accatiyam Pustakaprasiddhiikaranavum

Malayaala Patra Caritram Satyanaadam

Centenary Souvenir Cochin

Kunhappa, Murkot

1973

Malayala

Manorama-Samskaara

Tarangini Malayala Manorama Publish-

ing House, Kottayam

Kunjan Pilla, Elamkulam

1969

Keerala

Bhaasayute

Vikaasa

Parinaamanna] NBS Kottayam

Mundadan, A M

1984

History of Christianity in India Vol.I

42

Context of Understanding

Theological publications in India, Ban-

galore

1972

Narayanan, M G S

Cultural SymbiosisinKerala Trivandrum

Podipara, PJ

1970

The Thomas Christians

St.Paul Publications, Bombay

Raghavia, Jaiprakash

1990

Basel Mission Industries in Malabar and

South Canara (1834-1914)

Gian Publishing House, New Delhi

Raghavan, Puthuppally

1985

Keerla Patrapravarttana caritram

Kerala Sahitya Akademy, Trichur

Sam, N K

1988

Keeralattile Saamuuhika

Navootthaanavum Saahityavum

NBS Kottayam

Thekkedath, Joseph

1982

History of Christianity in India Vol.II

Theological Publications in India, Ban-

galore

1961

Thomas, PJ

Malayaala Saahityavum Kristyaanikalum

D.C.Books 1989

Vallavanthara, Antony

1984

A Catalogue of the Malayalam Manu-

scripts in the Vatican Library RISHI,

Mannanam

Variar, Prabhakara K M

1979

Studies in Malayalam Grammar, Univer-

sity of Madras.

Varid, K P

1973

Dookgar Hermann Gundert NBS

Velayudhan, S

1981

Foreign Missionaries and Malayalam

Lexicography, Christian Heritage of

Kerala Cochin

Vincent Maria

1728

Voyage to the East Indies

Yesudas, RN

1976

The History of London Missionary Soci-

ety in Travancore 1806-1908

1990

Zacharia, Scaria

A Grammatical Analysis of the Early

Missionary Malayalam Prose Texts, Ph.D.

thesis, Dept of Linguistics, University of

Kerala

1976

Rantu Praaciina Gadyakrutikai—Canons

of Diamper Synod (1599) and Rozian

Statutes (1606)

Karikkampally,

Changanacherry 686 102

1978

Milaan reekhakal

(Bibliotheca Ambrosiana MSY 116 Sup)

Karikkampally, Changanacherry 686 102

1981

Social Customs of Kerala Christians as

Reflected in Decrees of Diamper Synod,

(ed) John K.J. in PP 83-99 Cochin 1981

1989

Carccayum Puuranavum, appendix in

Thomas, P. J (1961) 1989 DCB edition

43

ﬁ

ﬁ

Place names change

The Government of Kerala has recently changed some anglicised

place names. They are replaced by popular Malayalam names. Some

of these names which appear in both forms in this volume are listed

below:

Alappuzha

Alleppy

Aluva

Alwaye

Calicut

Kozhikodu

Changanacherry

Changanassery

Kannur

Canannore

Kochi

Cochin

Kollam

Quilon

Palakkad

Palghat

Paravur

Parur

Thalasseri

Tellicherry/Thalassery

Thiruvananthapuram

Trivandrum

Thrissur

Trichur

\\

J

HERMANN GUNDERT

A biography

Compiled from his letters and other sources

by

Albrecht Frenz

Translated into English

by

M N Hebbar

-

—

-

po—

o

——

-

e

CONTENTS

Childhood and Education

49

The parental abode

49

53

School period

Studies

56

India comes into view

63

66

England and the journey around Africa

Learning under Rhenius

72

In Chittoor, Andhra Pradesh

77

In Malayalam

80

The beginning in Thalasseri

83

Malabar becomes home

89

Malayalam works

94

Institute for boys and girls

97

Social change

101

Vacation and return to India

103

Silent period in Chirakkal

105

Mangalore — the Basle Centre

110

Close to the Blue Mountain

116

Kozhikode — Back in Malabar again

121

The second career

128

The transition

128

Moving to Calw

130

Calw— German and Malayalam

132

Mission and Church

136

Heaven and Earth

144

Farewell

148

Abbreviations

150

Glossary

151

e

Childhood and Education

The Parental Abode

If you are looking for the house in Stuttgart where Hermann Gundert

was born, what will come into view is only Kirchstrasse but not the old house

anymore since this was fully gutted by fire during the Second World War. It

used to be a shop and was situated between the Town Hall and the main

church, lying to the left of the market square.

Gundert’s premises were once known merely as No 3. While the

business tradition of those days has remained, the Gundert-Ensslin family

has ceased to live there since long. At first, Hermann Gundert addressed

letters to his father without naming the street, or he wrote to the “Bible

Establishment” (later was added “extended Christophstrasse”, to which the

family moved on 9th April 1832).

Christiane Ensslin, Hermann Gundert’s mother, grew up on

Kirchstrasse and married the businessman and son of a teacher, Ludwig

Gundert, in October 1810. This man was a pietist by conviction, with a sense

of the practical. Christiane also was a pietist. She increasingly translated the

articles of her faith into her conduct in everyday life till she finally reached

a state of depression. She leaned closely on the preacher Christian Adam

Dann (1758-1837), who had confirmed her, heard her marriage vows, and

finally buried her. As abride, Christiane wrote to her fiance: “What has been

disturbing me mainly for some time is the fact that I know many righteous

Christians who, after undergoing the trials and tribulations in connection

with spiritual solace, recognise the moment of truth of their blessedness, and

with God’s peace in their hearts, carry on their life’s journey calmly. How

different it is with me! I am not aware of any period when fears for my eternal

happiness gave me sleepless nights. I live through the day and at the end of

it could well be a hypocrite when I think how God has been denied, so to

speak. The loyal Saviour should grant me sincerity and uprightness so that

I do not deceive myself and others. Please pray for me that our Deliverer

plfesems me with a new heart and spirit.” (CD 26). Later, the son would

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

characterise his own self in these few sentences. The new heart was the

poin;

of crystallisation for both mother and son.

In the wake of the new European order and the era of peace following

the Wars of Freedom, the year 1812 saw the beginning of a general spiritual

resurgence that witnessed, among other things, the establishment of

Wauerttemberg’s Bible Society in Stuttgart through the good offices of the

British Bible Society. Ludwig Gundert was one of the founding members of

the new association. On 4th February, 1814, a few months after the violent

incidents involving the people of Leipzig (16-19th October 181 3). Hermann

Gundert was born.Ten days later, he was baptised in Stuttgart’s main church.

The Gunderts'home did not escape the ripples of the worldwide trend.

There were frequent visitors from different countries and of different

religious denominations. One of them was Stephan Grellet (1773-1837) who

often came to Stuttgart while Hermann Gundert was still a child, and met

his father. Grellet hailed from an old noble family of France, steeped in the

Catholic tradition. Emigrating to America, he had joined the Quakers there.

While he often quite simply came back to Europe, his first visit happened to

be a little before the birth of Hermann Gundert: “Grellet came to Stuttgart

from Nuemberg on 28th January 1814, passing through France, Switzerland

and Bavaria earlier. In Stuttgart he found much Christian fervour. He also

heard of Dann’s banishment and promptly visited him in Tuebingen.” (GM

3.2.69). Several years later, Hermann Gundert wrote a biography of Stephan

Grellet (JB 1868;2 26-52; 97-108); although Gundert did not acknowledge

hisauthorship, itreflected his intimate knowledge of the encounter of Grellet

with the Stuttgart businessman (98).

Gundert notonly portrayed Grellet and his father in this biography but

also gave expression to his own perceived goal in life later, lending a

meaning, as it were, to his etire collection of sources for the biography: "Here

and there one finds also in Germany a man in the prime of his life who

remembers unto himself how his father once had told him that scarcely

anyone had made such an impact on him in a meeting of a few moments,

exerting a decisive influence on the future course of his life, as a noble

foreigner who had denied all life’s pressures for his own comforts and

carried on, barring a few interruptions, for years on end, moving from one

country to another in the cause of the welfare of his fellowmen. This foreign

personage had the precious gift of being able to establish rapport with another

soul with a few choice words in the course of social relations, producing more

long-lasting benedictions therefrom than would have been engendered by the

usual preaching of several hours. He had a talent for coupling fine expres-

sions with evangelical sentiments that did not fail to win over the hearts of

Biography

the' highly placed among his brethren as well as those of the poor and the

lowly. He evoked the nobler side of human nature, awakening godly

impulses in others, serving to achieve more in effect than the strength of a

singular effort could possibly transmit. The doors of the roayl palaces, even

the gates of the Vatican, opened themselves before the apostle of love and

peace with as much ease as the doors of prisons, madhouses, poorhouses and

hospitals." Stephan Grellet. (25)

In his summing up, Gundert describes the breadth of Grellet’s vision

in contrast to those of the most differing currents of thought within

Christianity. Gundert’s own candidness puts it thus: “What drove him was

not plain human zeal but the singular love of Christ alone. He sought

followers neither for the Society of Friends, as the Quakers were also called,

nor for Protestantism. His great goal in life was to propagate the message of

the only begotten Son of God who came to save immortal souls from the sins

of the world. In the process, he was able to carry through his mission among

people of different tongues and alien beliefs in a remarkably endearing

manner, glorifying the protection and sustenance of the Lord whom he

served. Yes, wonderful indeed, were the living sights of the loyaland humble

witnesses for the Lord in Italy and Spain—countries that were hermetically

sealed against onslaughts of other evangelical missions.” (107)

Ludwig Gundert utilised the opportunity of a visit to Stuttgart by

Johannes Evangelista Gossner (1773-1858)to print and circulate his treatise

on the saving of sinners—the Herzbuechlein—that originally appeared in

France and which was later brought out in a German edition in 1812 ina new

form. In this connection, Ludwig Gundert had to report to the police several

times. Finally, on examination of this religious publication, the police came

to different conclusions and promptly ordered the publishing house closed.

Later, as Hermann Gundert went about translating this Herzbuechlein into

Malayalam when in Malabar, Gossner would stand in his mind’s eye. Like

Grellet, Gossner was born into a Catholic home. He was strongly influenced

by Thomas von Kempis, gained much from Martin Boos and preached Christ

for us and Christin us. (MM 1874, 29; see under Definitions of the Mission).

Gossner had turned 60 when he went to the mission and through which he

remained known to this day. Gundert opines firmly: “In 1836 he had begun

with five simple Christian youths; 21 years later they had grown to 140

missionaries, of whom 15 were candidates for Theology whom he (Gossner)

had sent out to the four corners of the world.” (300) Grellet and Gossner

definitely exercised an influence on both father and son, with the former

assuming the role of a spiritual model.

The year 1816/17 was a year full of worries. A bad harvestled to a

51

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

famine and many trading companies were ruined. Ludwig Gundert wrote

“Our ability to manage is under a severe strain.” (CD 69) The following

spring found him making a similar observation: “I often see no way out, even

now absolutely none. Here I'stand, seeing neither forward nor to the right, nor

to the left, a path that will turn me round the corners; and I have become too

tired for the steep mountain up there.” (CD 71) In the midst of this dilemma

an opportunity presented itself to Ludwig Gundert. After a journey with J.H

Ensslin (1778-1847) to Calw in the summer of 1817, he was able to secure

a job with him as a bookkeeper and also work in the offices of the Bible

Establishment alongside

Ludwig Gundert became so absorbed in his work for the Bible

Establishment that it came as a deliverance when, on the last day of October

1820, he was appointed Bible Secretary there. This change also benefited his

sons Ludwig and Hermann. They could now go to their father’s office after

school, do their homework there and finally end up playing games between

paper balls and printing machines on the premises. “The government has

made space available in Bebenhaeuser. Hof for use by the Bible Society;

now the printing presses run there while Gundert attends to his books in the

adjoming room. In the evening, the children do their homework in this

ambience. The stable below is filled with Bible balls and the manger as well

as the nooks and crannies provides ample space for playing some excellent

games of hide-and-seek.” (CD 108)

Later, while Hermann Gundert’s two older sons were growing up at

their grandfather’s house, he remembered that house and wrote to his son

Samuel: “I am glad to hear now where your workplace is situated. Is it not

true that the Kaulla lives around there? During my days, he was the richest

man in Suttgart. I have played in every part of the surroundings, around the

old Bible House which had its entrace in the Bebenhaeuser Hof but had a

window overlooking the narrow street out in front. At every window Papa

placed a flower pot. Once he even planted rice there that came out of a brush

made with rice straws butitdid not grow high. You have surely seenithigher

and riper around the Thalassery Mission House but you will hardly know

more as to how it looks. What appealed to me as very instructive in that area

were my first grlimpses of the Justice Department where I observed, through

chinks in the door, how delinquents where treated in order to secure their

confessions. But they were very innocent people and had never done

anything which they could remember. The path under the wall was almost

like my daily bread, as well as for dear Papa, viz from the Bible House on

Kirchgasses, C Nro. 3, along all kinds of trees and bushes. (GM 16.10.54)

e ¥

Biography

School Period

The brothers Hermann and Ludwig Gundert commenced their initial

studies under Instructions of the old friend of the house Flatt (CD 74). It was

in October 1820 that they both entered Stuttgart’s Latin School: “The sons

were admitted in October to the gymnasium (high school) which was a little

too early for the younger one; but the older one did not want to be alone in

the class, so Hermann was allowed to goalong.” (CD 94). Theodore Gundert

the four-year old brother died the same year (a second Theodore was born in

1822). After the death of the two-year old sister Christiane Luise in 1813, it

was the second time that the young family had to bury a child so early

Ludwig Gundert consoled his wife: “Let us not cling to the creature! The

spirit that inhabited our dear children passes into us with its childlike love

with its sense of endurance, and with its obedience. Then we shall find our

children in us ourselves. What is more, we shall find them again in God. And

wherever we find a childlike mind, wherever we find suffering, wherever we

find simplicity in this whole ‘God’s earth, there shall we find our children

We do not cling to the shell. We want the kernel." (CD 94)

Hermann Gundert often saw foreign visitors in the Bible House. In

1821 father Ludwig Gundert first metJ P Greaves whose booklet Grounds

& Reasons of the Christian Regeneration or the New Birth he had translated

into German. With the assistance of Christian Gottlieb Blumhardt (1779-

1838), the German version was published. The simple living of Greaves

made a lasting impression on the entire Gundert family. Bearing this in mind

Ludwig Gundert, accompanied by Blumhardt, set out in 1822 to attend the

second annual celebrations of the Basle Mission. Here he met with many

eminent personalities who seemed spiritually closer to him and who showed

mutual interest in spreading the Mission’s activities in all countries. The

following year saw Ludwig Gundert commence publication of Stuttgart’ s

Mission News in right earnest

The pupil Hermann Gundert was soon well placed to gather news

from all over the world and before long was able to translate many articles

from English for this journal. And the new event of the annual celebratlon of

the Stuttgart mission gave him fresh ideas to mull over.

Hermann Gundert was dealt a hard blow in 1827 when his dearly

beloved seven-year old sister Marie Theodore died after a long illness. The

illness lasted as long as fifteen months. Hermann lived through this experience

with englightened consciousness. All his inner pain coalesced into a widened

approach to God: “Not in vain have my parents borne the slings of Fate of the

first decade. It had helped them to release themselves from all kinds of

33

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

mundane attachments and strengthen themselves with such godly love as

might be their good fortune to receive in their daily lives in order to draw

energy for the growth of the inner being.”(CD 95)

In the autumn of 1827, Hermann Gundert was admitted to the

seminary in Maulbronn. It belonged to a monastic order of the 12th century

that foundits way into Wuerttemberg in 1504. In the course of the Reformation,

it was converted into an evangelical monastic school by Duke Christoph von

Wauerttemberg. This school was also attended by Johannes Kepler (1571-

1630) and Friedrich Hoelderlin (1770-1843). The novice had fulfilled the

wishes of his mother who, on the occasion of his birthday in 1828, wrote:

“Beloved Son!

Hearty greetings on your fifteenth birthday. Your initiation into this

life has deeply delighted your parents and your progress here has inspired us

to have great hopes for the future. You have been particularly comforting in

many of my hours of grief. May God bless you with peace and happiness!

May you, my precious child, be protected through the grace of God from all

temptations from the outer world as well as from the vainglory of one’s own

heart. May the Holy Spirit guide you in all truth and wisdom and shape you

into His instrument for all time. O my son! How soothing it is for a mother

to realise in moments of increasing disquiet that her children have set forth

in life on the right path. God bless you and keep you, and may you be happy.

Affectionately,

Your mother” (AG 5.2.28).

The father wrote on the back of this letter:

“Q that you shall be blessed with the Kingdom of Truth and Love,

when the heart of a child can grasp this and take it unto itself, then a scientific

temper and God’s own spirit can bring enlightenment towards His own

purpose! Yet you would be better kept away from the erroneous belief that

in the realm of the endless, science as such can be of much uge withouta child-

like sentiment.

If you would care to possess a van Ess Testament I shall be pleased

to send one for your birthday, and which I received from the hands of van ESS

myself.

The dear mother sends you a penknife so that you can write quite

beautifully.

The dear grandmother sends a bit of money for apples.

Newspaper, etc. An atlas and a pair of scissors will follow.

The dear mother is beside herself merely making the beds. Of course,

it is really somewhat easier. Farewell, dear Hermann. In fifteen days from

Biography

today we shall be greeting you in our abode. Adieu, adieu!

Your loving father

L. Gundert”

Hermann Gundert had no difficulties with his scholastic subjects. But

sometimes he had problems with keeping the rules of the house. He studied

Latin, Greek, Hebrew, English and French, loved geography and history as

well as biological subjects and mathematics. Along with Greek and Latin

writers he developed a fascination for Goethe. Music also belonged to the

daily school curriculum. Gundert played the piano, the organ and also the

violin. He copied the entire works of poets such as Goethe's Faust and of

musicians for himself and for others. Once he copied the piano excerpts of

The Magic Flute and prompted by the soul-stirring music, visited the opera

in Stuttgart. He had earned the cot of admission thereto through private

tuition and by copying notes. His song-book entitled Songs 1829 details 150

pages of numerous songs, among them The Wishes a poem by B.G. Denzel

for four male voices, set to music by F.G. Frech. Stuttgart”—a rather funny

song with many verses, whose first reads thus: Wealth is without worries

withoutenvy and withoutill-will indeed. I would always be secure only when

my treasure chest was full! Wrongly played and wrongly scored! Worries

shall never cease. Should the chest be closed, then sits fear right on top of it.”

In contrast, Gundert’s Attempt at a translation of the twentyfirst

chapter of Ezekiel reads more seriously. It is dated 13th August, 1830.

The beginning of the thirties saw an outbreak of revolutionary

thmkmg that did not bypass the seminary in Maulbronn. In the nearby town

of Vaihingen, the Grenzboten (Frontier Messengers) made its first appear-

ance in 1831, a publication that provided a vehicle for Hermann Gundert’s

political thinking: “An old book-printer of my father settled in Vaihingen

wanted to bring Grenzboten into circulation in 1831 and urged the seminar-

1ans in particular to contribute thereto. The father warned, however, that the

provocation to laughter was too strong. And the paper began with political

essays from the pen of H(ermann).” (CD 336) The Grenzboten was confis-

cated and prohibited shortly thereafter

The urge towards freedom finally became so great that Gundert

expressed his wish to return to the gymnasium in Stuttgart. The parents

thoughts on the subject were almost superfluous because circumstances were

soon to change. Professor David Strauss arrived in Maulbronn. His spirit and

lovable nature charmed the young people and infused them with new notions

of the glories of university life.” (CD 352) David Friedrich Strauss (1808-

1874) soon took the young seminarians under his wing. Filled with enthusi-

asm, they proceeded to Tuebingen where Strauss published his most cel-

33

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

ebrated work, The Life of Jesus in 1835.

Gundert gradually loosened his ties with his parents. They were

pleased with his frankness but were also very concerned over some matters

and gave him advice. His father wrote to him: “That you also often search in

darkness is a fate that you share with all your fellowmen; praise be to the Lord

that you are conscious of this. Itis also true that not everyone deserves of help.

And the Bible states clearly that we do not. It would be Brahmanic indeed to

expect it, and in vain. You will have to step down a few Wrungs and accept

it with sheer grace.” (CD 362) This letter shows that father and son, despite

the resolving of their own ways, did not live apart from each other, rather

began to come closer as partners and friends. Referring to a letter written by

the mother to her son in a moment of conscience, the father observed: “On

my part, I would not have written her last letter because I am accustomed

to the trust and confidence of my younger and older children to communicate

freely with their father, to let a word fall here or there, to build on the

é

children’s love and to enjoy their proximity.” (CD 368)

Studies

On 24th October 1831 Hermann Gundert, accompanied by his father,

d

arrived in Tuebingen in order to study theology at the university there. He

I

stayed at a former Augustine monastery that,in 1557, had received the strong

supportof the already mentioned Duke Christoph in training future generations

of theologians.

[

The father, in consultation with the mother, had extracted a promise

from his son “never to enter into a boys, or any other closely tied group” (CD

It

367). Later, the father viewed his son’s association with Strauss with some

§t

misgivings. As in the aforesaid letter, the father used an Indian concept to

express his thoughts. Obviously, the Indian spiritual world was generally

0

well known. The father wrote: “I will now explain further. Strauss had

!

pr

already begun to influence you in Maulbronn, in direct proportion to the lack

of warmth and liveliness that the lessons deemed necessary. I did not want

Iy

10

to deliver this ambrosia during the last semester because I saw that your soul

W2

had enmeshed itself in dead letters. was therefore glad to consider Tuebingen

and the benefits you would derive from instruction by older and experienced

my

hy

teachers. You would then learn the gospel, make philosophy adaptable and

Wa

not the other way round. Now comes Strauss to Tuebingen, takes everything

in his stride towards noble aims and thrusts them smoothly along Hegelian

ang

il

grooves. Even my dear son attaches himself to this vehicle of the Gods and

for

transposes Brahma and Vishnu into Hegel and Goethe (See illustrations: NH

a

1823, 7) so that, under their protection, he is secure against all attacks of the

56

Biography

‘T’ and the world (should I also mention the devil) and all evil forces. But

when life appears to you in its true form, when you appear before your own

self in all your naked being, when there is a tremendous downpour, when the

waters come rushing in their torrents, when the wind rages, then are you truly

in a house built of sand.” (CD 389). Gundert’s reply was evasive.

Beside his studies and the usual pressures of daily life, Gundert began

to be more and more worried about his sick mother. For her birthday on 1st

September 1832, the father had a portrait made of his son Hermann as a gift

(see below). She was very happy about it. Her condition had then so

N €0 & F 7 e s U (P

deteriorated that she was soon confined to bed. Travelling from Tuebingen,

Hermann Gundert visited her once more during Christmas. His next visit on

January 20, 1833 turned poignant. The mother had just passed away. Itonly

remained for him to console his father. However, he could not easily forget

his mother. He compiled his thoughts into a comprehensive biography of his

B e = =<

e

mother entitled Christianens Denkmal (CD) “Christiane’s Memorial” whose

first manuscript was published in 1868.

In Tuebingen many students were led to despair over the teaching of

Strauss. Gundert was not only regarded as a good friend of Strauss but also

)

appreciated for his ability to provide spiritual succour. Sometimes he went

to his fellow students at night and brought them the next morning to

Tuebingen. One such experience proved to be a turning point in his life.

E

One day, one of his friends fled Tuebingen. His mother prevailed on

Gundert to help her find her son. Gundert promptly set out to do so, spotted

the runaway near the Swiss border, and escorted him back to Tuebingen. The

return journey over mountainous regions turned rather difficult and the

stretch between Balingen and Hechingen posed the biggest hurdle. Gundert

o < W

wrote: “Our conversation ends well before Balingen. Rains fall and we lean

on the door of the graveyard...But he does not know the way and with deep

—

apprehension I make my way forward through spiritual energy secured by

prayers, as it were, pulling him gently along. In Engstlatt he pauses and

reflects for a long time. As though taking pity on me, he urges me to promise

not to escort him further to Maegerkingen. Tiredness and all else had

LT N

vanished as we plodded on for the next two hours, he in increasing fear and

myself in unrestrained tears and urgent pleas for God’s own kingdom. With

=

half an hour to go before reaching Hechingen, I entreated that we would not

=N

want to make the last hour so difficult” (Gt 2.8.33) There he accosted a friend,

g

and the danger was removed. Travelling on further, Gundert found the

journey particularly trying. He described it thus: “The trees in the border

d

forest were grinning at me as though each of them wanted to mirror my strain

and exhaustion. They formed pictures of their own, pushed themselves near,

57

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

and flashed images as tender as the fibres of the heart.” (Ebd). Years after his

friend’s death the incidentcame to haunt Gundert and made himrestless: “As

I learnt of Guenzler’s death I sensed that my nerves were in a particularly

precariou

s condition. And now I would like to say that I am free and happy,

let bygones be bygones. I will be glad to look ahead”.

(GM 29.12.35)

Several years later, Gundert again referred to this incident and went

on to show its connection with the mission in India. It was noteworthy that

Gundert wrote about it shortly before he moved to Chirakkal and to

“Even as I thought of nothing, dear God has shownme,

Mangalore. He states:

on that stretch of road between Engs

tlatt (near Balingen) and Hechingen, the

field of the mission and in His own inscrutable ways, has led me to it to this

day.” (GM 19.4.49)

In 1856, Gundert related his experience in Hechingen in an auto-

biographical letter to his sons, thereby explaining the rationale behind his trip

to India. He wrote: “Onthe 2nd of August, between Balingen and Hechingen,

I hovered on the edge of despair till I was moved to prayer in silent tears —

not for myself but for the friend only—and found my prayers answered. It

was the result of a rather unconventional view of prayer, as though produced

by a magical energy out of incomprehensible memories of my youth.

Because I was undeniably poor and miserable, the Lord let me find certainty

that my request would be granted. At the same time, the rains abated, the

evening sky shone in cloudless splendour and I glimpsed an answer to my

driving urges in the q

uiet orderly activity of the heavens above — as a

missionary in India. How precisely the name came into

my mind I cannot

many elements that had formed part of our

explain. Of course, there were

lier also associated with mission

dream world of those days, and I was ear

publications as well as those emanating from the Bible House.

A few days after the experience, Gundert wrote a poem:

“August 12, 1833

Can I complain,

That it shall soon be evening?

That the sun would set,

Tired of the day’s toil,

That the rings of clouds

Draw dark shadows,

That the stars yonder

Glimmer in the nightly silence?

58

Biography

Outside you now stride

Through autumn’s first faded leaves

9

jS,

The few victims of cold nights!

But as for you on the hill

Mild wine brews itself

It

In rich Sutpourings,—

ot

The ripening fruits suck

0

At the motherly strengths,

G,

Rains and flowers too yet

16

In child-like contentment,—

I

And a friendly star

Nods in thankful greeting

Flowers and creeping vines

1

And fruits and leaves

l“,

And the first serious human face,

That please you,

It

And the shaking wagon

ed

That rolls towards the barn.

ity

These are pictures

he

Of God’s free world.

But they vary

my

In their colourful forms.

4

One always returns to me through

ot

The human eye that catches it all!

Our

jon

Were you not the flower,

Dreamily at the breast of Mother Earth?

Were you not the ripening fruit

In the summer of life?

Are you not the simmering berry,

That waits for the winepress

Testing its strength and mildness?

Also the ear are you gladly

In dry furrows,

That sees its sisters

In the ruin of their crops,

And bowing itself in pain,

When they at the horses look

Carrying their next load

Into unknown chambers.

38

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

But from the changing places of the earth

You gaze towards the eternal heavens!

And when a bower gently swishes past

In the evening wind

Faded leaf upon leaf

You pay no heed to the wind and clouds:

Rather you slide past tired branches

Seeking the blooming light of the stars.

Because the day has come to an end,

There the young and flaming energy,

Towering on the mountain top,

Swearing to be the sun

For endless days.

Now it sees it is evening,

And covers the sun of life

The deep furrows of the earh valley,

Wishing only to rank with the stars,

To look at the sun for eternity,

And with the lights over there

Shine more light in the universe.

You ride the wave

In your centuries!

Here the cradle, there you weep,

There the worlds, that await you!

And those done with their labour

Beckoning to their happy fruits

And the entrusted down below,

Swaying in their honest strivings!

Lifts the right hand

That you once gave her.

The battle-tested ever

Help to the last step!—

The eternally beloved!

But the left remained

And your reminding eye

And the loving flame of memory

Of younger pilgrims!”

(Gundert Collection: Steinhaus Calw)

60

Biography

Gundert maintained his inner balance through all his experiences in

life and took to writing to free himself, so to speak. Sometimes he expressed

his thoughts in poetry, at others through letters in which he translated Greek

poems and dramas. Gundert occupied himself with Greek poetry and

philosophy as one of the focal areas of his studies. His labour is reflected,

among others, in the translations of Sophocles Antigone (CT18) as well as,

King Oedipus, both appearing in manuscript. In the summer of 1833, the

translation of Sophocles, Philoktetes was complete. Gundert was so familiar

with Greek that he cultivated it throughout his life and particularly applied

it during his translation of the Bible into Malayalam. As Gundert progressed

in his studies he became more concerned over secking clarity for his future

course of action. Excerpts from his diary—more in the form of prayers—

show how he wrestled with himself, God and the world: “O dear Saviour:

How is it that you are so filled with abundance: Wherefrom so much grace

for me, when again and again I show myself unworthy of it. You give meclear

and pure (wine) to drink and yetI find the water of life so insipid! O Lord and

God, destroy the wicked ways of the heart with sword and fire. Else your seed

has no place to live in the worthiness of your honour! Look, I still am uneasy

when it comes to happiness. Your grace and loyalty, despite the horrible

treachery of my spirit, seems to me often a mere trick to entrap me. But in

reality, you will yet drive me in joy and happiness, as probably later in

suffering, to praise you! I thank you (almost with nothing to offer because the

new heart is so small) for so carefully guiding me towards you, like a child

looking up to me, until such time as I am strong enough for you to apparently

step aside, lend me the strength of your arm and the watchfulness of your

love, that I may believe firmly. Give me strength, give me strength!” (GT

13.7.34). This is one of the few occasions when Gundert speaks of a new heart

that stands in opposition to the old and wicked one. This expression became

the leitmotif of his life and through which his entire mission could be

understood. Whenever he had to relate to people, the new heart came into

play.

A few days after the aforementioned prayer he fell into a bit of

depression, with thoughts of death looming large in his mind. He had reached

the breaking point. However, this also helped him to obtain clarity over the

relationship between the Bible and philosophy: “To create a philosophy is no

great art. But to put everything—what was and what is— into an orderly

state, that isan art. Hegel mocked those who hung on every word of the Bible.

But if one were to transmute organically only the words of the Bible that one

had into oneself, would it not be called philosophy? Of course, there would

still bea few points left, eg, specialised areas of the philosophy of nature, etc.

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

However, philosophers have still areas to tackle such things as freedom, a

positive God, revelation and so on, without much hope of aligning them with

the path of philosophy. The Bible philosophers, on the other hand, are quite

hopeful of doing so.” (GT 24.7.34) The theories had to stand the test of

exterior circumstances of everyday life.

Two friends of Gundert’s passed away in a short interval of each

other. The same illness also accounted for the death of Professor Schuebler

whom Gundert knew very well. Recovering himself, Gundert expressed

gratitude that the illness had passed over and turned to preach: O Lord, How

is it that you do not turn your face away from anyone, and —regardless of

whether it is seen as an angry or a loving one—Ilight up everyone in the eye,

causing one to be filled with shame. Oh Lord, I have so often struggled

against giving myself up to youas completely as you in your entire form enter

into me. But put an end to this stiff, proud and hesitant heart and take me

wholly to yourself!” (GT 9.8.34) The rational phase follows the mystical,

without his giving up his critical self-appraisal in the process. Gundert

endures the tension between the reality of life and hope engendered by faith.

Devotion to God and facing the reality of everyday life merged in him. From

August 1834 Gundertassumed duties in additon to his studies and preparations

for his examinations. He began tutoring children. In this pleasant task he

could apply his knowledge to practical work and gain teaching experience.

At first, he spent an hour a week with the children, then two: “I have great

pleasure in this task; when I come exhausted, He revives me through the clear

eyes of the little ones, gives me love and attention towards them and endears

us to the reality of truth. I have also begun giving confirmation lessons during

the last few weeks to an orphan who was long neglected. And the child has

reciprocated with love and trust. In yet many other ways wheels run within

wheels.” (GM 12.8.35)

Gundert touched the hearts of the children by hsm simple and pictorial

language. Following his first hour of teaching, he notes in his diary: “God

gave me the grace to remain young at heart and in faith. What is the word

Saviour all about!—father, mother, brother, child, doctor, teacher, friend,

everything that one needs in life really!” (GT 15.8.34)

How deeply his encounter with children moved him has been shown

ina prayer that he wrote soon after his first hour of tuition with them: “Look

on me as on your own child and do unto me what you well please. Let me do

nothing alone any more!...Donot let any admixture of fine feelings or the use

of words with a passion for their originality taint your living word, rather

always wash it clear and pure through the baptism of the Holy Spirit. Let not

my eye take so many steps to and fro, to the left and to the right, in order to

:

62

Biography

find you but that I always do so in a radiant path to Thy presence.” (ibid)

These words express Gundert’s hope that he infused into his life with

increasing fervour.

India comes into view

When Gundert received an inquiry in March 1835 from his friend

Oehler of Basel whether he would be in a position to travel to India as a

Private tutor for the two sons of the missionary Anton Norris Groves (1795-

1853), accompanying the missionary as well, his thoughts turned to

considerations of health. In order to get a clearer picture of the situation as

well as have his healthexamined, he decided to visit his friends in Switzerland.

Full of expectations, Gundert, accompanied by Bernard, left Tuebingen on

6th April 1835 and journeyed to Schaffhausen via Balingen and Tuttlingen.

They put themselves up at Spleiss where they met the Russian duke Felician

Zaremba (1794-1874). The duke had passed through the portals of the Basel

Mission House (1818-1821) and subsequently deputed to southern Russia

as a missionary. He had made the acquaintance of Groves in Persia and

recommended him to the Basel Mission. Zaremba urged Gundert and his

friend to proceed to Basel forthwith in order to meet Groves. This had its

merit in that they could not really achieve much in Spleiss. Gundert wrote to

his parents: “We are of the opinion that one should build a hut here because

where Christ is present, Moses and Elias cannot take precedence. But we

shall remain pilgrims and as long as we remain so, he is also our companion.

Therefore, we carry on quietly, without laziness or rest anywhere.” (GM

7.4.35)

Despite their swift departure from Schaffhausen, they arrived too late

in Base. Groves had already left.

E

For nearly a week Gundert remained in Fornet. The cordiality and

friendship had become so strong that taking one’s leave became difficult.

The trip was a success. Gundert himself was surprised how well his

health had stood the rigours thereof. He chose to take it as a good omen for

his suitability for India. “My health has improved remarkably and I hardly,

if ever, feel tired. So has God himself decided that I should follow his voice

and direction. I have, with much pleasure, written to England that I would be

prepared to come in the autumn...I have nothing more to do about it than to

recognise my nothingness wholly—and to submit myself to God as one

would an empty, stained and damaged vessel so that the Lord pours strength

into me in whatever manner he may choose to. I will not measure my stength

any more, whether it is adequate for Wuerttemberg or for East India, for the

vicarage or for a teacher’s job—how can one measure where there is nothing!

63

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

The Lord has called me and I will £0.”(GM 10.5.35'VgIiGM 18.5.35CT478)

As mentioned, Gundert had received an inquiry at the end of March

1835 whether he would be willing to go to India as a private tutor. He wrote

in his diary: “East India! Am I lost in my old dreams again, of gypsy girls, of

the crazy Eduard, and of those who have returned to their fatherland after

their missionary stint? East India! Yes, itis no dream. It is a reality that God

has presented before me to test me to make use of me, and to mould me for

His kingdom. My will avails nothing!” (GT 22.3.35) And when Georg

Mueller (1805-1898), a brother-in-law of Groves,came to Tuebingen and

visited Gundert, he became more certain of his planned course ahead.

Gundert wrote in hisdiary: “George Mueller, the preacher from Bristol, pays

me a visit, He tests me, enthuses me and inspires me. I regard him also as one

of the voices that convey the message of God’s mercy.” (GT 25.3.35).

Gundert wrote some months later to his friend Oehler in Basel: “We

need rot be uneasy regarding my future. It does not help at all. Iknow that

God has called me to tread on this path to help my spirit seek its blessedness.”

(GM 3.6.35)

His decision to follow Gorves to India had a definite purpose in view.

He wrote to his friend Oehler: “I see it as a special grace of God that the

writing of a diary, the objective reflections and the subjective contemplation,

and the boastful vein of my letters have suffered a major blow in the last few

years. I had to weep when I thought of what I had achieved in my 18/20 years

as expressed in what might well be regarded as relics of the past years. I have

learnt to appreciate the Creator who allowed such intended self-destruction

to carry on for years without letting me wear out. There is something grand

about this grace that protects the miserable and the fallen through the most

evil forces and endows their lives with the benefits of renewal and healing

before embarking on new creation. (GM 4.3.35)

Now one thing led to another. Gundert was due for military service.

To his good luck, his father drew a lucky number in the draw of lots for this

duty. The father wrote: “First the news that my draw has released you from

military service. I drew the number 194 yesterday. I am thankful to God for

this outcome because your freedom, though resting on being an exception to

the rule, isalotcommon to any other.” (GM 22.3.35) Both father and son saw

a pointer from God in this development that also threw light on Oehler’s

inquiry. Hermann Gundert wrote in this connection: “It seems certain to me

that regardless of how events now shape themselves, Oehlers offer has

realised God’s design for me, namely, that I take a good look at the sluggish

present and decide what I am destined for.” (GM 22.3.35)

64

Biography

His friend and teacher Dr. Steudel also prevailed on him to grasp the

opportunity. “Dr. Steudel said that he had also “first thought of me” and it

seems to me that he finds my scientific testimonials adequate. In any event,

the prospect of remaining as a tutor has diminished by a considerable number

of years. Had he had the opportunity, he himself would have gone, given the

attraction of linguistic studies. Now the circumstances have become more

favourable in many ways.” (ibid)

Gundert began to prepare himself for living in an English-speaking

atmosphere. “ I have commenced taking English lessons from Deker.” (GM.

21.5.35) It was Dr. Steudel again who spoke to him and encouraged him to

take his doctorate. His father adivsed him to seize the opportunity. In June

1835 Hermann Gundert submitted an application to the Wuerttemberg

government as well as to the church ministry requesting leave of absence for

missionary duties, also enclosing his curriculum vitae. His scholastic career

was summarised thus:

“I, Hermann Gundert, was born on 4th February, 1814 in Stuttgart,

where my father Ludwig Gundert was engaged as a businessman. For the last

fifteen years he has been in the service of the Bible Society there. My first

studies commenced in my parents, home, receiving instructions partly from

my parents but primarily from a private tutor, the late Jeremias Flatt. In

consideration of my older brother, I was admitted to the lower gymnasium

(high school) in the autumn of 1819 and along with him completed the six

regular semesters in eight years, remaining in the first and sixth standards for

two years. Through a promulgation by the royal Study Council on 18th

Septemeber 1827, I was admitted to the seminary in Maulbronn. I was not

conistent in some ways in as much as I changed my preferences for the

prescribed subjects, in addition to history of recent times, French, English

and the elements of natural history. A public notice of 15th October 1831

brought meto theroyal seminary in Tuebingen, At first, I studied psychology,

then new philosophy till, after much vacillation, acquired a taste for the study

of theology. With a veiw to deepen my interest here I occupied myself during

the last semesters with establishing a relationship between biblical history

and teaching. Herewith my interestin the holy parent languages also revived.

The detailed results are known to the revered Board of Examiners.” (National

Church Archives Stuttgart).

In the middle of August, Gundert wrote: “My examinations have

begun...They will come to an end on 18th September. Then I hope to getaway

before the publication of the results.” (GM 17.8.35) In the following month

he reported on the examinations himself: “The main examination days are

now over. Preaching, eduational sicence for children and everything written

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

has been settled in a daily timetable. The next week is quiet. Oral tests have

been fixed for the week thereafter. The report card, farewells and depar-

tures—all these will run their course as He deems fit.” (GM 6.9.35) The

examinations went off well. Gundert ranked fifth in a class of fifty

England and the journey around Africa

Now it was time to say farewell to the parents’ home and to the city

of Stuttgart. On 2nd October 1835, Gundert left for Heidelberg, visited the

castle there, and carried on to Mannheim. Travelling by ship along the Rhine

he passed through Mainz, Cologne and Nymwegen before finally arriving in

Rotterdam. Here he met the gentleman he was recommended to, a Van Oord

also carrying a letter of introduction from his Swiss friend Bernard. Van Oord

welcomed him into his home where Gundert felt very much at ease. He stayed

here for several days

Gundert was very impressed with London: “ I am now in London. I

have seen the power and splendour of this seafaring nation, its castles, ships

cities, etc. all set up as though one would serve to hold the other for aeons

The vanity of itall!” (GM 11.10.35) He set eyes on the most varied of people

whose customs and circumstances gave him food for thought

“The faces were lined. Traders, businessmen, statesmen, German

renegades, sailors—not to forget the town crier and the rattling carriages—

few uncommon, still fewer with a touch of heavenly peace on their counte-

nance. The fading inscriptions on all houses announcing the names of the

august personages residing within or the goods and services proffered for

acceptance are another common feature. Through all that my senses have

perceived or not perceived, I could state that London qualifies to be a great

city in which small and big businesses, means of transportation and a wide

array of products catering to the physical and intellectual sustenance of man

have attained great heights. But the thick fog hanging over the city—coal

mining is the culprit — and which makes even the water distasteful makes

for a vivid picture that every newcomer to London is confronted with. And

when one observes the rag-covered faces of men and women under their

tattered hats, one shudders at this face of humanity that the great city envelops

within itself. Or when one takes a look at the huts (which are now often

demolished in their long rows to make way for wide roads and palaces) and

listens to the old people relating how gradually it has brought them closer to

the grave, life in the city could appear appalling. But there are also many

children in the city who bear all the sings of neglect. As everywhere else, they

are nearly despised here. And the disparity between the religious life

prescribed by the church and life in the spirit and truth is partlcularly strik-

ing.” (GM 15.10.35)

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Biography

The city is notable for its gathering of news from all over the world

but the religious world could hardly be said to be representative in all its

diversity. Gundert was reassured by the warmth of friendship shown by

businessman Thompson. “Feel at home”, he had said. By the way, Thompson

was of the view that all creeds should be consigned to the flames. (GM

15.10.35) Through his association with Thompson, Gundert was able tolearn

more about the Protestant dissenters. He took an interest in their catechism

S ——

whose “unity and love in the body of Christ” appealed to him.

Gundert became acquainted with the various missionary societies in

England. He visited the Christian Missionary Society in Islington and

witnessed an ordination. He loved the cathedrals with their organs and their

music, even arousing the suspicion of the dissenters. Nevertheless, he

associated himself closely with some of the dissenters, George Mueller and

Groves among them, causing raised eyebrows among the ecclesiastical.

authorities. Gundert had to finally take his station in this manner. Even

through the networks of the mission and the church Gundert remained

inwardly free. He developed a capacity to gain insights into the manifold

aspects of Christian life in England but conceded the right of each school of

thought to find its own place in society. His inner freedom enabled him to

brush shoulders with the most varied of personalities, many of them known

to him in his younger days through translation of some article or the other for

one of the mission publications. Others would meet him later in India.

Gundert was particularly impressed with the views and life of Karl

Theophilus Ewald Rhenius (1790-1838). Rhenius was the son of a Prussian

officer and attended the Jaenickes Mission School in Berlin. He was ordained

as a Lutheran priest and deputed from London to South India by the Church

Missionary Society (CMS) in 1814,

Rhenius was dismissed in 1835 after a quarrel with the bishop.

However, he carried on his work regardless. Gundert learnt of the differences

of opinion precipitating the move through a booklet written by Groves

pointing to a letter in which he stated: “A brief account of the present

circumstances of the Tinnervelly Mission. The main factor was church

politics, of course. The lampoon was used belatedly, after Rhenius sent a

copy of it to London and the society promised to keep it. It was factual and

very resrained in its tone.” (GM 11.10.35)

Gundert translated the writings of Rhenius under the title “Rhenius

and the Mission of the English Church” and sent the treatise to his father with

the remark “that, after careful consideration, I deem it my duty to publish it

in Germany.” (GM 15.10.35)

Gundert’s standpoint between the two extremes of the Episcopaljan

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

High Church and the liberal Congregationalism is elucidated in a subsequent

letter to Oehler: “The Malayalee slaves are closer to my heart, like a

Rheniusian legacy. I am not totally averse to CMS but am not inclined

towards them either. Nor doI have high expectations for the Madras province

of CMS. The new instructions of Bishop Daniel of Calcutta do reflect his

views of the Catholic New Oxford doctrine as depraved while rejoicing in the

victory of the power of the bishops over missionary democracy. One is glad

to learn something of the St. Peter network and its functioning — in the

manner of spider’s web — outside. On the other hand, I do not like

irreligiousness either. And when one speaks of putting new heart into

religious observance instead of sectarian concepts of the justice of faith, it

makes me more worried than having a couple of ropes more on the yoke of

the outer church. We out here are learning to appreciate the merits of the outer

church in as much as each day drives home the lesson that the inner church

cannot be built without the outer.” (GM 16.2.39)

Bristol made quite a different impression on Gundert as compared

with London. “Today (19th October 1835) I am particularly happy. Isaw the

first sun in England, shining through while still in bed. Bristol is not so

overcast as London. It has a welcome change of mountain and valley, thus

providing more breeze. I am also now in a rural area where the houses are not

so monotonously dull. It seems to me that all houses here are occupied by

single families.” (GM 15.10.35)

Gundert’s sojourn in Bristol was influenced more by George Mueller

than by Groves, finding him very affectionate, his conduct especially with

children endearing, and his sermons convincing. In Bristol, Gundertbecame

closely acquainted with the orphanage that was built through the efforts of

Mueller who gave himself totally to its welfare

In June 1835 Gundert wrote for the first time that he had learnt

Sanskrit. His father had written to him, giving a wrong orthographical

reference to Sanskrit. To this, Gundert replied: “ You write Sungscrit.1have

already made such progress in the language that I am in a position to correct

you. Only the English produce such wrong orthography. One writes the

world (hold your breath) as Sanskrit...But do not think much of it. I take it

in my stride and look for ways to learn something therefrom through the more

basic German literature before I turn to my English lessons in this subject

(GM 15.6.35) Gundert retained this basic knowledge exhibited here and

applied it later to many more Indian languages.

Gundert utilised the long waiting period in England to deepen his

knowledge of languages. First, he began with Bengali. Hardly had he ac-

quired some proficiency in it when he began to entertain thoughts about

68

Biography

writing a book on Bengali grammar: “I now understand the first chapter of

John in this language and merely on the strenth thereof I am considering

writing a book on grammar, in English, to set myself firmly in it.” (GM

29.10.35). In the same letter he explained Bengali words and added: “The

forms are all very regular, not sooverabundant as in Sanskrit. Thusitis easier

to have an overview and retention thereof.” (Ebd).

Towards the end of 1835, Gundert made the acquaintance of an

interesting personality, J.W. Newman. Newman was once the best student

in Oxford, was a signatory to the constitution of the Church of England, had

converted himself and had left the Establishment. He followed Groves and

became a missionary in Syria, returning via Persia and Constantinople to

teach in a college. Newman spoke old and new Greek, some Arabic dialects

and other languages. He presented Gundert with a book on comparative

languages entitled On the origin of the Celts from the Indo-Germanic tribe:

Pritchard (vgl GM 7.2.36). Gundert admired Newman’s extraordinary

proficiency in languages and established the fact that they both preferred an

Oetingerian Christainity. Gundert also learnt of the principles of the earlier

Bagdad mission from Newman. The mission was led by Groves and his

friends. They wanted to be guided by God alone, did not want to have

anything to do with any missionary society or a local committee and thus

carry on. “Yes, not once did they belong to any definite church society. They

hoped that the very use of the word Christ would be sufficient to create a

bond.” (JB 1869, 1, 372). They discussed Oetinger’s theology of the heart

during the German lessons that Gundert gave him. Although Gundert

welcomed the opportunity to have a diversion in the use of languages, he

yearned for India: “I shall be happy to come to India with all my heart. I also

feel that my vocation asa missionary has become more pure and recognisable

than I had realised hitherto.” (GM 2.3.36)

At last, the ship sailed. First, it proceeded from Bristol to Milford

haven. where it had to wait for the Perfect bound for India. The passengers

were a mixed lot and were accommodated in three separate cabins. The first

was occupied by Anton Norris Grove and his wife, a Malay servant and

William Baynes (Mrs. Groves’s brother). In the second were John Groves (a

cousin of A.N Groves) with his wife and their children Jessie and Emilie,

Emma Groves (sister of John Groves), Julie Dubois and Marie Monard, a

parishioner from Switzerland sent to India to serve in schools. Gundert was

charged with teaching Bengali to the three young ladies. And the third cabin

was occupied by Brother Bowden and Beer Schumacher with their wives as

well as the teachers Brice and Kelberer whom Gundert was to teach

Hindustani. Gundert was to learn Telugu, in addition, from Beer and Bowden.

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

An old friend of Groves, Mr. Clulow, who had spoken Telugu in India for

ayear had instructed Gundert therein, with particular emphasis on grammar.

Gundert was the best trained and the most talented of this group, helping him

to attain greater heights but not without evoking envy.On 1st April 1836, the

Perfect set sail for India. A long journey around the Cape of Good Hope

awaited the missionary society.

They were hardly two weeks at sea when one day Groves came up on

deck and said to Gundert: “It would be best if he remained with him in

Madras.” (GM 11.4.36) Atthe same time, Groves made a promise: “He stated

further thatonce I reached Madras I would do well to seek to befriend German

brothers and that in this connection he would perhaps make it possible for me

to undertake a trip to Mangalore. All this seemed like the work of God’s own

hand...As for Madras I see my path quite open and clear. There would be

many occasions to learn Bengali.” (Ebd). At the same time, he had quite

focused his mind on Calcutta. His three schoolgirls made good progress in

Bengali. And Gundert could improve his English and French. “I often

wonder myself how the words that I really need manage to be adequate and

how easily one understands if one has the will to do so.”(ibid)

The sea exercised an overwhelming influence on Gundert. He as-

siduously applied himself to the study of the compass and wind, the waves

and the starry firmament, held talks with the captain and generally enjoyed

his life at sea:”’For instance, the striking picture of phosphorous sparks rising

from the underbelly of the ship and reaching out to the top, illuminating the

entire surface with a brilliant lustre. One morning there was abig fish playing

in the sun. Casting one’s eyes farther, one could see a fish skipping over the

other, looking at the ship as they went past, and then carrying on. Marine life

in abundance. No flying fish yet, to the astonishment of the captain. I have

occasionally taught myself the use of the compass. Sometimes we ourselves

throw the line overboard in order to measure the speed of the vessel. We can

somewhat understand the logbook now. In all this we are helped by the

captain and Groves who also lead the conversation at table. Together they

have been almost everywhere and both have an eye for the essential. We are

thus provided ample food for thought as well as for our physical sustenance.

The captain was with Nelson at Trafalgar and is familiar with Australia and

South America. I am learning to train my faculties to the utmost and am sure

that there are a thousand other pleasures on the ship that I delight myself in,

without knowing a word of it. I have written down what I know and the rest

I'have for the time being kept to myself...Since then three fishes have already

flown onto the ship, and one has itself pounded its head at the kitchen. We

often see them bobbing up from the waters when pursued by some killer fish

7

Biography

and after a few flipflops dive under again.” (ibid)

Slowly, they neared the south Atlantic. On 25th April “we passed the

Line of 19 degrees Longitude in the morning....Everyday we keep expecting

the south-east trade winds leading us 20 degrees to the southem latitude of

Brazil.” (Ebd). A month later, they managed to reach the Indian ocean: “On

25th and 26th (May) we pass the seabed of South Africa. The sea here has

quite a different colour than what we have seen hitherto. We could have seen

land if the weather was brighter.” (GM 9.7.36)

One morning Gundert took a bath in the sea. He wanted to do it again

the next morning too. But the sight of a shark changed his plans and he

remained on board. The voyage seemed windless for a long time. Finally,

after more than three months, they arrived at their destination: “On 7th July,

1836, the Perfect setanchor at Madras harbour. Passengers bound for Madras

disembarked.

E

Before 130 yearsalmostexactly to the day, Bartholomaus Ziegenbalg

had also landed here. (vgl. below). Gundert was now in a Tamil country in

which Tamil, the oldest of the Dravidian languages, was spoken. The firstday

in Madras proved quite exciting. Gundert wrote to his parents: “One lands in

Madras in the boats of the natives, bounced across over the high surfy seas.

The usual boats would be smashed by the dashing torrents. Our landing (on

Friday morning) was very smooth. In front of us lay the long stretch of Fort

St. George. We proceeded to the house of van Someren (on the northern side,

near Black Town in Rayapuram) for dinner. There were speeches by Mr. and

Mrs. Smith of the London Mission Society as well as by Grove who spoke

highly of Tucker but made a sad reference to the Tinnevelly mission

affair...In the evening it was back to the cadets’ barracks in the south through

the Fort, the country-house at the end of the European quarters which Groves

has rented. It is almost like a castle, with several large-sized rooms with very

high ceilings and terrace etc., but with no furnishing. There are no windows

but plain venetian blinds. And there is a garden (dry and sandy) at the front

and rear. Then there are plants, trees, animals, etc.,rather new to me, but not

so exuberant as I had imagined. Madras is very infertile. We lie partly on

mattresses on the ground. I found myself unmolested by mosquitoes.” (GM

9.1.36)

71

The Indian period

Learning under Rhenius

The Perfect on which Gundert set sail for India touched Madras on 7th

July, 1836. Along with the not inconsiderable Groves company, Gundert

secured quarters in Madras and waited for the two sons of Groves he was due

to teach. They arrived but displayed no enthusiasm for learning Greek and

Hebrew. After a while it was quite obvious that the private tutor was

superfluous. But Groves had an idea. He sent Gundert to Rhenius in

Sinduporiturei that today is a part of Tirunelveli town. Groves calculated that

he could thus gain first-hand information on the differences between the

German mission led by Rhenius and the CMS. From 1820 to May 1835

Rhenius had builtup a flourishing mission on behalf of CMS in Palayankottai.

After being dismissed from the CMS due to differences of opinion over the

ordination and the duties of the bishop, he moved to Arcot to establish a new

mission there. But catechists and members of the society from Tirunelveli

and surroundings urged him to return. Rhenius did oblige and returned in

October 1835. His new activities took place on the other side of the river in

Tirunelveli/Sinduponturei. Missionary Tucker represented the CMS in Madras

while missionary Pettitt had, in the meantime, taken charge of Rhenius’s

mission in Palayankottai.

After a few weeks Gundert, accompanied by a local resident, moved

away from Madras, walked about a lot, rode, let himself be carried or got into

a carriage for the 600-kilometre long journey. First he went along the east

coast to Mahabalipuram, went around Pondicherry and reached Thanjavur

and Tiruchirapalli via Caveri-Talebene. He collected songs and literary

works during the journey.

In the main, Gundert traversed the old route of the Tranquebar

missionaries.

Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg and Heinrich Pluetschau had

arrived in Madras in July of 1706 and travelled on to Tranquebar. With the

arrival of more Lutheran missionaries, predominantly from Denmark and

England, there developed an active exchange between the Caveri delta and

Madras. The Jesuit missionary Joseph Beschi (1680-1747) settled down in

a village near Thanjavur and entered into serious, sometimes harsh, discus-

sions with the Lutherans. But he created some of the most valuable and

beautiful Christian literature in the Tamil language as well.

Towards the end of the 18th century the German missionaries linked

to an English society commenced their activities in Thanjavur and

Tiruchirapalli. Christian Friedrich Schwartz (1726-1798) established a

seminary in Thanjavur for training catechists. Around 1790 Schwartz handed

Biography

over the management of the seminary to John Caspar Kohlhoff, born in 1762

in Tranquebar, where his father was a missionary for decades. One day, a

Malayalee from Mylaudy near Nagercoil, Travancore, came to see Caspar

Kohlhoff in Thanjavur during a pilgrimage. There he heard sermons, read

tracts and was baptised as Vedamanickam. When Vedamanickam returned

to his native place, he invited Wilhelm Tobias Ringeltaube (born in 1770 in

Silesia, went missing in 1816 during the trip home), who was spending some

time in Thanjavur, to Travancore. Ringeltaube accepted the invitation and

proceeded to Travancore via Palayankottai. Coming to Palayankottai in

February of 1806, the local climate and the fertile region around the river

Tambrapurni, also known as Tambirabarani, appealed to him very much.

(vgl C.M. Agur, Church History of Travancore, Madras 1990 (1903), 491).

Gundert made the acquaintance of the German missionary Schreyvogel

while visiting the former mission of Schwartz.

Itis a great loss for posterity that Gundert’s letters during this period

cannot be traced. Also, he kept no diary in those days. How thoroughly he

observed the functioning of the missions in Tamil Nadu can be guaged from

his biography entitled A worker in the Tamil mission. (Vgl QB 259-364).

Gundert’s further travels from Tiruchirapalli to Sinduponturei are better

detailed in a letter in which he elaborates on the journey via Melur, Madurai

and Sathur before arriving at his destination: On the morning of 17th August

I find myself in Madurai, the holiest city in south India, holier than

Chidambaram and Thanjavur. I putmyself up at the (one-storeyed) bungalow

of the American mission that Gorves had recommended. Mr. Todd and the

Dwight couple live here together. Mr. Poore, the chief of the mission, who

had been speaking Tamil for 20 years in Ceylon, resides at the city centre,

near the bazaar and pagoda (temple)...Poore had invited me to tea that

evening. Br. Todd escorted me there, leading me through a section of the

huge pagoda here. You cannot imagine the dimensions of this massive

granite block that has been hauled up over here. It houses choultries for some

1000 pilgrims, a long baazar, and halls for the procession of elephants. And

some 100 lamps are alit around the idols, with wicks dipped in coconut oil.

Here one sees a child prostrating itself, there an old woman. It is both a

tombstone and a holy pillar. On all sides one sees pictures of man in his

various emotional states, at his glorious best and in disgraceful weakness,

astride a horse and in battle, in meditation and in delight, and everything that

denotes godlines, holy. So runs the course of the Tamil, the grovelling

servant yet once so proud. Once when I kept gazing at a painted idol, the

devotees standing around grew uneasy, the children began to grumble and the

old folk reacted strongly. One heard po! pongell! go! go away! So we carried

73

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

on, going over the water pipes surrounding the edifice

ccccosssoce

.One cannot

express how cramped one feels (I should perhaps say, a German — because

the Americans view itcoldly and even smilingly) asone approaches the inner

sanctum of the temple, how everything seems so determined and so eternal

as is humanly possible. And then one begins to think of what the Lord so

clearly forbade the Israelites — curiosity, the quest for secrets, and pretences

to pleasures and knowledge never known.

....I do belive we forget to thank God in a big way that we do not get

to see these things in Europe. Our heart is surely as prone to lasciviousness

and to being led astray, and I refer to the gross worship of idols here, as that

of these poor heathens. I think it was a wise system in the beginning. The

diverse ways of God’s working are pursued in the creature. And then, instead

of giving the honour to God, man begins to delight himself in deceptive

fantasies and philosophies about the universal spirit and God-fearing

creatures...Now we satdown with Mr and Mrs Poore,two loving and elderly

people. A lot of talk about Groves, Rhenius and Germany” (GM 19.8.36).

Gundert had a good eye for observation and was well trained, especially in

classica?languages. He brought with him the benefits of this background in

translating his observations and experiences in relation to world literature as

well as an ability on the strength of his faith to be critical, through the Old and

New Testament. Even if much of what has been said could be dismissed as

the mere impressions of a 22-year old it could be averred that Gundert’s

travels created an increasing awareness for a lovable manner in dealing with

people.

That Gundert was open not only to literature and philosophy but also

to the exigencies of everyday life is shown by the following incident: "I had

once taken some betel from my Munshi, because he said: if I eat this then here

(he tapped on his abdomen) properly. “You take a green leaf of a caustic

plant, spread a layer of lime paste on it, rub it in a little, and adding a hard

arecanut, shove it into your mouth. Chewing this produces a pungent-tasting

red fluid. I could not keep it in my mouth for long but appreciated the sense

of what he said.” (GM 19.8.36)

Gundert brought with him to India a faith like that of a child. His way

of speaking could be as simple as that of a child, yet coupled with highly

complicated connections 4nd expressed in a short and complex style. His

German was so original and so influenced by the classical languages thathe

wrote in a packed and convincing flow of expressions, a talent that he

retained till his old age.

Before arriving at his destination, Gundert was provided by Rhenius

with a travelling companion. “Saturday, 20th August, 1836 in Kayathar.

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Biography

Rhenius sent a man here to greet me and to show directions for Tirunelveli.

We had to travel the whole night before arriving at the home of Rhenius at

sunrise. It is a huge area with garden. there are different quarters for gents,

servants, seminarians, horses and for a school. A Mohammedan has rented

outthis entire lot to Rhenius for seventeen rupees amonth. Tirunelveli is still

a half hour away and lies closer to the blue mountains. Palayankottai with its

dilapidated fort and the church mission (but they have no congregation in the

neighbourhood) lie on the other side of the river. ...I am thus in the middle of

these places in Sinduponturei, have the winds from the mountains blowing

in from the west while also being close enough to the river. Rhenius has three

churches here, one in Tirunelveli, one in Gnanapuram and the third on the

missions premises. These churches are rather impoverished structures, like

the school house and the town hall, covered with palm leaves, that were

erected only last year. This is because all buildings that were earlier

connected with the mission, even when the land belonged to the village or the

entire construction was contested by the local population and only supported

by small donations, have now been closed and sealed by the church mission.

They would much rather see these structures eaten up by white ants than

perhaps consider whether the poor communities did not have a rightful

claim on them. Lechler was the first I saw in the house. He welcomed me as

a Swabian. Rhenius called for me before breakfast. His age, strength, warm-

heartedness and wisdom can easily win over the heart of a German. In any

case, I needed to win his deep respect and confidence. While I came up with

my own suspicions in many things, I had also gone through Tucker’s book

thoroughly and almost despaired of seeing an end to the quarrel that would

PG

be pleasing to God. But I did not find anything at all to corroborate what I had

let Tucker put in my mind. Rhenius prays and speaks to his children, the

|

whites as well as the dark brown ones. Lechler, Mueller and Schaffter ride

around in the surrounding communities. It is a quiet and well practised

missionary work, all the richer for its experience and purer for afflictions

endured.” (GM 19.8.36)

Gundert became increasingly impressed with Rhenius. He wasamazed

at the easy access people, even children, had to Rhenius. “I was myself

present at many important discussions. He is particularly understanding with

children and it is delightful when children sing Lutheran melodies before

him. They are brought up in such a liberal manner that they put questions to

Rhenius in the hall when he says something that they do not understand.”

(GM 19.8.36)

Gundert found in Rhenius his teacher for India because Rhenius, in

contrast to many other English missionaries, had given precedence to Tamil

g

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

over English: “It is a great disadvantage to turn English into a major factor

because the youngsters, driven by their own plans or by the stubborn

insistence of their wide circles of relatives, are looking for a”little place” that

would nurture them and others. So the missionaries at least for now prefer

to impart their lessons in Tamil, thereby benefiting them and the pupils in

equal measure. Besides, the community is more certain of its prospects of

having the services of a free teacher t00. The government remunerates better

than the missionaries. (GM 19.8.36)

After Rhenius was dismissed from the CMS the community faced a

split. The missionaries of the CMS attempted to bring all Christians over to

their side. On the other hand, the parishes founded and looked after by

German missionaries strengthened themselves considerably, even dispro-

portionately, thereby arousing the envy of the opposing faction.

Whatever the warring circumstances, Gundert was able to carry on his

studies, teach, and travel to the villages: “Iam thankful to God for preserving

me against conflict and for letting the quiet peace of my heart unperturbed.

Isit notreally marvellous that ever since Christ exterminated enmity through

his body on the cross, the angels have sung ‘peace be on earth’ and the risen

Christ says: Peace be with you. Especially when one considers what all we

do to let conflict enter our lives as though there were a secret joy therein. The

Lord should, of course, work out everything to order. Or else we would put

ourselves and others in total confusion.” (GM 19.8.36) These few sentences

point to Gundert’s turning point in becoming a missionary. The enormous

strain under which Rhenius found himself in the CMS affair had a significant

impact on Gundert and stirred the innermost recesses of his heart towards

becoming a missionary. At the same time, he saw how Rhenius worked in

Tamil. Rhenius’s Tamil Grammar was published in 1834. Gundert knew

what Rhenius had written in this connection in his introduction to the book:

“In the chapter on orthography and etymology I have followed more the

systematic arrangement of the native grammarians than those of the Euro-

pean languages since I think it advisable that the students should be initiated

into the subject in the native way.” (S.1.)

Rhenius had also published material regarding the rules governing

the Hebraic Old Testament and the Greek New Testament, thus differenti-

ating between the composition of a biblical tract and that of a literal

translation of the Bible. He wrote school books for children and teaching

manuals for catechists. Soon Gundert took part in this exercise and compiled

a Tamil dictionary for Hebraic and Greek. He wrote a history of the church

and an account of the persecution of Christians in Madagascar in Tamil.

Unforiunately, these writings have not appeared as yet.

76

Biography

Through Rhenius, Gundert was able to lay his hands on the rich

literary treasures of Tamil and the publications therein of grammar books,

dictionaries and glossaries. He acquainted himself with the writings of

Robert de Nobili and Joseph Beschi as well as with the works of Bartholomaeus

Ziegenbalg and the rest of the Lutheran missionaries of Tranquebar. Gundert

thus gained deep insights into the grammatical works of old Tamil scholars

and the excellent literary works out of the Tamil classics. Among them for

instance, where the Tiruvasagam of Manikkavasagar, who,asaSiva disciple

in the 9th century, - in terms of philological expression — imparted the same

teachings in grace as did Paul in the letters of the New Testament.

It would be interesting to examine the connection between Beschi’s

Saturagaradi, a “Tamil-ABC” and Gundert’s Malayalam Grammar and

Malayalam-English dictionary. That Gundert could link his scientific,

missionary and personal perceptions into a productive unity was essentially

the result of his experiences and knowledge gained from his travels and his

association with Rhenius. Gundert enjoyed the freedom to present his own

as well as receive other currents of thought, and had the perspicacity to sift

the essential from the inessential. The tension between conflicting viewpoints

— between Groves and Rhenius or between a pietistic missionary reli-

giousness and the objective approach of a linguistic scholar — found a kind

of peace in his childlike faith that expressed itself as love towards his

fellowmen.

Gundert maintained contact with his friends and Stuttgart through his

letters. He repeatedly wrote asking for books that he needed for his publica-

tions and for his teaching duties = the seminary for catechists: “Should there

be an occasion, please send sc:#~ 3erman books also to India, for instance,

Schubert’s Natural History, if a volume that I now possess has come out in

a new edition. Hebraic Bibles and New Testaments in Greek (eg. for

catechists, seminarians — the English ones are very expensive) and other

important books, if they can be sentrightaway...I can make it possible tosend

something home (perhaps through Bernh. Schmidt) may be one more idol out

of India — would be glad if thereby it also goes out of the heart.” (GM

19.8.36)., This Bernh. Schmidt would recommend Gundert years later to the

Basle Mission as their representative in Nilagiri.

In Chittoor, Andhra Pradesh

Groves called Gundert back to Madras where Gundert arrived in the

end of March 1837. He found a changed situation there. Quickly, he set about

making arrangements for establishing a missionary station in Chittoor, in the

south of Andrha Pradesh. He arrived there on 1st May and was warmly

welcomed by judge Lascelles and his wife. Soon they found space for

77

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalqm Language

establishing a school. Before Groves and his colleagues moved to Chittoor

Gunderthad already founded aschooland commenced missionary activities.

Grovesregarded thisaction as high-handed and the first strain in the relations

between the two began to surface. A year after his arrival to join Rhenius,

Gundert was in a position to open a church officially in Chittoor, with

sermons in Tamil. He made many missionary trips in the near and distant

partsof hisneighbourhood, something he had learnt from Rhenius. Wherever

he could manage, he founded new schools and found teachers to cope with

them.

From September 1, 1837 onwards Gundert was able, after years of

interruption, to resume writing his diary. His first entry here tells of the

opesing of an English-Telugu school. Three days later, Mrs. Groves opened

aschool for girls where they alsoreceived a free meal. This school waslooked

after by Julie Dubois. Again a day later, Gundert wrote in his diary: “I

commenced a familiarisation trip in the valley west of Chittoor, on the road

to Palmaner, and took Andrew and Vedamuttu along in a bullock-cart. First

we halted in Iruvaram , a village populated by the Telugu Rettis, apparently

rich people who would like to have a school. They were rather shy at first but

they later accepted books....From there I proceeded to a Paraya village at the

foot of the mountain behind Iruvaram. They were all Tamils. Since no one

here canread, I had, afew weeks earlier, offered to setup a school....They say

neither a definite Yes nor a definite No. I set myself down under a huge tree

and under which they had installed eight stone idols — round stones without

any human resemblance, of different sizes, between 15 and 60 centimetres

high, and anointed with oil. We had a lively discussion over these gods of

theirs and their antipathy to a living God.” (TM 5.9.37) This incident shows

that Gundert was not averse to contacts and gladly came to grips with the

customs and habits as well as with the religous traditions and village

conventions in order to interact with the people.

A few days later, Gundert set off from Chittoor in a southerly

direction: “Arrived at daybreak in Pallur near Bammasamudram, three

kilometres to the south. Accommodation on the road leading to Vellore.

Wentto the village and spoke to the villagers on the street—all Telugus, only

one canread — the others speak Tamil. They were rather scared too and have

no desire for a school....

About three in the afternoon — the sun was hidden by clouds —I went

with Andrew to a village to the west of the street and to the south of the large

pond of King Bamma,whose name the village and the valley now bear...The

Parayas would have very much liked to have a school but the higher-caste

villagers declined to have one after we delivered ourselves of the significant

78

Biography

message of the gospel.” (TM 8.9.37)

Obviously Gundert preferred to go out to the villages rather than

remain in Chittoor with Groves and his group. Life with Groves began to be

unsatisfactory. The spiritual interests and requirements of the two were too

different. In retrospect, Gundert wrote: Travel made me happier every

time....Rhenius to whom I continually turned for advice during my entire

novitiate, wrote to me quite a few times that if ever I came to the point of

leaving Groves (what he, like Parnell, foresees as unavoidable in the end), I

should honestly consider the fact that Sinduponturei would have the first

claim on me in the missionary field (this, he said, was due to the fact that

Smith, secretary of LMS in Madras had invited me to join the LMS. I had

earlier instructed some of his mission’s pupils in Hebrew and Greek, without

remuneration naturally, and so he knew me a little). “ (GM 10.2.39) For the

time being Gundert remained with Groves. The newness of his job

stimulated him a lot more than the thought that he could soon break off. He

improved his language in the course of his dealings with people. He could

now listen to and learn original Tamil and Telugu from people themselves.

It struck him how his vocabulary had developed so much into that of a

Christian and he realised what a deterrent this could be in a non-Christian

world. This experience influenced Gundert later in Malabar in compiling

material for his philological work out of purely native literature.

Gundert’s successes almost led to a conflict with Gorves and his wife.

Gundert worked, travelled, founded schools and soon won over people for

baptism while Groves could not even speak the local language. In his distress

he found in Mrs. Lascelles, a good comforter. She was also the one who drew

his attention to Julie Dubois. Gundert did not wait long to consider. He joined

Julie in matrimony. Now the break with Groves could not be long in coming.

On 23rd July, 1838, a week after their wedding the couple set outon the long,

dry, road towards Palayankottai. The circumstances there, however, were no

longer the same after the death of Rhenius as they had expected. Even while

journeying there they had gathered that they would not be welcome any more.

Without further ado, he changed his plans. He applied to the missionaries of

Mangalore for admission to their mission. At the same time, Moegling

invited Gundert to Mangalore. Gundert reports: “Now here I received an

invitation from the Basel Mission in Kanara to come to Mangalore. My

application and their call have crossed. On 8th September, with Mueller

back, I replied that I would be glad to accept their invitation but would,

nevertheless, prefer a Tamil station.” (GM 30.8.38). Gundert continued to

teach at the catechists' seminary for a few more weeks and worked on some

Tamil publications that Rhenius had begun, continued or completed them.

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Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

In Malayalam

On 1st October 1838, Julie’s birthday, the Gunderts set out for

Mangalore. On their journey they passed by a place where a few years later

Robert Caldwell (1814-1891) had started his mission in Edayengudi. Gundert

forged a close friendship with Caldwell later. Both of them demonstrated

similar interests and attitudes in their philologial work. As the Gunderts

approached the Aramboly pass, some twelve kilometres from Nagercoil,

they came upon what was for them a new landscape. Over thirty years before,

Ringeltaube had described this pass: “As we came over the mountain, a

magnificent view greeted our eyes—Ilush green overhanging ledges, cloud-

draped mountain, the hill, adorned with temples and castles, and other

picturesque scenes. A fineroad with huge banyan trees meanders through the

valley and adds much to the beauty of the place.” (C.M. Agur, a.a.0.,497).

In Nagercoil they halted for a while and then proceeded swiftly. “On 6th

October, tiring journey over Neyattingiri, the Tamil-Malayala (“mountain

country”) border point, so to speak, where we ate our midday meal, then to

Thiruvananthapuram, the capital of Travancore or Malayala-kingdoms. Till

Kuzhithurai one finds dense palmyra palms, from there onwards up the entire

west coast isa coconut forest. Sandy ground, evidently washed up by the sea,

from the capital there to Chetwa, the so-called backwaters, containing a

mixture of salt water and the sweet water from the mountain. The outer

stretch of coast is more or less a raised sandbank full of coconuts.” (GM

18.11.38) From Thiruvananthapuram they went by ship further to Anjengo,

where the British East India Company had established a trading presence in

1864, and then came to Kollam, the last station of LMS where they stayed at

missionary Thompson’s place: “On the evening of 12th October, we get into

Thompson’s cabin boat (here everything moveson backwaters), and, rowing

on found ourselves in Alappuzha in the moming. The CMS missions begin

here, with Norton, old man...Big church, organ.” (GM 18.11.38). Gundert

saw the most important towns of Kerala and the missionaries of LMS and

CMS on his way to Mangalore. His first impressions of spoken Malayalam

were in the south of Kerala: Personal connections with the south remained a

very important factor for Gundert.

Since there was no ship in Alappuzha bound for Mangalore, Gundert

took another boat over the backwaters. Along the way he also passed closely

by the CMS centre in Kottayam, where Benjamin Bailey had headed the

missions. This Kottayam lies in central Kerala and is an old cultural and

trading centre, in contrast to Kottayam —also called Kotiote-near Thalasseri

in Malabar, north Kerala. Gundert had already heard much of the southern

Kottayam while in Thiruvananthapuram: “Heard a lot about the missions of

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Biography

the country, how, for instance, the Syrian mission is now beginning to take

shape after the CMS has allegedly now broken off its brotherly connections

with (actually a subordinate of) the Syrian Church.” (GM 18.11.38)

The journey led Hermann and Julie Gundert through some of the most

beautiful and fertile regions of central Kerala: “Arrived on the morning of

18th October....in Kochi, the capital of the second kingdom. Here the

backwaters open themselves to the sea. Itis a fine port, and pretty deep. A lot

of shipbuilding activities here. One perceives almost a sense of European

energy and effortamong the Jews, Portuguese and Dutch half-castes working

here. On one of the ramparts of the Dutch fort (even now there are rows of

Dutch houses, Dutch and Portuguese languages spoken) is a house built in

Gothic style by missionary Ridsdale...I felt myself at home there and spent

two hours of the day playing on the organ-Haendel and whatever choral

compositons that appealed to me. He has a house and a church organ built

by himself with the help of local converts, and without other craftsmen. All

his children are talented, and the youngest, a two-and-half year old, plays

Haendel’s Halleluja.”(GM 18.11.38)

Kochi was to be doubly signigicant for Gundert later on. The first

youngsters for the boy’s school came from Kochi. They belonged to the first

Protestant Christians who grew into the Basel Mission church. On the other

hand, Gundert found old documents inscribed on copper plates in Kochi’s

synagogue while travelling to Kottayam in 1843. Finding the corresponding

Syrian inscriptions in Kottayam he was then able to decipher the Kochi

copper inscriptions on his return journey and explain them to Rabbi Samuel.

(vgl. QB, P. 137)

From the earliest of times Kochi laid claim to being the centre of the

Jewish community in Kerala. In comparison, the Syrian Thomas Christians

had long since found their religious and spiritual focal point in Kottayam.

The copper inscriptions go back to the beginnings of these settlers and are

written in the Hebraic, old Malayalee and Tamil scripts. Gundert summarised

the important findings here and published them in the Madras Journal of

Literature andScience (=MIJLS)., Vol XII, Parts 1,11, 1844/45,115-146. The

title alone-Translation and Analysis of the ancient documents engraved on

copper in possession of the Syrian Christians and Jews of Malabar — gave

away much of the background of the inscriptions. These documents are very

important for an understanding of the peaceful co-existence of different

religions in Kerala.

These inscriptions reflect the important role played by two towns

Anjuvanam and Manigramam — as well as other towns in which there were

early Christian settlers. Gundert’s precise knowledge of old Malayalam

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

literature facilitated a comprehensive depiction of the local characteristics

as well as of rulers of different times and places,shaped into a historically

coherent whole. Kodungallur, for instance, was explained by Gundert thus:

“Mahodever patnam, the old name of Codunrilur, normally Codungalur,

(probably from Sanskrit/Mahas, worship, feast). The written records of the

Jews, Christians, Brahmins and the Kerala Utpatti concur if they refer to

Codungalur as the residence of Perumal and the first starting point of

western navigation. The place is compared with the river port of

Tiruvanjikulam. A certain Cheraman Perumal considered it the best of the

eighteen existing river ports of Kerala and is said to have sailed therefrom

to Arabia(120). Manigramam presented Gundert with two facts. One was

that he saw a connection between Manigramam and the renowned Siva

disciple of Madurai, Manikkavasagar. Thereafter the Syrian Christian

families are believed to have been influenced by Manikkavasagar in

converting to Saiva-Siddhanta and setting up the village of Manigramam.

Secondly, the name could be connected to Mani, the founder of Manichaeism

(121).

The expression Cheraman world is explained by Gundert quite

clearly: “Cheraman is the name of the entire dynasty of Chera, or Keralarulers,

because both these names are one and the same thing. Kerala is simply the

Canarese pronunciation, as shown in the Deccan inscriptions of W Elliot in

which Chera s linked not with Pandya or Cholabut only with Kerala.” (125)

Anjuvannam was indentified by Gundert as clearly one of the place

names connected with an old Jewish or Syrian-Christian settlement (138).

Gundert established firmly that the copper inscription of Kochi was

older than both the Syrian ones of Kottayam. He writes: “This III Document

leads us toaperiod that differentiates itself clearly from the Syrian inscriptions.

The influence of Perumal extends over a large region. A Brahminical

hierarchy is not mentioned. The manner in which the year is planned is rather

peculiar and refers, perhaps, to a period in which important political and

religious changes took place. The Kerala Mahatmyam and the Kerala Utpatti

refer to a Buddhist king whose government they seek to degrade without

giving due credit to the great changes that took place under his rule, though

acknowledging such changes. This introduction and naturalisation of for-

eigners can be attributed less to a Brahminical government than to that of any

other.” (141).

Gundert’s findings have been supported by several researchers. The

copper inscription of Kochi is generally recognised as the oldest of its kind,

tracing its origins to the seventh or the beginning of the eighth century. The

Syrian inscriptions belong to the eighth and the beginning of the ninth

Biography

century, according to Burnell. {Vgl Logan I, 265) These inscriptions seem

tobelong toa period during which Malayalam split off from Tamil and began

tocome into its own as a language. These facts have been confirmed through

the Payyannur paattu. Indeed, a palm leaf handwriting — surely the only one

— can be found in the university library of Tuebingen. Gundert was

acquainted with this work and mentioned it in his English-Malayalam

dictionary. He described this handwriting in detail in the aforesaid journal

MILS, Vol XIII. This piece of work by Gundert has been quoted here as an

example of the oldest Malayalam literature in translation.

Payyannur village is situated about three kilometres south-east of

Kavai, with access to the sea. In Gundert’s time it was the northernmost

community of Chirakkal Taluk and thus the northernmost tip of Malabar.

The village is well known for its impressive temple dedicated to Lord

Subramanya and is believed to date back to the period of hero Parasu Rama.

Gundert referred to Payyanur paattu as “surely the oldest example of

Malayalam literary work that I have seen.” (Logan II, cclxiii)

The discovery of Syrian and Jewish copper plates on the one hand and

thatof Payyannur paattu, on the other, indicate, that right from the beginning,

Gundert had carried the Malayalam of entire Keralain his consciousness and

could therefore do justice to the language in all its nuances. This totality of

approach must have been one of the reasons why Gundert’s philological

work has been so appreciated to this day.

The Beginning in Thalasseri

Most of Hermann Gundert’s connections in Kerala were with

Thalasseri and the Nettur-Illukunnu hill (Bamboo Hill). And with good

reason. Nowhere in India did he live in one place for so long as in Thalasseri.

Gundert arrived here on 12th April 1839 and departed from Illikunnu on 21st

May 1849 to move to Chirakkal. The only interruption was when he went

home for vacation, leaving on 21st Novemeber 1845 and returning on 28th

February 1847.

Thalasseri has a long history and was closely allied to the interests of

the British East India Company. According to Logan, Thalasseri is the oldest

branch of the British East India Company on the coast of south-west India:

“The East India Company set up a branch in Thalasseri in 1683 to safeguard

its trading interests in pepper and cardamom. On different occasions between

1708 and 1761 the company was not only assigned land in and around

Thalasseri by the rulers of the Kolatiri family and other local rulers but also

honoured with important privileges such as the right within these estates to

levy customs duty or the right to administer justice.” (Logan II, cccvi).

Hamilton wrote in a report in 1727: “The place on which the trading branch

83

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

now stands belonged to the French;who had left the clay-built fort earlier.”

(Logan I, 345). While Hamilton wondered as to why the company had setup

a branch right in Thalasseri, Logan found an explanation: “Thalasseri lies

close to the fine pepper-growing areas of Kottayam and Randattara. And the

finest cardamom in the world grows in the region around the Periya pass,

leading to Wynad, and to which Thalasseri is the next place on the sea.”

(Logan I, 346). In October 1730 there were reports of an epidemic — cholera,

as Logan assumes (I, 216) — that carried off so many people that the

company had to consider giving up its activities.

With the taking over of the Dharmapatnam island, a little to the north

of Thalasseri, in 1734, the British East India Company stood on very

favourable ground. Since Thalasseri lies close to Make, it had repeatedly

figured contentiously indiscussion with the French. Hector Munro’sconquest

of the French fortifications in Malabar in 1761 put an end to years of dispute

and established the hegemony of the English.

Shortly thereafter, Haider Ali began to extend his sphere of influence

from Seringapatam, near Mysore. Ali Raja, the Islamic ruler of Kannur,used

this new development to turn against Kolatiri, the Hindu ruler in Chirakkal,

and invited Haider Ali to conquer Malabar. The English got scent of these

plans but were hardly able to defend themselves. In the beginning of 1766,

Haider Ali took Chirakkal, pushed further towards the south, and threatened

also the English settlement in Thalasseri. Many had already fled to escape

from the troops of Haider Ali. In the meantime, the situation had quietened

down but remained, nevertheless, menacing for Thalasseri. This was because

Haider Ali had found a firm ally in Ali Raja in Kannur and secure bases in

Palakkad where, in 1767, he had a fortress built, modelled on those of the

European ones. New clashes saw Thalasseri being cordoned off from the

hinterland from 1779 to 1782 and periodically cutt off from maritime traffic.

Circumstances changed for the better when Haider Ali’s army commander

Sirdar Khan and his troops were routed. He had to withdraw and also move

out of the Dharmapatnam island and the Nittur (Nettur) fortress. Haider Ali

died on 7th December 1782 and was succeeded by his son Tippu.

Tippu was ambitious. He wanted to reconquer Malabar and annex

Travancore itself. Various protective barriers were built in and around

Thalaserri and preventive steps taken for a possible siege. However, he

advanced towards Travancore. In fact, he was able to crossits borders but was

compelled to turn back in the face of the approaching monsoon. With thisturn

of events, Malabar was practically in English hands by the end of 1790. This

state of affairs was contractually resolved in 1792.

Before we come to Gundert and his arrival in Thalasseri, it would be

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Biography

interesting to examine his connections with Anjarakkandi and Nittur inbrief.

Anjarakandi lies on ariver of the same name. “In 1797, the British East India

Company established at this place, then known as Randattara, a plantation of

approximately 250 hectares for the cultivation of special produce such as

coffee, pepper, cinnamon, nutmeg, cassia, cotton, sugarcane and sandalwood,

and appointed Murdoch Brown as overseer and chief of the plantation.

Brown was a businessman in Mahe who, after the capture of the town in

1793, had entered the services of the company.” (Logan II, cclxix) The

plantation was ruined in 1803 through Pazhassi Raja’ s people and after its

restoration in 1817 was handed over to Murdoch Brown on a 99-year lease.

The Pazhassi Raja was driven out further and further into the forests of

Wynad till, in 1805, he had an encounter with English troops under T.H.

Baber. He was buried with honour in Manathavadi. Later Gundert got

together with Baber sometimes and learnt much about the land and its people

from him. Gundert mustalso have received many manuscripts materials from

g

him.

As already stated, in 1768, the people of Ali Raja of Kannur, who had

allied himself with Haider Ali, had to withdraw from Thalasseri, “driven out

of the bamboo fortress that they had built on the headland of Nittur, near the

border of Thalasseri on the other side of the Koduvalli river.” (Logan1,417).

The Nitwr fortress repeatedly served as a basis for transporting troops across.

On 9th January 1796 Nittur was removed from Thalasseri and went over to

English hands. Towards the end of the same year Nittur again came into

public focus when the negotiations between the East India Company and the

Pazhassi Raja broke down, tirggering years of unrest thereafter.

The ship carrying Gundert on his journey to Mangalore in October

1838 anchored at Thalasseri. But the passengers did not go ashore. As

Hermann and Julie Gundert arrived in Mangalore, they were warmly wel-

comed by Meogling and the other missionaries. Soon they were introduced

to their work. They learnt Canarese and set themselves their tasks.

From 24th January to 10th February 1839 Gundert undertook a trip

from Mangalore to Anjarakandi. He wanted to visit the catechist Michael,

who had once been instructed by Rhenius and sent to Anjarakandi four years

before at Brown’s request. Gundert went ashore in Kannur at sunrise on 25th

January and stopped with postmaster West. West was the son of an English

army officer. He had met Rhenius and trained under him as a relief catechist.

Gundert was warmly received into the family. On Sunday (27) Gundert

conducted a Tamil religious service after which he also met the catechist

Michael of Anjarakandi. Michel narrated the living conditions of the slaves

or wage-earnerson the plantations which Gundert duly projects in an account

of his journey: "These slaves belong to the lowest caste (far lower than

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Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

pariah). The atmosphere of uncleanliness extends 40 feet wide. Every Hindu

who comes within this area must take a bath before taking his meals. In a

progressive age they should never be called slaves. They receive wages

(enough for sustenance) but the deepest obsequiousess is demanded of the

menfolk, obtained through lashes, withdrawal of wages and other forms of

punishment. From a child that has leamt to walk to the oldest man —

everyone has his apportioned work.” (GM 24.1.-10.2.39). Catechist Michael

urged Gundert to pay him a visit

On 30th January Gundert left Kannur and rode on for five to six hours

towards Thalasseri in order to meet one of Brown’s sons. On meeting him

Gundert was invited to travel to Anjarakandi in his company. Gundert

utilised his free days to visit various Englishmen and to see the sights of the

town: “ I used the opportunity to establish contacts with local Christians and

natives who wished to be baptised. They had heard of a rumour to the effect

that I would be coming to settle down with them and were saddened when I

said that it would be out of the question.” (GM 24.1.-10.2.39) Gundert was

very happy notonly with his hosts, the judge Anderson and his wife, butalso

with the people of Thalasseri. The name of the place Thalasseri or

Tellicherry, as the English called it, is explained by Gundert thus: Talei head

and Tscheri living together, which means village, town. So called, because

arock in the shape of a head stretches out in the sea—around small inslands

and rocks.” (GM 10.2.39).

On 2nd February Brown and Gundert journeyed by boat to

Anajarakandi where they were received by some one hundred slaves and the

catechists. The days that followed saw Gundert conducting the Sunday

service, speak with the children who joined him and with the catechists. Early

Monday he left to return to Kannur. The effects of his visit in Anjarakandi

were, however, less gratifying: "since then I understand from a brief letter

from Michael that ever since I left, the persecution has been resumed more

vigorously and that the school and the church have been closed for the time

being.” (GM 10.2.39)

When Gundert returned to Mangalore he could no longer rid himself

of what he had gone through. Both he and his wife thought of the people in

Malabar. “We are very keen on missionary work among them but shall

consider the matter carefully — my wife and I have both the inclination and

the courage to work in Malayalam again. Here we have Moegling and his

affectionate ways to reckon with. He just wants to have me here although we

are eight in number here.” (GM 10.2.39) Nevertheless, it was Moegling who

in the light of a travel report by Gundert that he forwarded to Basle

recommended that the Basle Mission would do well to set up a station in

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Biography

Malabar and sent Gundert over there. In the meantime, Gundert had so

hardened his mind about Malabar that he could hardly imagine a refusal by

the Basle Mission committee: “In the event of a “No’ I will perhaps inquire

of the Travancore committee of LMS whether they would like to have the

pleasure of establishing a station near Mangalore (either in Thalasseri or in

Kannur) and then enrol me into their workforce or set me up there inde-

pendently so thatI may have the advantage of a German atmosphere close by.

But I feared that the Basle society would then get a bad name in India if they

worked against an already publicised resolution of their general conference.”

(GM 10.2.39).

With what enthusiasm Gundert and Moegling went about their work

is reflected in a letter they both wrote to their friend Oehler in Basle.

Moegling wrote in his part: “Do you know something, dear brother, pack

your books and papers, book a seat on the fast train to Marseille and get on

board the next steamer to Alexandria. In six weeks you will then be amongst

your old brethren in India on the threshold of a world of research, at the centre

of a growing mission, under a warm sky and in a pure air, where your sick

heart could heal itself. How often have we not already thought about you.

You should immerse yourself in the extraordinary treasures of Indian

philosophy and mythology and create a deep fund of knowledge so that busy

and restless people like us could have access to it and be able to utilise it for

our purpose with ease.” (GM 16.2.39).

The circumstances shaped themselves so favourably that all doubts

about a future mission station vanished. “On 27th February, shortly after

receiving news of Blumhardt’s death, we receive a letter from Strange, a

judge in Thalasseri, whereby he bequeathes his house to our mission as a gift.

It will now soon be decided that Br. Dehlinger and I should starta Malayalam

mission there.” (GM 17.3.39).

With this outlook Gundert’s former aspirations found a definite

objective. He remembered his departure for India: “As I left Stuttgart and in

a night full of quiet tears came deeper and deeper to the realisation that I

would not return according to my own wishes but that rather I had delivered

myself now in the hands of a power that would run according to its own

calculations that flesh can scarcely bear, I could hardly bear the thought I

would no longer be able to recompense for all my loveless undertakings,

between 1814-35.” (GM 17.3.39). We repeatedly observe in Gundert’s life

that events glide smoothly into one another, like wheels meshing into their

respective gears.

In 1852 Illikunnu was registered in the records of the Basle Mission

(today in the archives of the Basle Mission) and its property conditions duly

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Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

noted. It is stated there:

“1. Mission’s compound in Nettur. Place: Nettur

Name: Hlikunnu

Date of receipt: Ist March 1839

Giver: Thomas Lumsden Strange Esq

Handing over: from 1839-1850. Rs. 17.11 (as).2(p), since 1851 only

Rs.13.11 (as).2(p)

i

Documents: Gift deed signed by Mr Strange and three witnesses but

not authenticated by authorities.

Seven deeds of purchase for individual parts of the compound

purchased by Mr Strange from several natives and merged in the present

compound.

The mission’s campus consists of an approximately 4-acre large hill,

that drops steeply against the south and the west, against the north and the

east, but gently slopes into somewhat deeper ground with the neighbours. On

the southern border flows a small river governed by the tides, hence

containing only salt water. The reclaimed part of the compound is for the

most partoccupied by young coconut trees, about 700 in number, with coffee,

mango and plantain trees. The older coconut trees, the ones that bear fruit, are

only around 80. A small vegetable garden and three good wells dug by the

giver of the house are also situated in the compound.

The mission house comprising the kitchen, the schoolhouse and the

earlier girls school, now printing works, bindery and weaving mill are

situated on the south-west side of the hill. On the southern border of the

compound, along the river, three native houses inhabited by parishioners, a

fourth lies on the northern border in which one of our people lives. The stable

and the chicken-coop are situated on the eastern border. Except for the

school, the printing works and the 4 native houses, everything has been built

by Mr Strange. The roof of the mission house isin bad condition and is only

temporary. It therefore needs constant repairs.” Apart from the stated

additions, Gundert entered the compound just as Strange had furnished it.

Gundert was sent to Thalasseri at the end of March to ascertain the

conditions on Nettur hill as well as Illikunnu: “On the 20th I again departed

by sea for Thalasseri where I arrived the next day. The station’s conference

sent me there to gather all necessary information for the approaching general

conference and to take possession of the house. I was also to attend to matters

like equipping the house with necessary furniture and ensuring that all

gadgets were in working condition. The house lies on a friendly hill, and

commands a view of the open sea. It is more than a half hour’s distance from

the town but all the more close to those inhabitants who live in the interior.

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Biography

In Anjarakandi, for instance.” (GM 8.4.39).

The general conference was pleased with Gundert’s familiarisation

trip and decided that Gundert and his wife as well as missionary Dehlinger

should be promptly sent to Thalasseri. They arrived there on the afternoon

of 12th April 1839 in a Pattimar and made themselves at home. Soon they

established contact with the people of Thalasseri. Six days after their arrival,

Gundert’s son Hermann was bomn. Dehlinger took ill after a few days and had

to leave Illikunnu in early May for good. The Gunderts remained till

September 1840, the only missionaries of the Basle Mission in Malabar.

The question of Gundert’s ordination was dealt with by Gundert

himself who addressed the committee thus: “On the question of ordination

I have my reply—I have not been ordained. I am not shy to admit that —in

Oetinger’s sense—see myself more as a schoolmaster than as an apostle and

would gladly remain as I am. An ordination before going out into the world

would undoubtedly have strengthened me and, perhaps, acted as a recom-

mendation in circles of local employment or particularly so at the Thalasseri

station. Such an act can only—as with conditions at English stations—erode

the basis of the priestly functions performed hitherto. And it would be of little

use to me as I expect little therefrom. But if you would like to see me as

ordained, may I propose that the dear inspector from our Wuerttemberg’s

church authority kindly arrange an ordination certificate for me as a sign of

trust and continual connection with the church in which I have been born and

suckled. This would be really appreciated.” (GB 20.1.41). The matter rested

there.

Malabar becomes home

Gundert dedicated himself intensively to the study of languages and

literature and familiarised himself rapidly with the national law, local cus-

toms and conventions, and the habits of the people: “Through the summer of

1839 I was mostly occupied with the language, and Tamil, I observed, had

alot to do with Sanskrit due to the disproportionate devotion of Brahmindom

to the language. As a consequence, I resumed my interest in Sanskrit which

I had begun in Tuebingen, then prompted by Bengali. In August and

September I began to preach in the bazaar in order to make myself known.

But the cries of the urchins and the Mappilas (Mohammedan colonialists in

Kerala who dominate the whole bazaar, the real Jews of this coast) made me

tire of this form of preaching and decided to find a better place and occasion.

I could hardly be heard over the din of the market-place.” (GM 20.3.41).

The beginning in Thalasseri was characteristic of Gundert. He did not

try to impose himself on people but sought to establish contacts with

whatever means was readily available. So he followed the trail of missionary

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Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Spring who had left Thalasseri in 1826 (1823?) and returned to Europe.

Spring had established a school and appointed Baptiste as teacher. Baptiste

wasrecommended by missionary Schwartz in Thanjavur. Gundertcarried on

with this English school and then opened Malayalam schools in Illikkunnu

and other places. Further, Spring had made a beginning with a Malayalam

grammar and had also translated a part of the New Testament into Malayalam.

This established the basis for an independent translation of the Bible in

Thalasseri. More about Gundert’s translation of the Bible will follow.

Within a short period Gundert seemed to have made a name for

himself among the Englishmen and the native people. Gundert’s manuscript

giving a detailed commentary on the Kerala Utpatti makes a mention of the

names Baber and Putucheri. Baber must have been none other than the former

Sub-Collector and the conqueror of Pazhassi Raja. The name Putucheri

suggests a native. Gundert cultivated extensive contacts with people from all

levels of society. At times, Gundert had five Munshis or teachers to instruct

him in all known Malayalam and Sanskrit sciences. He travelled at least once

amonth to a place in the surrounding region. He was thus able to learn much

from the people’s behaviour and their talk. He collected whatever he could

find for his literary work. And in all that he did, he displayed great simplicity

and modesty.

.Gundert found his house in Illikunnu too large and lavish. He decided

to exchange his bungalow for a house on the market square in Thalasseri and

live in harmony there with his wife and Moegling: “there under the buggy-

like house in front of which stands a huge fruit tree.” (CT, 67). “In the

meantime, we gathered quite a few orphan girls, opened a day-school for

educating local Catholic and other girls, and moved into the fort, among

Portuguese people due to the distance from the house (October 39). The day-

school came up very well. Attendance was more regular.” (GM 20.3.41).

Gundert was closer to the people in the bazar and could live through the

experiences of the locals in an intimate way. Nevertheless, Gundert had to

return to Illikunnu in early December, 1841, as the climate there was

decidedly more beneficial to him.

After a year of missionary work Gundert baptised the first Protestant

Christian of the Basle Mission in Malabar. Her name was Manni and the

occasion raised much hope: “The Lord gives me particular joy in Manni, a

woman of the Tiya caste or of the coconut farmers and a former concubine

of an English officer, who has left her two children and her money behind.

Her daughter, Mrs. Schmidt, is a widow and lives with her children and their

grandmother close to our house. This woman has a good reputation in the

whole of Thalasseri and it is noteworthy that her youth was spent with the

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Biography

Englishman who was the best of all in Thalasseri and during which an Englsih

religion was not widely known. After the departure of the English father, the

Tiya elders desired that her children should be brought up in the Tiya caste

but she did not do so. In fact, she handed over the daughter to the first priest

who came to Thalasseri, chaplain Spring, who was to bring up while her son

was being brought up at the Madras orphanage. The daughter has had a good

upbringing (reads English, Portuguese and Malayalam equally well, a

miracle here) and has had good exposure to Christianity although she herself

1s not a convert. During a serious illness several months before, Manni was

pressed to pray to a united God without further ado. The world seemed so

opposed to her that she sometimes wondered whether she could talk a sanyasi

into taking her along into the loneliness. Only a few months later did we move

from Strange’s house into her neighbourhood. Since her daughter had earlier

come to read the Portuguese Bible with my wife, she expressed a desire that

her mother should be similarly instructed. Since January she hasbeen coming

regularly now.” (GB 19.3.40). Gundert wrote in his diary: “Easter. Manni,

Tiatti, (baptised) with the name Hannah.” (TM 19.4.40).

Gundert enjoyed better health in Illikunnu and Thalasseri than in

earlier times. He looked after his health carefully and when ill, ensured a

change of place as a rule. On such occasions he realised how well known he

was. When he moved to another place, the people followed him: “On 5th

September 1841, a Sunday, along feverishness confined me to bed, or at least

was beginning to. For the next three days I retired to a bungalow in

Kuttuparambu as 1 could not bear the noise and the crowds in our house. I

could not, however, remain hidden. The people were all over the place here

E

too. So I returned to Thalasseri earlier than planned and took up the offer of

Mrs.Anderson to stay at her house on the seashore. The rest benefited me

greatly. My nerves were calmer and my blood cooler. The Andersons have

now finished their service. Mr Anderson goes back to Europe in two months

and has already withdrawn from active duties. To be seen enjoying such

E

familiarity with a highly placed official was of no great importance. Were he

still in office, my subsequent visits may have had to be atoned for by handling

|

all kinds of petitions from the natives for employment etc.” (GM 19.9.41).

Hearing news now and then about hishealth, Gundert’s father worried

about him. Gundert could console him that he had enough medicinal

preparations that he could apply: “Dear father, it pains me to think that you

have begun to worry about my health. I can safely state that I am now in a

[

better physical condition than during the entire summer that I spent in

Wuerttemberg. That the climate sometimes affects one is understandable.

But I am more careful than, for instance, in Chittoor and use medicines to

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Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

somewhat hold me down well.... Unusual exertions, night-watch, move-

ments and things of the kind affect me far less than the monotonous but

regular life led at home. The heat itself has never made me less capable. In

Chittoor I suffered from a liver complaint and from a suppressed fever right

through the year, which also drained me in Thalasseri. I relapsed last summer,

given the miserable and airless house we lived in. Ever since I live on the hill

(early December) I have retained my cheerfulness, nurtured by Nilagiri.”

(GM 3.4.42).

Gundert did not confine his work to the literary and theological fields

alone, rather he combined it also with a missionary strategy. It was clear to

him at the outset that the Basle Mission should extend to Kannur in the north

and to Kozhikode in the south and finally to Palakkad. He waited for a suitable

opportunity to realise his objective. He made a monthly trip to Kannur while

he waited for a request from Anjarakandi praying for a visit. This did come

to pass and Gundert began to visit the plantation regularly from February

1840 onwards. At the end of August of the same year Gundert baptised six

new Christians.

Looking after schools was in the beginning a firm element of the

Gunderts’ family life. The entries in the diary showed unmistakable signs of

the Rheniusian influence: “We rise at six in the morning, wash the children,

revise their lessons in every way and at six is the morning prayer in

Malayalam. Here six or seven children who are better prepared recite their

lessons (verses of the previous chapter) and briefly recapitulate the contents

of what has been read yesterday. Then a whole new or a half chapter would

be read, combined with explanations, applications and personal references.

Prayers in conclusion, breakfast.... (our planted) coffee (several beans from

one of the trees near our house) and bread (not expensive) with butter (that

since 1836 I cannot stand any more) and fruits (now mangoes,

bananas....pineapples, all presents. Then (8 o’clock) I have my youngsters,

schoolmaster etc. and read Pauline letters. They have to recite lessons and

learn the context as well as historic and geographic denotations. At nine, we

have girls coming from the town, Portuguese, Anglo-Indians, Catholic

Konkanis from Goa, Parsis and Malayalees, twenty six altogether, to learn

the Bible from my wife, till twelve. They also learn writing, arithmetic,

history and geography. From two to five in the afternoon they are mostly

engaged in feminine work. Meanwhile, I have my Munshi who along with

my lessons also teaches Sanskrit grammar to the older boys. He goes through

my readied translations or those of the young Tirunelveli Christians or letters.

My reading is interrupted when I have to check on boys who learn under one

of the Christian masters or when I have to go on visits to the big Malayalam

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Biography

school (50) or when I have to receive native visitors:

Lunch at one o’clock; the children-boys on one side and girls on the

other-on the ground, we at the table in the centre: they eat rice with curry

(meat or fruits cooked in tasty sauce), we the usual soup and rice and curry

(we often receive meat as gifts, pieces of pork, mutton, venison, hare’s meat-

that is then extra, rice and curry are thus never dispensable) and fruits. Wine

at times, also sometimes as gifts (received 4 dozen Bouteille bottles from

Harris for receiving guests the last time). From two o’clock onwards we are

busy teaching boys and girls, especially those are ready for baptism or

Communion. At six, we take a stroll with the children along the seashore,

with the little prince (Hermann Gundert junior) romping around in the sand,

walking into the waters till they are up to his stomach in the rising wave and

having a good time. Nothing is more fun for him than having a bath in the sea.

On very hot days I took a bath after sunset. Atseven o’clock itis teatime, with

bread and fruits. Then evening prayer, where people from town are also

present, some thirty in number including children, singing (have myself

composed some twenty songsin German tune), New Testament, explanations,

prayer, then sitting by the light, I read and write letters, my wife and the girls

working or playing with the children if they are not yet alseep. -Clothes?

Everything cotton, trousers (except for visiting) from coloured Indian

material, white coats, with a straw hat, shoes, comfortable and inexpensive.”

(GM 20.5.40).

Soon Gundert realised that he could not cope with the work all alone.

He therefore invited missionary Hebich to come to Kannur for a few months

and look after the parish there: “A lot of complaints and gossip are directed

at Br. West (postmaster, former friend of Rhenius and Groves), from him to

chaplain Lugard, from him towards me. [t wasmiserable! I invited Br.Hebich,

particularly before Lugard’s departure (he has since been called to

Vishakapatnam) to Kannur so that he could freely use his talents for pulling

down barriers, restore confidence, unite warring factions and bring order in

general. Since the Mangalore brothers also wished at the same time that Br.

Hebich should take a look at the Anjarakandi plantation and bring something

from there for common use, he set out accordingly and touched Thalasseri

(2nd July) from where he also managed work for Kannur. What the good

Lord did there through him (in two months), how he regulates the parish

where he also managed to receive a small church house and a school house

as gifts for the community and other matters can best be described by his own

self.” (GM 14.9.40) Obviously Hebich so liked the place that he moved to

Kannur in 1841 and remained there for nearly twenty years, making exten-

sive trips now and then from here. Gundert made it a point to pay repeated

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

visits to Kozhikode which, in 1842, was overlooked by Thalasseri in not

sending a missionary there.

Malayalam works

Beside his studies, missionary activitiesand organisation work Gundert

brought his first Malayalam publications into the limelight. Just about a year

after his arrival he had translated twenty songs from German into Malayalam.

He surprised the new Christians at the Christmas celebrations of 1840 with

thirty new songs. While testing the newly installed lithographic press in

March and April 1842 in Mangalore he printed fifty Malayalam songs. His

Hundred Malayalam Songs appeared the same year. The Malayalam songs

written and translated by Gundert turned to more than two hundred songs in

a Malayalam songbook that appeared later and remains an important part of

the songbook of the Basle Mission Christians till today.

Gundert dealt with the history and geography of Kerala thoroughly.

He worked on his distinctive work, the Kerala Utpatti, during 1839 and 1840

and published it in 1843 in Mangalore. Although the work does not provide

any precise historic or geographic knowledge, it does present a form of sacred

writing that portrays the legendary and mythological origins of Kerala. It was

this aspect that raised the Kerala Utpatti to its high esteem in the public eye.

To a people living under alien rule, it brought back a sense of self-

consciousness and gave a significant impetus to the freedom movement of

the Keralites.

Just two months after his arrival in Thalasseri Gundert reported to

Basle that he had, with the help of a native teacher, compiled a book on

Malayalam grammar and that he would complete the syntax in the next few

months. In the middle of November 1839 he stated that the syntax had been

successfully brought to an end. Gundert continued to improve the grammar,

expressed in numerous additions and footnotes on those respective pages. He

prepared a fair copy incorporating these additions and had this grammar

copied by the teacher Margarete Will for Weigle. Gundert now improved on

his own fair copies and continued to do so till at least the late fifties. All three

versions of this grammar can now be found in the University library of

Tuebingen, with the exceptions of the last pages of Gundert’s fair copy with

additions. This Malayalam grammar book originally concerned itself with

comparative grammar, that of English with Tamil, Telugu, Canarese, and

Malayalam as well as with that of Sanskrit. In the first version Gundert quite

frequently gives the corresponding words in Greek and Latin, in isolated

cases, also in Hebraic. These are missing in the completed fair copy and in

the Wills’ copy.

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Biography

Out of this Malayalam grammar in English—original grammar—

Gundert prepared his entire Malayalam grammar in Malayalam and pub-

lished it under the title Malayala bhasha Vyakaranam in 1851 in Thalasseri.

Admittedly, it was an incomplete version in as much as the syntax, to a large

extent, was missing: “The work contains Malayalam grammar in Malayalam

that are excerpts from an earlier version of a detailed grammar of the

language written in English. This work will also be of value for a revision of

the Bible in so far as all rules and instances therein are provided by the native

writers. The usual syntax of the Europeans has, from the point of view of the

provincial usage listened to, rather limited use.” (GM 30.6.50). The second

edition in 1868 was complete in this respect. It underwent changes made by

Ernst Diez. It was subject to English headlines and some additions. This

grammar represents a simplification in comparison with the original one.

A further simplification of the original grammar was carried out by

Gundert in his Malayalam school grammar Vyakarana codyattaramor First

Catechism of a Malayalam Grammar that appeared as a manuscriptin 1851

and was published in 1860. At this time Gundert was no longer in India. His

successor, school inspector L. Garthwaite, revised the school grammar many

times and also brought out an English translation thereof.

Intermsof the history of the language Gundert’s Malayalam ©rammar

presents an unusual feature. The first draft of 1839 combines two points of

view: One is the pure grammatical. The historical and the lexicographic is the

other. Gundert had put out extensive collections from the original, thus non-

Christian, Malayalam literature and cited them as examples for grammatical

rules, partly assigning meanings to them. Constant additions and revisions

finally made Gundert’s English-Malayalam Grammar so complex that till

this day it has not been characterised and taken into account in linguistic

research. His Malayalam Grammar in Malayalam is a simplification of this

hand-written English version. The school grammar that he compiled for the

Government was simplified further. It would be interesting to examine the

changes that Gundert was able to implement in Malayalam rammar during

the given period and how the English translation of Garthwaite stands in

relation to the original Malaylalam Grammar in English.

Gundertcombined his grammatical sutdies with studies of the alphabet.

He established the fact that the Brahmins partially used another alphabet than

that used by the rest of the Hindus. The Mappilas had their own sounds and

correspondingly applied other alphabetical signs. There were alsodifferences

between the hilly regions and the coastal areas, between the north and the

south. Gundert gathered numerous comparative lists of alphabets and out of

which he found a way to create a uniform set for writing. His studies of the

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Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

alphabet have been appreciated to this day.

His collections from Malayalam literature were, from quite early

stages, extensive and he wanted to soon work on them to compile a

dictionary. Bailey forestalled him in Kottayam and Gundert laid his plans

aside. The collections grew in the course of the year and then a happy

circumstance intervened. While proceeding home in 1859 he touched

Bombay where the Jesuits and the Carmelites presented him with an old

Malayalam-Portuguese dictionary. Out of this comprehensive material was

born A Malayalam and English Dictionary that was published in 1872 in

Mangalore. Logan writes on Gundert’s work in his book Malabar: “The

enormous enthusiasm for work, the research involved, and the capability

reflected in his published work of 1872 are, above all, worthy of praise. It

has secured, as Mr. Ellis foresaw, for the inquirer new and credible explana-

tions for matters that were mysterious and doubtful hitherto. There is hardly

a page in this work that in one way or the other does not reflect the authority

or explanations of Dr. Gundert’s work and erudition.” (Logan 1, 105)

Right from the beginning Gundert had the desire to translate the Bible

into Malayalam. However, since the missionary Benjamin Bailey had quite

advanced in preparing a Malayalam translation—based on English mainly—

Gundert postponed his own intention. Yet he sought to narrate the creative

process in a manner retold and to so shape it that the people of Malabar could

easily understand it. He therefore took the Hebraic original text as well as the

apocryphal and the Indian texts and worked on them to produce a long

treatise which he submitted to the Basle Mission in September 1840 for

approval. The reply from Basle was discouraging. It was criticised on

account of its apocryphal and mythological content. Luckily, the treatise had

already been printed and published, making any retraction impossible.

Gundert worked on further treatises and a faithful account of the Hebraic text.

However, an opportunity to make a beginning towards creating an under-

standable protestant theology in India was thus lost. Surely notevery country

can create its own creed. But just as once the pure monotheism of Judaism

changed after coming into contact with the polytheism of the Greeks to lead

to anew doctrine of the trinity of God, so should it in India arrive at a new

version of the dogma if western Christianity is not to turn itself into

theological imperialism. Gundert’s approach was significant and is even

today worth thinking about. Gundert worked on various themes. In his

treatises his labour ranged from the creation till David, giving them the

collective heading Satyaveda itihasa (Epic of true religion).

Hisearliest translation of an old Testament book was the Song of Songs

(1843). In the same year he also had a book on the Gospel in Malayalam

96

| Biography

ready.In 1843 Gundert visited Kottayam and wanted to negotiate with Bailey

over a joint translation of the Bible and a possible revision thereof. They

came to no agreement. So Gundert began to seriously think of a Bible

translation whose sources could form a firm basis for the future. He worked

on the guidelines for such a translation during his silent period that began in

1849 in Chirakkal. After receiving approval from the Basle committee he

next translated the New Testament which appeared in its completed version

in 1856. Then followed books of poems (1857), the psalms (1880) and the

prophets (1886). Gundert had thus worked on the entire Bible either in the

form of treatises or in the form of translations.

- Gundert then brought out, for the first time, Malaylam translations of

P . RRD R N + — ETEN . rat’ s PP

Zellier’s book of quotations Divine answers to human questions (1843). He

worked on it further, producing Zeller's Catechism, which was the first toroll

outof the newly installed pressin Illikunnu towards the end of 1845, shortly

before he went home on vacations for over a year. He tranlslated

Wauerttemberg’s confirmation booklet into Malayalam in 1853, for the first

candidates for comfirmtion after his so-called silent period. There have been

:

several editions of this publication till now.

Institute for boys and girls

Beside translation work Gundert busied himself with schools and

with the institute for boys and girls that at first was integrated into the

Gundert household but which later, with the passage of time, emerged

independent. The indications for individual schools and the insititute were

at the beginning rather unsteady: boys’ and girls’ school, boys’ and girls’

institute, sometimes also Malayalam free school or boarding school. The

S e e AR R i SR g SN o B e

girls’ institute in Illikunnu began with three Portuguese orphans handed over

by chaplain Lugard of Cannanore: “Three Portuguese orphans, Franzisca

and Arabella Caldera (grandchild of John Fogoul), have been brought to the

girls school through Lugard.” (TM 1.7.39). Three weeks later postmaster

West of Cannanore brought some more girls from Coimbatore: “Two

Portuguese girls, Nestis and Catharina have been taken out of the girls' school

in Coimbatore (Addis) and handed over to us.” (TM 22.7.39).

The girls' school lay largely in the area of Julie Gundert’s responsibil-

ity. Gundert took over the educational perspective of the institute as far as

possible. The Institute attained a certain level of financial independence

through the port master of Thalasseri, Brennen, who enrolled his daughter

R - R R e e R e

Flora at the institute and paid her fees: “Brennen’s nine-year old daughter

Flora has been admitted as a boarder, born 1st June 1830 of a Tiatti.” (TM

18.8.39). Writing to Dehlinger, who had developed a friendship with

97

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Brennen during his sojourn

in Illikunnu, Gundert stated: “Brennen’s

illegitimate daughter Flora has become a boarder with us (since 18th

August). (GM approx. 15.9.39). This 18th August 1839 can be regarded as

the date of foundation of the girls' institute. Flora Brennen remained at the

institute till the end of 1841. She took ill and was taken by Miss Hale to

Ootacamund where she died on 10th May 1847.

Beside Brennen’s contribution, the girls’ institute was further fi-

nancially assisted through a Swiss grant made by the Buechels of the Basle

Mission. Thisamounted to Rs 254 in November of the first year and of which

Gundert appropriated a part for the institute: “The cost of running the girls’

institute, which is nearly Rs.97, will be shown by us to the donor as paid

herefrom (the Swiss grant). We regard this as proper and will in the future also

hope to finance the girls’ school from this source.” ( Report 15.11.39).

The main principle of the girls' institute lay in that only children who

had neither parents nor relatives would be admitted to the institute. The

problems caused by close relatives led to the forming of such a rule.

Therefore the education of girls and their emancipation had to have an

objective: “The girls’ institute, which Gundert was instructed to open in

Thalasseri, now has eight girls and of which seven are orphans. We had ten

some time ago but the parents took them back for differentreasons. We would

not like to hinder this either but seek above all to get children who have no

one to claim them. The four older ones have learnt to do lace work so that they

can thus also earn their maintenance here. Elisa and Franzisca give us much

pleasure through their contributions and knowledge of the Bible. The

youngest learn Malayalam with Gnanamuttu, the older with Mrs Gundert.”

(GB 15.11.39). Gnanamuttu was a catechist trained by Rhenius. He had

followed Gundert to Chittoor and then to the west coast.

Even during their training period the girls contributed to the main-

tenance of the school. Gundert wrote: “Any of the Nagercoil or Thalasseri

girls who has learnt lace work is immediately in a position to feed her entire

family. Our school has earned hundreds of rupees through this lace work.

Knitting is also good when one can find a customer. Sewing is imperative

if one can make appealing clothes for demure ladies, well brought up, and

introduce them, say, on the west coast. The idle young women would rather

go about in loose clothes wound round them, not clothes that demand a lot

of work. The tailors are men, it is true; but it would be helpful to be able to

shake such hard-bred habits of caste. The hundreds of Christians in Tamil

Nadu who wear coats extending upto the knee, like the catechists, would

rather have them made by their womenfolk than by the tailors. If one can

98

Biography

get the women to also wash them it would be even better. Now everything

goes to the people of the washerman’s class or caste, making it difficult for

the newly converted Christians. The women have to, of course, cook and look

after the children. Should it take all of their time?” (GB 16.245).

The girls' institute was not an isolated institution. It was also attended

during the day by girls from out of town. Julie Gundert’s working and

teaching methods were at the same time also missionary methods. Whether

it was making lace, crocheting, mending or knitting, she could come so close

toeach and every girl that apart from the work concerned she could also have

a personal conversation with her. She could also sense the personal thoughts

of the girl and direct them accordingly. Readings were from the Bible, from

treatises, and from devotional Christian works: “My wife

veese

has eight girls

in the boarding school, orphans; they hardly leave our side and learn to make

lace, in particular, along with other feminine work. Making lace is a‘line of

business in India. A girls” school is conducted in the veranda from nine till

twelve in the mornings and from two to five in the afternoons. This is

attended by Portuguese, Konkani (from Goa), and other Catholic girlsas well

as native girls from elsewhere—also six Parsi girls, they learn Bible reading,

writing, arithmetic (also on two days old geography with Mrs.Harris) and

feminine work every afternoon, partly with reading. This work is more than

enough for my wife since she has also to look after some twenty children in

the house, taking much of her time.” (GM 19.2.40)

Like orphans girls, orphan boys alsoare admitted, findin ganew home

in Ilikunnu. The first such boys came from Kochi, the government seat of

central Travancore. They brought with them the traditions of an old Chris-

tianity and were familiar with the cosmopolitan atmosphere of India’s south-

west coast that was exposed to foreign influences. Gundert’s linguistic

development was considerably enriched thereby. Barely a few months after

opening the girls' institute, the 24th of October 1839 saw the setting up of

a boys, institute as well:

“Arrived in Kochi:

1

Thomas, son of Varki, merchant, Valiaparambu, N.of a Kochi-

Nazarani, 13 years old,

2

Domingo, son of Avara, merchant, Madattiparamba, Nazarani, 12

years old,

3

Mattu, Son of Varki, rice merchant, Maracamvidu, N azarani, 11 years

old,

Vaitchem, son of Domingo, (merchant (no:fisher), cast of Kochi

Nazarani (?), 10 years old,

Barid, father’s name the same, (cook), Nazaran'i,' 10 years old,

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

6

Tom (learnt English on board a ship of Capt.Loverdi), 8 yéars

(son of a Palakkad-Maitri, deceased), heathen.” (TM 24.10.39).

The term Nasarani denotes Thomas Christians/Syrian Christians.

Gundert’s report of November 1839 spoke of more boys being

admitted: “Seven orphans, partly Syrian, partly Syrian-Roman, have been

brought from Kochi through Mr. Harris. Since I have nothing to do with

Malayalam school work they have been kept here for test lessons and are

learning the rudiments from Gnanamuttu. They are well behaved but differ

in their talents. The best among them will, perhaps, complete their sutdies in

Mangalore.” (GB 15.11.39). The difference between a report and a diary is

reflected in the following: “The Harris couple arrived here from Kochi. With

them came a Portuguese girl called Rosina, seven years old, and Moses, two

years old. They have been handed over to the Mission.” (TM 21.10.39). The

Moses mentioned here was a Nasarani. The boys attached themselves

closely to Gundert. More boys followed in the year thereafter and of whom

he mentioned Mattu Pedro and “Rama, eleven years old, son of a Chetti

(merchant), orphan” (TM 5.6.1840).

Gundert paid particular attention to Mattu Pedro: “On the 15th of this

month our best lad, Mattu Pedro, also a Kochi-Nazarani, has joined us. Since

about a month I have given him daily instructions in Malayalam translated

from Tamil. He handed me a paper with something written on it. It was in a

child-like style, written in crude but bold lettes and carries a request. It was

that after receiving so much instruction on the love of Christ he should now

be told how he could begin to love Christ again and how he was to call after

him. Ah! he said, you should have mercy on me and give me good advice.

When I turned towards him I saw that his eyes were full of tears and there was

anxiety written over his face. I told him how the sick found their way to the

Saviour through the gospel and that the only thing to be thought about was

whether his distress was really so great that he needed such a great Redeemer.

This led him to a confession of his sins, naming pride, to which he was often

led in temptation not merely out of an acquired knowledge but out of his

natural goodness and kindness. Also he did not wish to take sides when he

uncovered the sins of his companions. I prayed for him then and ever since

and have good hopes that the Lord will make use of him for our work (isa

fourteen-yearold).” (GB 20.1.1841). People camerepeatedly to Gundertand

confided in him. (Vgl. under An outline of the History of Thalasseri station).

He dedicated himself to the Nasaranis considerably: “My work has been

divided into two branches-1. The Nasarani orphans who are closely attached

to me, and 2. The English school.” (GM 19.2.40).

100

Biography

Social change

The girls got married as soon as they came of age. The first was

Martha who wed Chinnappen, the supervisor at the boys’ institution.

“Schoolmaster Chinnappen, who came with me from Tirunelveli, left

missionary service in Mangalore due to a relative (December 1838) and

whom I readmitted on his urgent request (1st July). I have sent him on a three

months’ apprenticeship to Anjarakandi where he has familiarised himself

with Malayalam schoolwork under catechist Michael.” (GB -15.11.39).

Martha was a Portuguese orphan girl and one of the first three girls of the

girls’ institute. She was the “daughter of tailor David and a Tiatti (Cannanore).”

(TM 29.4.40). They both moved out after their marriage and established their

own household. Chinnappen continued to teach, however: Chinnappen is

‘from six to one and from two to seven-thirty quite occupied with the boys,

goes with them for washing and bathing, evenings along the seashore etc.,

and teaches them Malayalam, reading, writing, arithmetic, listens to their

catechism and so on.” (GM 14.-17.9.40) Chinnappen and Martha had their

oldestdaughter Rosa baptised by Gundert. They “give usreal pleasure.” (GM

.

20.4.41).

This marriage was a pointer to the missionary work of Gundert and his

wife. If the Christians were young, the castes to which they had earlier

belonged were not taken into consideration. The completely different

backgrounds of the boys and girls did not admit considerations of caste. This

fitted in very well with the religious attitude of Gundert and the rest of the

Basle missionaries. Anglo-Indians and Indo-Portuguese people were again

completely integrated into the Indian population. An understanding of the

ways of the world and missionary principles, people of different origins and

the quest for a tolerably good future—all these meshed with one another to

create a new social level of consciousness.

hode? = N g L AP

While with Rhenius in Tirunelveli (1836), Gundert saw that the

Indian custom separated men and women when they ate. He expressed the

view then that there could be no far-reaching progress in the community of

men and women if this practice were to continue. He therefore bided his time

till a suitable opportunity presented itself. It was not until April 1849 that he

could oblige the first couple to eat together. Gundert wrote: “Lydia, a real

daughter in Christ, was given away by us in marriage to a relative Paul in

%

Chombala; with her entry the families there may commence enjoining the

married couple to eat together. This is a condition that I imposed on Paul.

Today (20), I believe, is the day of their marriage and I do hope that the

coyness of the female will win through and defy the convention. It is

101

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Mal'ayalam Language

understood that the Indian women always eat after their husbands. So it goes

slowly forward, but forward nevertheless.” (21.4.1849). In such far-reaching

reforms Gundert moved very carefully and took his own time. Other changes

came through educational measures and e

ffected a qualitative development

in people themselves.

From the very beginning Gundert learnt the essential facts about the

people of Kerala through the schools and the institute. The diversity of

India’s religious and spiritual life was manifested through Illikunnu and was

shaped by a type of Protestantism which,

in turn, was a mixture of

Lutheranism, Calvinism and pietism. In the schools, particularly in the

institute for orphans, the diverse trends formed themselves into a new stream

of Indian culture that despite its orientation remained firmly rooted in the

Indian tradition. Gundert’s interest in all this welter of religions, cultures and

denominations was essentially to create a body of Christian Malayalam

literature as soon as possible, and one that would be intelligible to followers

of all religious persuasions. The schools conveyed their own and alien

cultural values and thus afforded a ground where Protestant teaching could

find firm hold.

If school work was important no less was the health care of people.

Gundert had brought Halle’s medicine from Tirunelveli and with which he

could help many people. As the medicines quickly ran out he wrote to Basle

for fresh supplies: “When brothers come out over here could they not bring

Halle’s medicine along with them? I have already done a lot of good with a

small boxful of them sent by Dr Niemeyer to Rhenius. Maybe you will secure

them as gifts. The English surgeons (army doctors) here know almost nothing

better than mercury etc. I would much rather have the medicines with gentle

effects, which the natives also prefer. Should you be writing for it, please note

that the pills (especially Polychrest) turn lumpy in the heat, so a powdery

form would be advisable.” (GM 21.5.39).

Many were cured with this medicine, even those with serious ill-

nesses, and were thereafter inclined towards Christianity. The wife of a

former servantof Strange is an instance: “She has been cured withmy Halle’s

medicine. Now she wishes to be baptised and is far more sincere than I had

hoped.” (GM 15.7.39). This woman kept her promise and was baptised: “On

27th March I baptised the wife of the oft-mentioned Samuel, the servant of

Strange-Sarah, on her sick-bed ...it often seemed that she wanted to be

baptised mainly for ensuring the manner of her departure and to be allotted

somewhat of a holy grave (which was not feasible for the heathen due to her

husband’s change of religion). However, on the aforementioned day, as she

lay there with great pain and was believed to be dying, she earnestly entreated

102

Biography

the Saviour to forgive her sins. Perceiving in her faith a saving grace I was

filled with enthusiasm to proceed to baptise her. A Halle’s medicine that had

saved just for such occasions helped her, with God’s blessing, to such an

extent that she was enabled to make a recovery.” (GM 20.4.41).

Gundert eamed a good reputation through his powers of healing and

medical advice. It was therefore painful for him to find that his medicinal

stocks had exhausted themselves and that no replenishments had arrived:

“The Lord had enabled me to do much through Halle's medicines. Now they

are over (I brought them from Tirunelveli). The Milz essence, E (ssentia)

amara, E (ssentia) dulcis, Tinct (ura) Corall (ina). Rhab (arber) Tinct.,

polychrest pill., obstr (uentia) pill., Pulv (is) vital (is) et solar (is). Pulv.

bezoard et nigricans with Bals (amum) vitae are the best and also keep well

in this climate. I advise my brothers at home to learn as much of medicine,

surgery and the natural sciences as they possibly can. Itis amazing how much

one can achieve with the help of it here. Although I am not a doctor as many

people come to me as to him because I speak the language and dispense

medicines myself, not through others.” (GB/GM 19.3.40). For years he tried

hard to freshen up his stocks but to no avail: “Thave written to Basle two years

ago for Halle’s medicine but to no avail. If a reminder somewhere helps, I

would appreciate doing the needful.” (GM 19.9.41).

The Halle’s medicine is as old as the Protestant mission in India.

Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg combined herbal and other preparations of the

Tamils with the Halle’s medicines. He secured medicines from Halle and

used them suitably: “About our medicines I have to report mainly that I have

often been spoken to about Spiritum disc (r) ucientem that is believed to have

done much good for people with spinal complaints and aching of the limbs.”

(Arno Lehnmann, Halle’s Doctors and Medicines at the Beginning of Indo-

German Relations, scientific journal of Martin-Luther-University of Halle-

Wittenberg, Math.-Nat,JgsIsn.ue 2, December 1955, P.124).

Gundert’s sojourns in Tamilnadu and the south of Andhra Pradesh

enabled him to fully observe the effects of Halle’s medicine on the body,

mind and spirit and regarded them as the right resources for health care and

for the gospel. He brought them with him to Malabar.

Vacation and return to India

Gundert utilised his vacation of 1846 to go back home to Germany.

He continued to work, submitted reports of his work in India hitherto and,

whenever an opportunity presented itself, collected literary material for his

subsequent Malayalam publications. It is interesting to observe how he

interpreted the work of a missionary before the committee in Basle: “Matters

are notyetinorder in Thalasseri with respect to the town and the house above.

103

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Till now the church services are separate. Some fifteen Christians live in

Nettur, nine at the most in town, among whom one is a catechist, Paul and

Vedamuttu are stationed in Chombala. Paul is filled with a greater capacity

for love than Vedamuttu. The dropping out of the baptised Mohammedan

was a great blow to our Christians. Mutual trust was completely shaken. Paul

came to console us. The fifteen people in Nettur are schoolmasters, catechists

and servants, all belonging to the institute and none of them is independent

The estate on the hill can be used as a house but not as a place to receive

parishioners.” (GM 1.4.46). Gundert was able to acquire two printing presses

from the Bible Society for Mangalore during this vacation. He let himself be

shown the dismantling of the machines and assisted in their installation at

Mangalore

On the last day of February, 1847, the Gunderts returned to Illikunnu

They had left their four children behind—in Germany and in Switzerland

Eight days later, their son Friedrich was born. This childbirth so exhausted

Julie that she had to convalesce in Nilagiri for a year. In autumn of the same

year Illikunnu came into prominence in all Basle parishes during arevivalist

movement. This revival led to a growth in the number of panshxoners aswell

as in the spiritual aspects.

Supplied with new material that he had excerpted from libraries in

Stuttgart, Tuebingen and Basle, Gundert proceeded to write an extensive

book on church history for publication (1847). Gundert could manage a

second edition, a revised one, himself. The same year saw the two first

Malayalam magazines, Raajya Samaachaaram and Paschimodayam that were

essentially influenced by Gundert. He published his Kerala Pazhama (The

History of Kerala) and Malayala Rajyam (the Malayalam country) inboth the

magazines

Gundert brought out many of his writings in the form of small

treatises. Belonging to this category are different issues of his collections of

proverbs, which, beginning with five hundred, then six hundred, finally

reached a thousand proverbs in content. “A collection of 1000 Malayalam

proverbs has been printed at the express wish of the Collector. It is in

alphabetical order. A small introductory speech from Solomon’s Proverbs

chapter 8, has been taken.” (GM 30.6.50)

A very popular treatise was Sanmaranavidya (the art of dying hap-

pily). The Life of Polycarp was another. On several occasions Gundert worked

on Bunyan’s “Pilgrim’s Progress” in Malayalam. Much use was also made

of the Herzbuechlein for which Gundert obtained pictures from Germany

Gundert wrote in a letter: “The Life of Jesus, written by Muir in Sanskrit

verses (Christa Mahatmyam) has been, in agreement with the Thalasseri

104

Biography

brothers, taken up by me for adaptation. I have so begun to work on it that it

shortens the Sanskrit, gives a free translation into Malayalam and delivers the

book in three treatises.” (GM 23.6.51). Gundert’s authorship is thus firmly

established. To this category also belongs Vajrasuchi (the diamond needle),

a Buddhist treatise that rails against caste. This was translated by Gundert

into Malayalam.

Gundert’s Malayalam adaptation of the Nala stories attracted much

notice. With this he attempted to convey the Christian message in the light

of an episode from the well known epic Mahabharata, thus aligning it with

the thought processes of the Indian world. Gundert himself translated it into

German and forwarded it to Basle for publication. (vgl QB, 446-465).

Gundert worked for long years on a Malayalam version of the liturgy

whose basic form was unchanged in all language versions sent out by the

Basle Mission. The English adaptation was rendered by missionaries Weigle,

Ammannand Gundertand then translated into Canarese, Tulu, and Malayalam.

Gundert transferred it piece by piece to Malayalam and had it circulated by

other Basle missionaries in Malabar like he did the first draft of the translated

Bible section. Finally Gundert was so satisfied with his Malayalam translation

that he could get it published in 1857 in Thalasseri.

Many of the literary works cited here relate to a period well beyond

that of Gundert’s stay in Thalasseri and partly extend to his Calw period as

well. However, all his literary works have their roots in his work carried out

in Thalasseri. He laid the foundation for his philological work on the very first

day of his stay in Illikunnu. Further, he maintained continuous contacts with

native scholars here as well as with Englishmen who had a good knowledge

of the country, till his departure for home on vacation. On his return in 1847,

he worked without a Munshi for the most part, especially after he moved to

Chirakkal in May 1849. The mission’s activities became increasingly re-

stricted, thereby also considerably affecting the propagation of the gospel.

The singular redeeming feature of the Basle Mission in Malabar was the

breadth and candour with which Gundert brought the native literature into the

open and the manner in which he applied his many-faceted lin guistic abilities

to its enrichment. He stood before the Basle Mission in Malabar and carried

on his crusade in the cause of the universal spirit of the Christian Protestant

Malayalam literature. With this literature he not only saw the rise of the first

Protestant Christians of the province but also established the groundwork for

amodern school system. Gundert’s literary work offers enough material for

further research even today.

¥

Silent period in Chirakkal

Thalasseri and Chirakkal have old historic connections. The Raja of

105

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Chirakkal—called Kolatiri or just Chirakkal in earlier times—had a lot of

estates in and around Thalasseri. Therefore the British East India Company

necessarily had to negotiate with him. The company’s trading branch in

Thalasseri cultivated the royal house of Chirakkal. Several treaties of mutual

assistance were signed. Thier significance was particularly evident at the

time of the invasion by troops of Haider Ali and of his son Tippu. After the

conquest of Malabar, Haider Ali positioned Chirakkal in his fortification

work at Malabar and built a connecting road to Coorg and Seringapatam,

where he resided. With the death of Haider Ali, Tippu came into power and

relied more on his vassal Ali Raja of Kannur for his strength in north Malabar

than on an invasion by his army. The expulsion of Tippu resulted in the

drawing up of treaties on 25th April 1792 by the English with the Raja of

Chirakkal and the rest of the local rulers whereby Malabar was declared a

British colony and assigned to the Madras Presidency. The taluk or district

of Chirakkal was then the northernmost area of Malabar. To this taluk

belongs Kannur and—north of Eli mountain—the town Payyannur that has

become very well known through the Payyannur paattu.

Gundert’s first meeting with people from Chirakkal took place in

1840 durinig a journey to Mangalore: “I had interesting companions on the

way from Kannur to Madai (near the seven hills): Nayar of the Chirakkal

lineage and Brahmins from the Taliparambu Temple.” (GM 14.9.40). There

is a temple of pilgrimage in Taliparambu which is visited by pilgrims and

believers even today.

Gundert first mentioned Chirakkal in March 1845 in his letters.

Obviously he had preached there: “Yesterday, Thursday in Chirakkal, but

few people were addressed.” (GM 14.3.45). It was after the revivalist

movement in September and October 1847 that there appreared to be a

Christian community in Chirakkal. At the end of 1847 the boys’ school in

Chirakkal on the Mananthvadi road had forty pupils and was looked after by

teachers and catechists from Kannur.

Even as Hebich wanted to live alone in Kannur he soon realised that

he could not cope with the work any longer. He approved of the idea of

inviting Gundert as a missionary to Kannur and, if need be, to Chirakkal too.

In December 1848 Gundert wrote to Basle: “When your decision was

communicated here it was clear that it was neither in Hebich’s house—where

there is hardly a guest room—nor in Kannur that lies outside the Malayalam

world, but in Chirakkal that we should look out for a place of residence. The

girls would have ahome there soon.” (GM4.12.48). Therewith the guidelines

were established. Gundert inwardly bade farewell to Illikunnu and began to

get used to the work in Kannur and Chirakkal.

106

Biography

As a representative of Hebich, Gundert spent the following months

;

more in Kannur than in Thalasseri. He was busy in setting up a sound

framework so that he could move in notonly with his family but also with his

girls’ institute. Just before the monsoon at the end of May 1849 the onerous

task was completed. Soon after, Gundert took ill and practically lost his voice

for a long time, giving rise to repeated questions as to whether the choice of

é

place was the right one. Gundert defended himself against this criticism and

wrote at leisure: “Itis strange, because everyone knew that I had brought my

condition with me when I moved to Chirakkal. (It says so in my diary, for

E

instance “On 9th May went to Chirakkal. (It says so in my diary, for instance

“On 9th May went to Thalasseri in thundery showers, feverishness. On 11th

f

May to Kannur, half roasted, because the horse limps. On 12th back to

Thalasseri, with fever and therefore did not preach on the 13th. On 15th in

Kannur, two sermons that I wished Hebich would preach, but it was not

;SE

possible. The Lord sees me through. On the 16th, my beloved wife comes

from Thalasseri, goes on the 17th to Chirakkal. I bid farewell to the

Englishmen in Thalasseri on the 19th and to my parishioners on the 20th. In

the early moming of the 21st, after a night of fever proceed, like in a dream,

7

to Chirakkal, on the 22nd in Kannur, somewhat improved, but ruin myself

through two sermons. Confusion at the new institution, fever, catarrh

discharges itself). I have no reason to withhold anything that could lead to an

d

illness. But Chirakkal is not at fault—strange, if it had affected me, and my

wife so easily given to colds and rheumatism, to say the least! The place is

hotter because it is farther from the sea, and particularly drier than the house

i

in Thalasseri, perched at a high altitude. Our big girls’ school is getting on

st

noticeably well and everyone is healthy. Even children who were earlier very

weak are now strong and healthy. So please do not worry about the place.”

n

(GM 21.1.50)

Y

How much Gundert was bothered by his chestand bronchial problems

is shown in a remark in a letter written to Dr. Ostertag in Basle: “Now for

al

some news that your opinion was well founded. After struggling with it for

of

three months I have at last decided that I should be keeping absolute silence

if my lungs are to recover again. It means that I have fourteen days as

holidays! A dumb missionary is like a wooden poker. Maybe I should brood

[0

over a future song of praise in these months. I carried on till I was breathless.

The doctor found that my inflammation of the liver was in an advanced stage.

4

I then found how little God needed me! If I take enough rest and small tins

of Brechweinstein, says the doctor, I could be well enough in a few months

[0

but had to, nevertheless, be very careful.” (GM 5.9.49). The illness did not

pass so quickly as Gundert had thought. He had to live with it for over three

107

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

years. As much as Gundert saw his worthlessness asa missionary therein, we

are thankful today for this period because it was precisely during this period

that Gundert reached the peak of his literary creativity. The silent period

began in Chirakkal but Gundert did not justremain there. He travelled around

a lot, came to Mangalore where he made use of the library, and went to

Nilagiri where he became close to Robert Caldwell and whose work he

familiarised himself with as well as commence or complete many of his own

writings. The silent period belongs far more to Malayalam literature than to

the town of Chirakkal.

Gundert had valuable exchanges with the Raja of Chirakkal. He

borrowed the Rigveda and other writings from the Raja. They visited each

other often or met conveniently on the way. Yet when some people wentover

to Christianity and got themselves baptised, the friendship cooled. However,

they remained close to each other. Gundert reported: “Since the baptism of

the Chirakkal people the Raja hardly visits Br Gundert anymore. In one of

his last discussions he did not seem to be able to recognise that European

science and other progressive motives could bring the heathens close to us.

No, it had to be the basest of motives—corruption through money, women

and the like, which really made him fly into a rage. A few moments later he

asked me to order a book for him. If he had done this through one of the

natives he would surely have been cheated. So he had more trust in a

European. If, by the way, an old and renowned Benares-Pandit were to

convert himself, he would surely believe that our credentials are genuine.”

2

(GM 31.12.50).

Notwithstanding, Gundert acknowledged the Raja later as his friend:

“Jacob Ramavarma followed my old friend, the Chirakkal Raja in his mortal

illness of small-pox. The Raja had witnessed Jacob’s ordination in the

church. He had distributed sugared water in the streets before his death.” (GM

24.3.57).JacobRamavarma and the Raja were close friends: “Unfortunately,

small-pox has reached the Chirakkal girls’ institute. Even the old and friendly

Chirakkal Raja has died of it and also his friend Ramavarma at whose

ordination he had followed in procession, cladinan ornate red-and-gold silk

garment, but sadly without having come to the faith.” (GM 25.3.57).

Visitors thronged wherever Gundert was. He writes inareport: “Once

two Brahmins came to visit Br Gundert. They were rather ignorant people

who were greatly surprised to discover the Rigveda in his hands. But they did

not come out openly to ask if we had not somehow combined our Veda with

theirs.” (GM 31.12.50). When here and there Gundert was sometimes jeered

at, he feltat timesrejected. This changed with one incident. Collector Robinson

visited him: “’Yesterday evening came Robinson himself to visit us—the first

108

Biography

Eufopeann civil servant to visit our house in Chirakkal—and now I am again

a great hero, everyone saluting me during my stroll, where earlier I was

ridiculed and laughed at.” (GM20.10.50). Later Gundert had a visit also from

Mavelikara-Raja, Udaya Varma, from central Kerala. (vgl.TM 2.2.53).

Although the first yearsin Chirakkal were silent for Gundert, the place

itself proved of interest to him. In March and April 1850, the Gunderts were

visited by Dr.Graul and his wife. There developed no friendship between the

f wed CP D e S, s KW

two linguistic scholars. Gundert opened his Malayalam treasures and Graul

excerpted therefrom what he could or took with him some of the manuscripts

which he later either worked on or published. The contrast between the Basle

missionary of the more reformed Lutheran school and the orthodox Lutheran

E

did not stem from personal grounds alone but rather had theological reasons

as well. Gundert was averse to all ceremonial rituals. He himself was not

ordained or sent out as a missionary but came in the service of a Dissenter (a

break-away group of the Anglican Church) to India. And remained close to

I

Robert Caldwell, who was to become the anglican bishop of southern

Tamilnadu. He declined to be a part of all pretensions associated with the

High Church or with those of the bishop and dedicated himself to a renewal

0

of the heart through the preaching of the gospel. He wanted to achieve this

0

in all modesty and humility.

Disasters also struck. The missionary estate in Kannur was twice

0

”

gutted by fire, though partially. Gundert got all the roofs covered with tiles

thereafter. “On the 9th I was in Kannur, a fire broke out nearby and four

buildings of the mission (not the most valuable) were aflame. It was gruelling

work and after two hours of fire-fighting we were completely exhausted and

al

gasped for air. Eighteen roofs covered with leaves have been burnt out. It

10

works like in a storm. If the westerly wind had turned a little, the rest of the

mission’s roofs would have been totally burnt. I am glad that I got the kitchen

Y

in Chirakkal covered with tiles and hope to do more so that fire can be easily

y

isolated in an emergency. Too many roofs close together is somewhat very

dangerous when everything is just straw and leaves.” (GM 17.3.54). The rest

k

of the roofs were also covered with tiles: “The last quarter of the adjoining

house in Chirakkal now has tiled roofs, thus fulfillling the objective of the

(0

plan drawn up four years ago.” (GM 28.12.55).

le

Beside his literary work Gundert loved to meet people or see how his

id

desk-work compared with practical life. He visited villages in the vicinity

and came back with new ideas and additions to his fund of linguistic

knowledge. The mission’s estate looked greener with his planting of coconut

h

saplings, trees and bushes. Within three years the first coconuts had yielded

sl

themselves. “The needful has been done with respect to the maintenance and

109

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

new planting of coconut palms. As water supply was scarce during the

summer months we had to deepen the pond. We now hope to always have

enough water till the rains arrive. The first coconuts have appeared on trees

this year... A new cow-shed made of lath-wood has been built in Chirakkal.”

(GM31.12.52). A well with a beautiful tree was the lifeline of the entire estate

in Chirakkal.

Gundert would have gladly remained in Chirakkal. But the dealth of

Gottfried Weigle in June 1855 in Mangalore prompted the Basle Mission’s

committee to transfer Gundert to Mangalore. All his objections to his transfer

were of no avail. Forwarding their household effects by a bullock cart,

Hermann and Julie Gundert proceeded to Mangalore: “On the 14th of this

month we have left Chirakkal. There were a lotof tears among both the young

and the old as they were very attached to the kind mother.” (GM 25.2.56).

Mangalore—the Basle centre

The new beginning in Mangalore found Gundert faced with pressures

from his own background. Before Gundert completed his theological ex-

aminations in 1835 in Tuebingen and while Hermann Moegling was still in

the country, the name Mangalore exerted a magical attraction and was

synonymous with the Basle Mission in India. The term mission evoked

different images in those days as compared with those of today. The very

mention of the word sometimes used to make the hair stand on end. After a

meeting with the prospective missionary for Bengal, Weitbrecht, Gundert

wrote: “The mission’s pupil Weitbrecht was here from Saturday evening till

early Tuesday—a brightand kind soul we all were happy with. While bidding

farewell he thought of the possibility of meeting me across the ocean. Even

Moegling remembered this occasion. Maybe he would work with Hebich and

others in Mangalore as a teacher in a catechism school and only waited for

a sign from the Lord. It was now slowly becoming clearer why human beings

are called pilgrims. Itis a great journey around the earth.” (GM 12.8.35). The

o

movement seizes hold of the people and makes them not only competent to

undertake the wandering life around the earth but also inspires others to

achieve successes that are seldom attainable in Germany or in Switzerland.

Gundert’s first arrival in Mangalore in November 1838 was like the

beginning of a new life for him: “On 2nd November, Mangalore, met

Moegling on his sick-bed. He was recovering from an abdominal inflamma-

tion and I had just been snatched from the atmosphere of turbulence from

above and from below.” (GM 16.2.39). In Mangalore, Gundert began his

duties at the school: “In Mangalore my duties were: English sermons on

Sundays. Sometimes I was relieved by Lehner who arrived here with his wife

on 25th November. English school work during the week due to Loesch’s

110

Biography

illness and the dismissal of the schoolmaster due to drunkenness. Moegling

was absent for almost two months and the work did not allow me sufficient

time to turn to the study of the Canarese language. I see this as a sign that

perhaps1donotneed Canarese atall. I would prefer Malayalam (Malei-alam)

which is to Tamil as Dutch is to German (Canarese and Telugu somewhat like

Danish or Swedish).” (GM 10.2.39). In Mangalore Gundert increasingly

associated with the Basle missionaries who had come there before him. It was

something new for the Basle Mission to send out missionaries to India on

their own responsibility. Mission inspector Blumhardt made a reference to

this while sending the first ones in 1834: “Special instructions have not been

given this time, as in the past, since they are not quite practicable. They go,

like the Apostles, to preach Christianity to ignorant peoples. (BM 11,8). The

Basle Mission in India conformed to this dictum for nearly twenty years. The

first three Basle missionaries—Samuel Hebich (1803-1868), Joh Christoph

Lehner (1806-1855) and Christian Leonhard Greiner (1810-1877)—left

Portsmouth on 15th July 1834 on the Malabar and sailing around the Cape

of Good Hope arrived in Kozhikode on 14th October. They, along with

another fellow passenger Benjamin Bailey who was returning to Kottayam

after his vacation back home, were cordially received by judge Nelson. He

recommended the three Germans to Sub-Collector Findlay Anderson in

Mangalore. Arriving there on 30th October, they were assisted by Anderson

in the purchase of a bungalow in the town centre.

More Basle missionaries began to arrive in Mangalore around this

period: Johannes Layer (1812-1890), Heinrich Frey (18109-1870), Heinrich

August Loesch (1811-1842), Hermann Moegling (1811-1881). The mission

could now extend itself to Dharwar where regular school instructions could

be imparted. This soon proved beneficial in view of the tensions between the

old and the young missionaries. In this way they could be resolved. With the

arrival of the third batch from Basle in February 1838 it became necessary

to clarify matters, given the very individualistic attitudes of the missionaries.

To this third batch belonged: Joh Chr.Essig (1814-1845), Joh Georg Supper

(born 1814), Joh Jakob Dehlinger (1809-1864). Joh.Konrad Hiller and

Georg Friedrich Sutter (1812-1865). Moegling and his group wanted to, in

contrast to the old missionaries, lead a strongly ascetic life and cultivate an

apostolic lifestyle. Two different approaches threatened to make their

presence felt in the same mission. Finally it came to a reconciliation between

the groups and Hebich invited Moegling to Mangalore. He himself moved to

Dharwar.

Moegling reformed the nature of the mission in Mangalore and strove

towards the ideal of poverty, as it were. The basis thereof was a resolution of

111

Dr Hermann Gundert ahd the Malayalam Language

the general conference: We regard it as beneficial for our entrusted work that

no remuneration be allocated to our brothers in the Canarese mission society.

On the other hand, we are assured that our committee would deem it its duty,

so long as the Lord provides us with resources, to faithfully look after us and

our present and future brethren. One of the results of our union is the

recognition that all brothers perceive the affairs of individual brothers as

those of our community and that, in turn, each brother views the affairs of the

community as his own, so that we stand united—all for one and one for all.”

(BMIL,23). It was in the midst of this restructuring that Gundert and his wife

arrived in Mangalore at the beginning of November 1838.

The dynamism of Moegling and his somewhat radical reforms also

turned Mangalore into a spiritual centre of the Basle Mission in India.

Gundert wrote about this phase in his biography of Moegling: “The greatest

simplicity has been introducted, even the mission’ s palace has been rented

out, in order to move to an inexpensive Brahmin house (24 ft long and 18 ft

wide). Moegling slept there in the centre on a carpet, shared their rice in the

mornings and at noons and drank tea in the evenings, and instructed them in

asmall shed covered witha tightly-stretched mat. The apparently superfluous

household items were auctioned off.” (HM, 139). This ideal of poverty also

permeated Illikunnu where Gundert similarly renounced the spacious mis-

sion bungalow for a small house near the bazar in Thalasseri.

Five more missionaries from Basle arrived in September 1840.

Among them were Joh.Michael Fritz (1815-1883), who came to Gundert in

Illikunnu and established the Basle Mission in Kozhikode, and Gundert’s

college friend from Tuebingen, Gottfried Weigle (1816-1855). Gundert

entered into anactive correspondence with Weigle, especially over linguistic

matters. Weigle was instrumental not only for bringing new linguistic

perspectives to Mangalore but also for bringing the printing works which in

the course of time developed into one of the most important industrial

branches of the Basle Mission in India. In October 1841 Weigle sailed for

Bombay in order to get started on his lithographic press. He brought one more

press in the following year to Mangalore. Another press from Madras also

arrived. Towards the end of March in the same year (1842) Gundert

proceeded to Mangalore and himself printed the first sheets on the litho-

graphic press.

Gundert returned a very satisfied man at the end of his two-week visit:

“Mangalore is very important to me now. The various struggles there now

bring forth satisfactory results. The progress achieved in schools and parishes

isamazing. Thisis no witchcraft but works of love and faith. The brothers are

overloaded with all kinds of work but receive stregth from the Lord. Only

112

Biography

Br.Weigle’s health causes me concern. I hope the Lord makes it easier for

him to bear his burden. I have printed a Malayalam collection aof songs (50)

there and prepared two maps of south India and Palestine for the schools.”

(GM 3.4.42). Gundert returned many times to this theme: “Last March I

planned, during my journey to Mangalore, to make a beginning with the

Malayalam printing on the lithographic press.” (GM 17.4.42). With the

setting up of a lithographic press in Illikunnu in 1845, there were few

exchanges of galley prints between Thalasseri and Mangalore. In its place

there was an increase in exchanges among students, especially catechists.

Shortly after Gundert had moved to Chirakkal, Moegling entertained

the notion of getting him over to Mangalore. Gundert entered in his diary:

“Moegling’s extraordinary proposal of transferring me to Mangalore spins

inmy head like a mill-wheel.” (TM 14.6.50). Gundert’s illness made another

move impossible. He would rather go there on a visit.

As Gundert’s health did not improve, he looked for a doctor in

Mangalore: “I went there on an invitation from the Balmatha brothers

(15th—19th July 1850) with the dual objective of taking a look at the well

placed house as well as of listening to what the doctor had to say. I leaned

myself back for nearly half the journey on inland waters while I let myself be

carried in a palanquin for the other half. I found the jolting about here rather

unbearable. But once I arrived in Mangalore I made good progress under

Dr.Toulis’s treatment (with special baths and Lebertran).” (GM 4.10.50).

Gundert spent his time here in the library in preparation for his Bible

translation: “I can hardly say much about any other work. I exert myself as

e

little as possible since I have realised that a strong spiritual movement is

enough to trigger an inflammation. I spent a good bit of time in a critical

appraisal of the Malayalam Bible translation and other studies connected

with it and to which the Mangalore library was a welcome offer. I have used

T~

every occasion to apprise the Basle Bible Society of the need to establish a

new translation. I hope to include the whole appendix which has been

circulated among our Malayalam stations in this petition to Basle.” (GM

4.10.50).

A tuming point for the Basle Mission came when Inspector Josenhans

arrived in Mangalore on 14th October 1851 to attend the general conference

held from 29th March to 3rd April 1852 there. This visit brought the old,

individualistic and therwith also the spontaneous epoch of the Basle Mission

to an end. The inspector, after attending the general conference, had con-

cluded: “Imaintain thatno large community can exist withoutan organisation.

Also athome one lives under certain rules in the church and in the state, only

peak.

that they are o#d and hence have passed into our flesh and blood, soto s

113

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

If no such rules exist in our mission, not only will our brothers be compelled

to break up but also the community, and to the extent that no unification

would never be possible. I a

62).

m afraid we have waited for too long.” (BM II,

Several missionaries protested. But the inspector would not relent:

“Only two ways are open: One is that I will abolish the general conference

as well as all other conferences, relieve the president of the district of his

obligations, and appoint a new brother who will provisionally take over the

affairs. The other is that I will call upon those brothers who do not owe

allegiance to the decrees passed by the committee, or cannot do so, to resign

from their offices so that I can call for a new president, or in a district where

I cannot find a new president I can issue a special decree.” (BMII, 63 f.) The

general conference resolved to retain the presidential system of mission

administration and each member promised to unflinchingly obey the orders

of the committee. Thus the dependency of the mission church was sealed.

Everything was regulated in the subsequent years. In the course of the year

itself the first generation of missionaries disappeared from India, to be

succeeded by a younger and educated one, as the inspector meantitto be. This

development also saw the advent of the colonial style in the mission

churches. Itisdifficult to ascertain how Gundert reacted to this inwardly. But

it was clear that the course ahead had very little to do with Gundert’s original

approach, that of winning over the hearts of the natives through the Christian

message and thereby independently serving to form a community and build

a church.

Gundert was delighted to regain his voice and to be able to preach

again in Mangalore: “I have preached here for the first time at St.Paul’s

Church. Anderson expressed happiness at my recovery. I have so often

visited Mangalore either as dumb or lisping.” (GM 20.1.54). This visit was

in connection with the examination of new catechists. Among these was also

Gundert’s pupilJacobRamavarma whom he had taught German in Chirakkal:

“On 14th January 1854, assisted in the examination of catechism pupils and

found that they had made good progress in German. (My pupil, the catechist

Jacob, perhaps knows more words and reads more easily but quite a few

Mangalore pupils are better-versed in the main words and can build more

solid sentences as a consequence.) On the 15th we had baptism for 60 souls

and an evening meal for all those brothers who had come to attend the

conference. I had to preach in English—the first time since 1839 that I

appeared before Englishmen in Mangalore. I had to write the minutes of the

general conference held from the 16th to the 18th and which was ready by the

20th. Days later I sailed for Kannur.” (GM 1.2.54).

114

Biography

With the death of Gottfried Weigle in June 1855, Mangalore assumed

a new significance and conferred a new status on Gundert. The mission

committee transferred Gundert from Chirakkal to Mangalore. This gave rise

to an active correspondence between Gundert and Basle. Gundert portrayed

the situation in which he found himself in a few appropriate words: “It is

about my transfer to Mangalore; it is also a kind of dying to be torn from our

circumstances here—especially the dear mother who will have to bid

farewell to her 80 girls with whom she has moved every day, year in and year

out. But if it is to be construed as God’s will I suppose everything will be

alright and we shall be comforted.” (GM 22.10.55).

At this point of time it so happened that the government was seized

%

of the question of a school inspector from the ranks of the Basle missionaries.

The inquiry provoked discussion among the missionaries who were unani-

mous in the view that only Gundert was qualified for this task. Yet the

creation of the job and the appointment of a missionary to it did not run as

smoothly as expected, giving Gundert a period of uncertainty. There was no

move from the government and Gundert therefore oriented himself towards

Mangalore and sought to turn it as much to his advantage as possible: “I see

a chance 1o instal the Malayalam press here rather easily. The catechists’

institute will be ending its new organisation. Several young brothers will be

identified, of what stuff they are made of, and new workers will be initiated

till then. Then it may perhaps be shown that I am dispensable and if that is

the case and God does not need me longer, He will find a suitable place for

me.” (GM 23.10.55).

In the beginning of April 1857 the school inspector’s position was

finally in place and Gundert was appointed to it. In autumn of the same year

Mrs Fritz passed away in Kozhikode. This was a signal for Julie Gundert to

manage the Fritz household and to take over the girls’ institute. The move to

Kozhikode took place in October 1857.

Gundert’s duties as school inspector took him again and again to

Mangalore. In addition, he travelled in December of the same year to escort

his daughter Marie, who had arrived from Germany, to Mangalore. Since

there was a long waiting period due to delays by other fellow travellers,

Gundert established two schools in that period: “The New Year has already

opened and Marie is not here yet. And she has not found it possible, with all

those newly landed people, to write from Bombay as to whether and when a

departure from there is foreseen. (GM 1.1.58). “In the meanwhile I have

found plenty of work and hope to spend the rest of the days here usefully. I

have visited Karkala and Kasargod this week and managed to set up two

115

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

schools there.” (GM 8.1.58). Thus Gundert had made a contribution to the

building of a modern school system not only in Malabar but also in

Kamataka

Gundert touched Mangalore on 13th April 1859 on the way to

Bombay while on his homeward journey to Europe

Close to the Blue Mountain

Nilagiri had figured in Gundert’s mind during the first weeks of his

sojourn in Thalasseri while looking for a salubrious place for missionary

Dehlinger: “But now his chest pains are back. So he cannot possibly wait for

the arrival of the monsoon on the Malabar coast. Nilagiri (Blue Moutain) or

Dharwar has been recommended by the doctor as a place for-his convales-

cence. So he proceeded on 4th Mayj, first going to Mangalore with Moegling

(and to carry on to Dharwar from there). He did not take to Nilagirikindly due

to the nature of his duties and the difficulties he had had in coping with the

Englishmen there.” (GM 7.5.39). The Basle missionaries must have had

good knowledge of the Blue Mountain. Obviously there wasabrisk exchange

of information between the Englishmen on the coast and on the mountain as

well as between the messengers and the servants who moved to and fro

Therefore it was no wonder that Gundert was invited to Nilagiri right in the

beginning of his stay in [llikunnu. Gundert wrote: ““You must have heard that

Br Smith (LMS) has invited me or one of us to Nilagiri where government

support for schools is certain.” (GM 21.5.39).

However, it was not Gundert but missionary Greiner who was the first

to negotiate over the mountain for the Basle Mission: “Now arises the

prospect of a Nilagiri station. The government will welcome a brother as

school supervisor and will not stand in the way of his proselytization. Greiner

will depart for the place for the time being (June 1839). He has gone via

Mysore.” (GM 15.7.39). Greiner’s visit did not lead to the desired results

In the beginning of 1840 Mrs. Lascelles, who had moved with her

family from Chittoor to the Blue Mountain, had invited Gundert as a private

tutor for her three children. Gundert declined but kept Nilagiri in mind. Even

then he had thought over the right uses for the wooded slopes and the

plateaus. Much of what he foresaw proved correct: “I have faith in one

experienced in agriculture, not in one just keen on one kind of work. A

practically trained Christain could, with occasional help from one of the

brothers conversant with the language, establish a fine plantation within a

few years. He needed only Rs.3000 for the material and Rs.1000 to buy a

farmhouse to start with. Then there are yet no people on the premises and it

would be a great advantage to let people for whom one seeks permanent

employment to settle themselves down through and through. Groves, who

116

Biography

was here two weeks ago, settles exactly for this type of undertaking. He is

modest in his expectations but certainly not wrong in his total assessment

thereof. Everything else, skilled workers, factories, etc., will take root with

the passage of time.... Planting of coffee is really on the agenda. Much of

European produce can also thrive on the ghats. European gardens on Nilagiri

can bring good profits. Silk cannot be extensively cultivated on the coast due

to the dampness.” (GM 21.5.40). Gundert enjoyed the vegetables grown on

the mountain: “Have today eaten sauerkraut (pickled cabbage) for the first

time in six years ( a gift from Nilagiri). Fritz cut it and cooked it—

(excellent!). (GM 19.9.41).

The autumn of 1841 saw Gundert making his first trip to the Blue

Mountain, bringing with him Flora, the daughter of portmaster Brennen. She

was at Miss Hale’s boarding school in Ootacamund. Gundert wrote to his

wife on arrival: "You see now, dear wife, that I have arrived—not without

difficulties but also not without bearing fruit, at least for my health.... I

undertook no visits in particular in Coimbatore—also do not take the same

route on my return, had enough of the rains in Tamilnadu and yearn again for

my God-given Malayalam.” (GM 21.10.41).

When an opportunity presented itself to have someone represent the

Basle Mission in Nilagiri, Gundert grabbed it. He discussed with Greiner the

possibility of securing the services of missionary Bernh. Schmidt as an

honorary co-worker. Here too the paths pointed back to Sinduponturei.

Gundert wrote to Basle: “I have discussed the matter of filling the Nilagiri

post with Br.Greiner and others during a most agreeable visit to Mangalore.

If you think that Dr. Schmidt is capable of filling the post in Ootacamund the

move would be welcomed by us. In fact, I do not believe that he is the man

for the (900) Todas but maybe for the 20,000-man-strong Tamil population

of the bazars. He would be able to maintain himself and another brother

through his botanical exertions and without any support from the

establishhment. Also he would be able to get on very well with the English-

men and put them in their places... In any case, his missionary experience of

25 years commands respect. If something is to happen, it should happen

soon.” (GM 17.4.42). It remained somewhat of a free arrangement with

Dr.Schmidt till such time as the question itself became superfluous since the

Basle Mission set up its own representation in Nilagiri in a few years.

In 1844 Moegling took ill and had to go to Nilagiri for recuperation.

During this period he won over the trust of his hosts, the Blair family:

“Moegling drinks Kissinger water in Nilagiri and teaches Mrs. Blair German,

is enjoying his cure after a severe illness.” (GM 4.7.44). Moegling also made

the acquaintance of the prosperous Anglo-Indian G Casamajor at this time.

117

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

This man set up a foundation for the benefit of the Basle Mission so that its

work could be assured of financial security. Gundert learnt of this matter

from the Blairs. The prospect for a new mission station drew closer: “I saw

Mrs. Blair today and she tells me that there is the likelihood of a mission

station opening there (Nilagiri) through promises of an old friend. Still

everything is premature and secret.” (GM 22.10.45). Missionary Christian

Mueller, who had just come from Mangalore to Illikunnu, confirmed the

event. Gundert wrote: “Christian has come back. Maybe Blair has advised

you also of the proposal of a Nilagiri mission.

Casamajor, an earlier

acquaintance from Chittoor and a steady Christian, has promised to build a

house (for 7000) and also raise funds from friends who have long sought a

church missionary, meeting his annual salary. He has promised to himself

contribute Rs.50 per month. Christian was quite excited.” (GM 25.10.45).

There was more to come. Gottfried Weigle’s health also warranted a

vacation in the cool climes of Nilagiri. He travelled there in 1845 with his

wife and stayed with the Casamajors. From here he sethimself down in Kateri

in the followig year: “Gottfried has succeeded in establishing a school on a

plantation in Kateri, two hours away from Ootacamund. It was a warmer

place than Ketti, still 5600 feet above sea-level. He moved (June 1846) into

one of the huts that Casamajor had made available to him.” (HM 218 f.).

Herewith the Basle Mission on the Blue Mountain was established—at a

place in the midst of the mountain wilderness, with a waterfall nearby. In the

vicinity roamed elephants, tigers, bears and porcupines that also attacked the

garden at night for what it was worth. Weigle worked on the Canarese

translation of the Bible and carried out grammatical studies.

Two more missionaries followed Weigle on the path of physical

recovery. Their health was causing concern to Gundert: “I have gone pretty

far with Buehler. He should go to Nilagiri, of course, but his headache and

his constant brooding over his (aparently made more difficult by some

committee members) position in and towards Basle have been causing

concern.” (GM 4.5.46). “On the 8th Moerike arrived here on his way to

Kozhikode and Ootacamund. Given his condition, he looks rather cheerful

but has a melancholy countenance nevertheless. It is sad to see a constitution

so weakened in a period of not more than a year or two. Whether Nilagiri is

the best thing for him isyettobe seen.” (GM 23.3.47). Both these missionaries

recuperated so well on the mountain that they were able to work there for

many more years.

After the birth of her son Friendich it became necessary for Julie

Gundert to spend nearly a year in Nilagiri. She stayed with the Weigle couple

and became well acquainted with the region. She wrote: “Mr.Casamajor was

118

Biography

here yesterday for the Canarese sermon. Mr.Lascelles will not be buying the

plantation. Maybe some brothers will buy a part of it when they receive

permission to do so. A few days before, some brothers ran out to kill a bear

i

that had strayed too close to the house but they could not lay their hands on

it.” (GM 12.7.47). We owe it to the numerous letters of the Gunderts for

throwing light on this long sojourn of Julie Gundert as well as detailed

descriptions of community affairs in Illikunnu and Thalasseri. Julic Gundert

made a good recovery and was soon able to continue her work in the

household and the girls’ institute.

The children of the Basle missionaries now came in for attention.

Setting up an approved school for them began to be considered. And Nilagiri

was the obvious choice. But the district conference—including Gundert—

opposed it and with success: “The possible benefits of having such a school

in Nilagiri are offset by the increasing difficulties that will be faced by the

children over the years. When brought up in these conditions the children

would find it rather difficult to adjust to circumstances back home. What will

become of these children, especially the boys, when they grow up here? Some

could become soldiers or sailors. Others may become authors. The unhappy

fate of so many European descendants entangled in official and legal

complexities is truly appalling. One could also turn the boys into planters

when they can be backed up with land or capital as in the case of New

Zealand’s mission. It must be further considered that no child in Nilagiri can

be brought up without incurring expenses of at least Rs.25-30 per month. And

while European education at home is available in plenty, they would remain

here as hothouse plants, without awakening the western work ethic and

energy. In the light of tiie aforesaid, we are of the firm opinion that the

children should be sent home early.” (GM 14.1.48). Apart from his factual

reasons Gundert was also influenced by his personal experiences with other

Europeans who had let their children be educated in India.

The issue lent itself to further discussions in Wuerttemberg and Basle.

Gundert wrote to his father: “Hochstetter’s plan for a children’s school in

Nilagiri finds much approval in Wuerttemberg. My position against the

proposal has not been welcomed. The climate is perfectly alright. But the

costsare higher than if they would be educated athome (this does not concern

me but I would like those who are going to pay to give thought to this).

Secondly, the problem of what is to become of the children after completing

school is to be addressed to. India is not a colony in the sense that America

and Australia are. If the children are not to be pushed to Europe then I would

think that the cape or Australia would be a much better proposition than

Nilagiri. The activities have to be inculcated in schools and children should

119

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

have people around whom they can emulate.” (GM 18.8.51).

Two years later the issue of a children’s school in Nilagiri again

cropped up and Gundert was even considered for heading the school: “”’Your

letter of 31st May wherein you appoint me as the headmaster in the Nilagiri

school arrived here on 15th July. So I had time to think it over for two weeks.

YetIam not in a position to give a proper reply today. You have certainly

made the task easier through the suggestion that my decision be made in

consonance with those of the fathers of the children invited to enrol in the

school.” (GM 1.8.53). That the matter was widely discussed in Basle, in

Switzerland and in Germany, is revealed in a letter written by Gundert’s

parents and to which Gundert replied: “Your kind letter - the first intimation

of the appointment in Nilagiri (whose official letter reached me a few hours

later) had the effect of an electric shock on me: more disagreeable than its

opposite.” (GM 2.8.53). The issue came up for discussion at several

conferences and was finally turned down.

One of the most significant journeys of Gundert to Nilagiri was during

his silent period. As his illness showed no signs of improvement, the doctor

had recommended that he spend some time in Nilagiri. Gundert followed his

advice. Since Moegling was also due to proceed to Nilagiri at the same time

toattend a session pertaining to the Canarese translation of the Bible, Gundert

welcomed the opportunity and travelled there with his son Friendrich and an

Indian colleague: “The doctor opines that I could do no better than spend the

hot summer months in Nilagiri. I have therefore the feeling that I should

accompany Br.Moegling on his trip to Nilagiri for the Bible revision

conference.” (GM 18.2.51). “That is why I complied with his last instruction

to escape the hot period by going to Nilagiri: did so from 28th February 8th

March, proceeding to Ketti with Br.Moegling and my four- year old Friedrich,

chronically ill since birth. And sought wherever possible to make further

medicines unnecessary through quiet and care. I received much love from the

sisters there.” (GM 23.6.51).

Gundert wrote about his journey to'the mountain impressively. From

Kozhikode “we sailed in a boat along the river and came to Arikkodu at

sunrise. Our luggage was forwarded here in advance. I had bought a small

horse for the journey (about Rs. 24 with saddle) but while wading through the

river it seemed too weak to carry me. So I covered a good bit of the journey

by foot...towards. Edavanna....at four in the morning to Wandur...at five it

was through the bamboo forest to Cholakal at the foot of the mountain; we

were there till beyond noon and then onwards. With twelve long zigzags one

comes to the saddle of a beautiful teak hill—then with eighteen cliffs further

on to the first face of the mountain where huts are leisurely spread out.

12

Biography

Moegling had arrived an hour earlier than I did...then the sun had already set

and the porters, fearing elephants and the devils, would not take another step.

So we had to spend overnight there....

This moming, however, as we made out way across the remaining

sixteen zigzags to Sispara, we encountered a tree that had fallen across the

road...A little before SisparaI met Moegling who, on account of the mornin g

cold, had come down in order to meet us at a warmer spot. Till we had

climbed up on top the sun had already made the place very warm... Two more

days of travel and we had arrived at a new mission station. Whether I would

like to find a place in Ketti I do not know yet. Maybe we will carry on further

to Kotagiri.” (GM 2.3.51). Gundert moved to Kotagiri “before the monsoon

to join Br. Buehler who had invited him (17th May). In Kotagiri it was just

a few clouds here and there.” (GM 23.6.51). His health improved and he

could go for long walks or visit friends. It was a dreadful period for his literary

work, though. He took on the translation of the Bible energetically and

adapted or began writing, like the Nala story. He made the final corrections

on his Malayalam grammar before the first edition. And in September 1851

Gundert made another trip to the coast. Years later, quite another occasion

necessitated a trip to the mountain for a few weeks. Since missionary Buehler

had died Gundert had to settle legal affairs connected with the mission and

Mrs Buehler: “I was absent from Chirakkal from 11th J uly to 22nd August

1854 as per the wishes of Mrs Buehler and had to attend to certain matters

of the Nilagiri station on behalf of Br Hebig.” (GM 9.10.54). Gundert was

also able to utilize the period for sorting out the affairs of the Casamajor

foundation that had become rather complicated in the course of the year as

well as settle the financial transactions with the mission. He was obliged to

inform Basle about the tight financial resources allocated by the committee

and the excessively austere life the missionaries were thereby compelled to

adopt.

An inflammation of the abdomen in the course of 1858 showed no

signs of healing. Gundert decided to turn to the Blue Mountain again for

treatment but the result was only temporary: “By the way, my health has

really improved and I can soon set off for Nilagiri. I spent eight days with

Collector Robinson on his remote hill in Kozhikode.I found the heavy

showers invigorating.” (GM 3.5.58). He returned to Kozhikode at the end of

August, without feeling a sense of recuperation.

Kozhikode—Back in Malabar again

When Vasco da Gama touched the port of Kozhikode in May 1498 he

had reached the goal of his journey. An eye-witness account of the arrival in

121

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Kozhikode (Calicut) describes the town thus: “The town of Calicut is

Christian. These Christians are brown-skinned people. One section of them

have big beards and long hair. Some have their hair close-cropped and yet

others have their heads completely shaved but denote their Christianity only

through a tuft of hair on their crowns, also sporting moustaches. Their ears

are pierced and carry gold earrings. The upper half of the body is mostly

uncovered and a very fine cloth is worn round below the belt.” (Vasco da

Gama, The Discovery of the Searoute to India, published by Gernot Giertz,

Stuttgartand Vienna, 1986, 81). There is nothing toexplain why the town has

been only Christian but a chronicler makes mention of a big church.

Kozhikode was then a relatively new town. Marco Polo’s travels at

the end of the 13th century speak of the kingdom of Eli while on his way to

China but make no mention of Kozhikode. But Ibn Batuta (in India between

1342 and 1347) referred to the Zamorin of Kozhikode. Since the port of

Kozhikode was well situated for the export of pepper, cardamom and textiles

and as the Zamorin had declared it a free port, ships came in from all parts

of the world to exchange goods. Prominent here were Arabic and Chinese

merchants who had even set up a trading centre and a fort. In the 14th century

the Zamorin conferred special privileges on the Arabs who finally went on

to control the entire trade. In 1513 the Portuguese signed a treaty with the

Zamorin whereby they could establish a trading centre as wellasa chapel. In

1725 a large well —fortified church was set up. This church withstood the

invasion of Haider Ali and was handed over to the Carmelites in 1850.

Kozhikode was the first port of landing for the Basle missionaries (1834)

from where they journeyed further to Mangalore. Many roads lead out from

Kozhikode to the interior of the country and to the mountain. Noteworthy is

the link over the valley near Palakkad from where the passage to the eastern

coast of India as well as to Nilagiri is straight and clear.

Gundert came to Thalasseri in April 1839 and by the following month

he already had Kozhikode in mind as the next mission station of the Basle

Mission. He did not force the pace but utilized the opportunity presented to

him and gave it careful consideration: “I hope the society will find it

delightful to live in this country...Maybe another door will open itself in

Kozhikode.” (GM 21.5.39).

Barely a few months later Gundert had already chalked out a plan for

the undertaking in Kozhikode: “Tomorrow we shall be sailing by boat for

Kozhikode where judge Walker (a friend of Rhenius) has invited us again.

I wrote to him saying that we should first ask the committee for workers and

for which we wished to have more information from him. The localities of

Kozhikode, for instance. (also investigate as to how far we could expect

122

_Biography

support from his side). We will then also tell him the plain facts and hope not

to be ashamed when we propose a far more simple mission framework than

one the present conditions in India would reasonably allow.” (GM 23.9.39).

However, the Basle Mission did not have it so fast in Kozhikode as

Gundert had expected. He always pointed out how important the town would

be as an administrative centre. The resident Collector Conolly was well

disposed towards Gundert. The abolition of slavery ordered in Kozhikode,

for instance, was a direct consequence of the position taken by the Christian

community in Anjarakandi:” The Christian judge Thomas of Kozhikode

who had also invited us, has forwarded our proposal for the abolition of

slavery in Malabar to the Central government, through the Madras government,

withina year. Its acceptance could have important consequences for us. Both

Thomas and Conolly wish tg demonstrate to the government what

EF

achievements the lower castes were capable of. Brown will not remain over

there. He has complied with my request last month and sent over two youths,

Sylvan (baptised) and Tychikus to prepare themselves for teaching positions

among the people of his plantation. The youths will join our institute and

Brown will pay for their monthly expenses.” (GM 6.7.41).

é

Gundert came to Kozhikode again during the autumn of 1841 while

on his way to Nilagiri. He visited important personalities on this occasion.

Writing to his father, he expressed optimism over an early opening of a

ey o R R v BT 2 g

mission station in Kozhikode: “It gives us such pleasure to think that, by

God’s grace, we could have an extension of the mission to Kozhikode. I shall

be going there again in a few days. I have sent a long report on my Nilagiri

trip to Basle....I have stated therein the main reasons why there should be no

delay in filling the post in Kozhikode, as the capital of Malabar with its large

T L a— b e SRS ..

population, our friendly Collector and judge (i.e., government and legal

circles).” (GM 23.12.41).

Gundert made preparations on his next visit (early 1842) for the

setting up of the new station and brought the former catechist Michael of

Anjarakandi to work among the Nayadis(a mendicant caste) in Kozhikode.

In April came the green signal from Basle, approving of the establishment of

é{

the mission in Kozhikode. Gundert depicts the departure of missionary Fritz

and his colleagues from Thalasseri with some feeling: “We have justreturned

[

from the beach (Friday, the 13th May 1842). Br. Fritz, Titus (his servant, the

[

baptised Kannur-Rama), his wife Elisa, Tirus of Anjarakandi....and a young

Nayar Rama (who has come to us a weeks ago, cured of his fever, and who

now wants to become a Chrisitan—weak but good-natured) have embarked

on a journey to Kozhikode. We bade them farewell. No station has begun in

this way, with raw hands from the Pulaya, Tiya, Paraya and Nayer castes and

123

Dr Hermann Gundert arnd the Malayalam Language

a competent catechist in Tamil and Malayalam.” (GM 13.5.42). The new

work expanded so fast that soon Fritz had to ask for addtional help.

About midway between Thalasseri and Kozhikode lies Vadagara, at

the mouth of the river of the same name. This was once the border between

southern and northern Kerala. In commemoration thereof there is a big

festival that takes place in Kilur annually, along with a huge cattle market.

The missionaries do not miss the opportunities thrown up by such an

occasion. Gundert too was there many times and reported on it once in detail:

“T visited the Kilur festival last week. Kilur, low village, is now

nothing butatemple on a hill jutting out across the ford of the Vadagarariver,

surrounded by several scattered Brahmin, Nayer and other houses. It seems

to have been an important place in earlier times. The Turasheri ford is well

known as the dividing line of the original Kerala from the northern quarter.

However, different customs have now evolved on the northern and southern

sides of the river: The observance of caste is much stricter on the southern

side, which was once the shoreline of Kozhikode. Nayer weavers who crossed

the ford were never allowed to return to their homes. Siva, the deity of this

border area, had rendered this ground sacred before ages and now every

December there is a festival and a regular market. This period finds all kinds

of people from north Malabar gathering in Kilur to buy and sell, to have a

glimpse of the deity, to keep their vows and to look at or take part in the

religious procession that proceeds from the temple to the pyramid con-

structed on the market square. The pyramid, about 25 ft high, stands amidst

ruins, yet distinctive. It is decorated with branches and flowers around the

picture of the deity and in a way that the subsequent fireworks do not cause

any damage. There are huts around the pyramid, constructed out of branches,

and on whose floors the articles are kept. Innumerable Bhats (tamil Brah-

mins) are seated on one side, peddling their clothes. On the other are

predominantly Mappila merchants hawking their wares—processed metal,

clothes, tools and the like made by Indian hands and in English factories.

Many bring rudders from the interior (I saw a sale for 7 pennies); the Kurawas

and other low castes settle away from the din and bustle, and sell their mats,

baskets and other wickerwork; heaps of rice are spread out and disappear in

an instant. The Tiyas bring their coconuts in nets and bananas, particularly

of the mealy variety, two big sacks, each hanging at the end of abamboo pole

carried on the shoulder; ginger, saffron, cardamom and all spices sold for a

song to residents on the coast, who in turn exchange their dried fish and other

marine products. Whoever buys or sells also makes his obeisance before the

deity, also followed by women and children in all their finery, each carrying

a small offering. In addition, the temple also has a fine income from the huge

and flourishing cattle trade. One-tenth of a rupee goes to the temple for every

124

Biography

animal sold and the narrow streets surrounding it are choked with cattle

driven along. The animals come to a standstill in a huge enclosure between

the temple and the market square. One sees there faces of ridiculous as well

as bad characters, evidently from the coast, and people who have never seen

aEuropean and who flee from a white face, with their cattle and all. One also

comes across strange characters with bows and arrows or an old princeling

with his Nayer bodyguards with unsheathed swords and a shield painted red,

swaying in gravitational rhythm. And this time there also came two English-

men, iron-smelters from Beypore, perhaps, for the first time, to buy cattle. I

met them near the Payoli bungalow where we slept together on the floor.”

'

(GB 20.12.48).

The south-eastern hinterland of Kozhikode was witness to repeated

revolts against the English. The cause of this unrest was the after-math of the

violent changes wrought by Tippu who perpetrated atrocities in this region:

“What has taken place here is mainly this: There is deadly enmity in

Sheranadu between the Mappilas and the higher caste heathens. The land

belonged to them earlier and was partly leased. Tippu wiped out many

Brahmins and Nayers and gave the leases to Mohammedans, entitling them

toownership of the porperty. Ever since the English occupation in 1792 there

are now regular fights over it.” (GM 5.10.49).

Gundert came more often to Kozhikode. Sometimes the Basle mis-

sionarics of Malabar gathered there to revise Gundert’s translation of the

Bible: “1 was absent from 25 th (September 1853) onwards, went via

Thalasseri and Chombala to Kozhikode where we had a revision session for

three days long (on the gospel of Matthew).” (GM 4.10.53).

The big church was built in the mid-fifties. “The Kozhikode brothers

laid the foundation for a church that would cost Rs. 3500.” (GM 14.5.54). A

year and a half later the church was officially opened: “ I am awaiting Br.

Hebich from Kozhikode every hour. The fine newly built church has been

opened and celebrated by the mission and for which four Malabar stations

have come together. It must have been a wonderful day and I would have

gladly accepted and invitation if I had had the means.” (GM 21.12.55)

In view of his constant travels Gundert anxiously looked forward to

the construction of a railway from Madras to Kozhikode: “At last there will

now be a railway from Madras to Kozhikode. When it comes to pass I think

I will visit Madras once. It was in 1837 that I was there the last time.” (GM

5.10.53). “ The construction of the railway is in progress in Malabar. Some

of our Christians (from Kozhikode and Palakkad) are already engaged there.”

(GM 15.6.55). At other times Gundert related the situtation in Palakkad:

“Pala-kadu lies on a sort of isolated terrain interrupted by the route of the

western ghats. The railroad from Madras to Kozhikode passes by here and all

125

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

trade between the two coasts has its junction at this point. Travelling for a few

hours to the east, I find myself in the driest of climate while here it is stormy.

(GM 18.5.58). When in 1858 the Basle Mission also established itself in

Palakkad and sent a missionary there, Gundert viewed the event with

satisfaction.

The position of school inspector was progressively decided at

Kozhikode. The good relationship enjoyed by Fritx with the English admin-

istration and the old friendship with Gundert made taking up the post easier:

“I am sending you here with the minutes of the Court of Directors—on

eduction in India—in so far as they have reference to our missionary school

activities or have importance for us. A university in Madras, district schools,

(for instance, one in Kozhikode for Malabar), normal schools for training

schoolmasters, schoolbooks in native languages, schools for doctors,

engineers (technicians, architects, etc....)...These are somewhat the remain-

ing chapters, indisputably full of insights and well-intentioned motives.”

(GM 1.10.54).

In order to get a correct picture of the duties and responsibilities of a

school inspector Gundert went to Kozhikode to meet the government

representative: “Thave alot of things to say about the school question but will

postpone it for another time because Conolly has been murdered, just before

Fritz could make inquiries in this connection. I am in correspondence with

Mr. Arbuthnot, Director of Education, over the preparation of schoolbooks

and I am now thinking of going to Kozhikode to gather some information

from my old friend, judge Harris.” (GM 19.9.55). The school inspector’s

position was not only something new in Malabar but also combined with the

task of producing schoolbooks. In addition, criteria had to be established for

the employment of people who could ensure a smooth exchange between the

university level and the village schools. The school ministry was in Madras

and had nearly all Dravidian languages in its functional character. Therefore

the task that Gundert had on hand was, from the start, anything but simple.

On6th April1857 Gundert was appointed school inspector for Malabar

and Canara. This meant that he was entrusted with responsibility for an area

on the west coast that extended from Kozhikode to Honavar (about 600 km)

and more than a hundred kilometers deep inland. On being appointed, he

waited for further instructions: “I now wait every day for my orders that will

probably send me to Kozhikode where Robinson is carrying on enthusias-

tically with the schoolwork as best as he can.” (GM 20.4.57). “I received my

instructions the same evening and they were so plentiful that I now have

enough work for a long time ahead. First I should go to Kochi to inspect

schools over there and then to Kozhikode to meet the Collector (circle office)

and the management of the high schools over there, set up taluk schools in

126

Biography

Malabar and examine the Basle Mission school in Thalasseri. Then back to

Mangalore and up to Honavar, quite enough for a poor mortal being, without

all that writing and all that which India does not easily permit.” (GM 2.5.57).

For the time being Gundert discharged his duties out of Mangalore but this

changed in the course of the year.

The death of Mrs. Fritz made it necessary for Julie and Hermann

Gundert to move from Mangalore to Kozhikode. Gundert wrote:"The reason

is that on 20th September Mrs. Fritz passed away due to a heart attact or

something like that, after a long illness. We have been asked to fill the gap.

AsIhad to first go to the north on an inspection tour, Mama waited on for Mrs.

Hoch’s delivery. This happened earlier (30th September) than expected and

so it was decided that we return to Malabar. We did so at the end of October.”

(GM 30.12.57). They arrived in Kozhikode on 30th October and set them-

selves down in their last Indian environment. For Gundert it was a return

home because he was again surrounded by Malayalam people, could hearand

speak the language.

The situation in Kozhikode was particularly different for Julie Gundert.

In addition to looking after two households she also had to-manage the girls'

ig

institute where more than fifty girls had to be cared for, taught, and brought

up. Gundert was glad to discover the presence of an Indian lady teacher in

Kozhikode: “Mama is again of service. After her experience in Mangalore

where she lived a life of ease a little, she works in settled grooves, moving

gently, so as not to cause offence to the right or to the left. In Mangalore

o

everything was alright, whether we worked nicely or indifferently, because

we had our own way of doing things—in life as in our work. Here Mama

takes over the house and its activities for Br. Fritz, with whom the carpenter

brother now lives. Bosshardt, the economist, ismostly at Kodakal, the station

nearby. Today (and for several weeks) Aldinger has come over from

Thalasseri to help out as Fritz is away for a short rest. The girls seem poorer

and kept in a more subordinate position than in Mangalore. I aslo feel they

are more obedient and clinging. Now they have a real and worthy native lady

teacher among them—till now a rare phenomenon because when there are

women who can teach, though only a few, it is not always that they can

exercise control over themselves and over others.” (GM 7.11.57). On 16th

January 1858 Gundert and his daughter Marie arrived in Kozhikode from

Mangalore. Marie helped her mother with her schoolwork and sometimes

accompanied her father on his travels. Gundert suffered from an inflamma-

tion of the abdomen, which sometimes improved and sometimes got worse,

butintensified afterevery relapse. On 12th April 1859—exactly twenty years

afiter his landing in Thalasseri—he departed from Kozhikode. On 26th April

the journey took him through Bombay, onwards.

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The Second Career

The transition

On 12th April 1859, exactly twenty years after hisarrival in Thalasseri,

Gundert had to leave Malabar. And India. He had planned to return. On 20th

May 1859 he arrived in Basle. First he visited his three youngest sons,

Friedrich, Paul and David, who were at a children’s home of the Basle

Mission. The two oldest ones, Hermann and Samuel, were in a mission home.

Gundert livened up. He visited them every morning and in the evening too,

or they came to his room. Still there was no noticeable improvement in his

health. His wife and daughter waited in Kozhikode for his return to Malabar.,

Gundert delivered his health bulletin to the committee in Basle: “After

spending more than twenty years in a tropical climate without any serious

illnesses—a prolonged bronchitis from 1849-52 and at times slight

haemorrhoids during this period are alone worthy of mention—I had to

undertake anarduous journey in February 1858 in the interior of Malabar. An

uninterrupted wind from the east turned the nights cold and dry while during

the day it was increasingly hot and unbearable. I lost my usual appetite and

sleep. I sought to recover my health by taking a small trip to the coast but did

not regain my strength. In March I suffered from chronic diarrhoea. The

medical prescriptions for it did not work effectively enough and during a sea

voyage to Kochi-25th March (1858)—the diarrhoea turned into dysentery.

Things were different, however, on my sea voyage to Europe. My energies

returned. I could sleep better and had a better appetite although I could not

exercise the usual caution in the choice of nourishment. The two bowel

movements were painless but not quite regular. I landed in Marsille on 18th

May and felt so well that I thought that the whole illness had passed..” (GM

5.12.59). That he had not quite recovered was revealed in the summer during

a trip to Switzerland and during his stay in Basle:” I have almost no memory

of the fluctuating states of my health each day and it was at the beginning of

July that I was again affected by diarrhoea after attending the Basle Mission

celebrations. This worsened into dysentery in the course of a trip to

Switzerland—the symptoms were similar to those I had in January—and

from which I have not since then really recovered. There were occasions

providing momentary relief—once through bathing in river waters, then

through Ditzinger’s mineral waters, once through the risk of a very long walk,

and often through railway journeys-but there never was a radical change in

my health. Since settling down in Basle for the winter on 1st November

(1859) Thave not had any invigorating feelings such as I had had in summer.”

(Ebd).

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Biography

‘

During his stay in Basle it became clear that the committee was not

inclined to send Gundert again to Malabar. An inquiry from Dr Christian

Gottlob Barth (1799-1862), director of the Calw Publishers’ Group, led to

anew outlook. Gundert wrote: “Dr. Barth has requested me, through his letter

of 30th November, to work with him. I have mulled over it for quite afew days

|

buthave notbeen able to arrive ata happy conclusion. I now think itnecessary

a—

that the esteemed committee should contribute to the decision-making.

Allow me to submit my thoughts candidly.” (GM 6.12.59). Astonishingly,

o

Gundert quickly saw what he had to do. However much he was attracted

towards Malabar he realised that his health would not permit it. His con-

siderations were:

1. “I wish to remain in the service of the mission as long as I am

needed. This does not exclude service at home but quite frankly I do believe

it foresees work in India. I do not fear that the state of my health forbids my

return if I could, after a while, push from the Malabar coast towards the

interior of the country. I hardly need to add that my wife has a most agreeable

position in India and that she would feel totally alienated and useless in

Germany for long. Therefore has this desire to return to India—under

negotiations for the past few weeks—remained dominant in my thought,

without assuming that I see in it a divine justification to act in this manner.

2. Looking at the nature of Dr Barth’s work till now, I cannot conceal

the fact that it is doubtful if I could bring the competence to the job so ably

demonstrated by him. I am not unfamiliar with mission affairs but trust

myself far less in dealing with such matters with the most varied of people

and societies. I am a little apprehensive of the strict and intricate ways of

doing business and I would also have some trouble in acquiring the needed

German journalistic style.

Yet I cannot say that I see the impossible in this matter. If God wills

that I should take up this position, He will certainly help me further.

3. As I see my wants and my abilities as described, it does not,

however, help to determine my next occupation. I have not understood it as

a divine invitation. I could, however, recognise it as such in the expressed

will of the committee and accept the fact that I would remain a missionary,

ready to be sent out. It would be enough for me if the esteemed committee

were to explain that this would be preferable to that.

4. In view of Dr Barth’s health a possibly quick decision is now

necessary. However, in case of acceptance, my physical condition would

forbid such a move. So I can be satisfied, in the meantime, with a conditional

acceptance. It would also help me to take my wife’s views into consideration

before—sometime in March—I take up my position. YetI see itas a possible

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Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

>

decisiveness on my part to be able to write, without delay, and where an

absence of communication from the committee does not make me feel

empowered. [ have only to observe, however, that it is my natural desire that

she along with my daughter comes back, provided no unforeseen events

intervene.” (ibid)

The decision crystallised itself a few days later: “Itis already a week

since I hold your application of 30th November in my hands. Buteven ifI had

the time to consult you, there would have been no decision. But I now have

the feeling of having received so much light thereon that I am in a position

to give you a reply.

I have decided to accept the application but on the condition that my

wife, to whom I have writen, gives me her consent. This would probably

arrive in March but I believe I could set to work till then with all the strength

that I could summon.” (GM 10.12.59).

In the beginning of January 1860 Gundert travelled to Calw via

Stuttgart. His complaints seemed to have been blown away: "On the 3rd, (I)

took a look, along with Weitbrecht, at the two rented lodgings and chose the

one over the inn. Session in the afternoon—nothing very formal, I spoke

frecly—everything seems quiet and orderly, encouraging furher confidence.

Barth himself hardly spoke. I remained with him on the 4th and took a look

at the working conditions.” (GM 7.1.60). On the following day he carried on

to Stuttgart: “The main thing was that in Calw my body was in a state of

crisis—it was almost as though I had no abdomen, only the mucous

congestion at the higher level had to be watched. Also, since then it has

reamined rather amusing, as I made five to six trips today in all parts of town.”

(GM 7.1.60).

His stomach pains resumed when he returned to Basle. His wife also

seemed to have reconciled herself to the fact that her husband might notcome

to India any more: “My stay at Calw was beneficial in seeing the week

through. Here things are the same again as before: The cold is gone, but the

old complaint is back again. It is curious that my wife seems to have been

informed of my condition by my sons and as a consequence of which has

gathered that my return to India was a remote possibility.” (GM 14.1.60).

Moving to Calw

In March 1860 Gundert attended a mission’s conference in London.

Returning to Basle, he still had a couple of days to spare. He had to take leave

of his three youngsters at the children’s home again. He travelled to Calw on

10th April 1860 via Stuttgart where he undertook many visits (Julie and

Marie Gundert departed on 11th April from Bombay.).

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Biography

An agreement was entered into between Gundert and the Calw

Publishers’ Group:

Agreement between the publishers’ group, party of the first part, and

Dr Gundert and the Mission Society in Basle, party of the second part:

1. Dr Gundert, till now missionary in India, takes on work in the

business of the Calw Publishers’ Group under terms and conditions agreed

upon between him and the management of the enterprise.

%

2. As per the wishes of the mission committee in Basle, Dr Gundert

will devote a portion of his time also to the literary work of the Malayalam

mission. This will be during the third part of his work period while the first

two parts will be dedicated to the business of the Calw Publishers’ Group.

Against that, the Basle Mission society will be obliged, as long as Dr Gundert

works for them, to pay him a yearly sum of four hundred guilders. The

publishers’ group promises to pay him for the same period a sum of eight

hundred guilders. If, however, the work for India ceases, we will credit his

account with the entire annual sum of twelve hundred guilders. In addition,

the publishers’ union will pay the rent for Dr Gundert’s accommodation.

3. This understanding will not be limited to a definite period so that

there will be no constraints on functioning, should conditions point toanother

direction of work and God’s will is expressed in some other manner. As much

as itis desired that Dr Gundert finds his vocational satisfaction in the new job

assigned by God, he reserves for himself the right to resign as does the

publishers’ group, whose continued existence in the present critical times is

to be regarded as insecure, reserves for itself the right to terminate the

agreement.

(Signed) H Gundert

on behalf of the publishers’ group:

(Signed) D Barth, G H Zeller, Fr Schauber, E Widmann

In the name of the Protestant Mission Society in

Basle It. committee resolution of 9th May 1860:

(signed) Ad Christ-Sarasin, president of the Mission’s committee

J. Josenhans, Inspector.” (GM 3.5.60).

Julie and Marie Gundert arrived in Basle on 10th May 1860. They

were met by Gundert and on 14th May along with their youngest sons

proceeded to Calw: “At last we were together in Calw—there was great

confusion at the post office over the meeting, some clarifications at Barth’s

place during lunch, Friedrich could not eat but the other two made up for him.

David clung to Mama as though she had gone away yesterday and he had a

special claim on her.” (GM 16.5.60).

Gundert immersed himself in the work of the publishing house and

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Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

also worked further on his Malayalam works. Barth headed the publishers’

group till his death on 12th November 1862. Gundert succeeded him. At the

same time this signified Gundert’s exit from the Basle Mission and the

ultimate rejection of India as a letter to the committee makes clear:

“Yesterday, a week after the demise of our beloved Dr. Barth, we had

our first session of the group. I had wished to hear from them a few words

throwing more light on my next step. Of course, I did not make a reference

to myself. My own perception of the urgency of the situation as well as the

decisive wish of the group’s members left me in no doubt that I would be

executing God’s will when I now take over the leadership of the group. I

daresay I also complied with their wishes therewith. Since I am now about

to sever my official connections with your organisation I wish to take this

opportunity of conveying my love and gratitude for all that you have done for

me in the twentyfour years of my service. I hardly need to add that the change

in my external occupation will not detract in the least from my sincere

relations with yourselves and your great work. I do hope, that the Lord will

give me the necessary strength and stamina to continue this in one form or the

other and be of service to you.” (GM 20.11.62).

Now Gundert had to dedicate himself fully to the publishing business

and tackle its problems morc deeply. He says somethig of the history and

objective of the group in a letter: “The Calw Publishers’ Group was founded

by the late Dr Barth in 1829. He expanded its activities since 1832 and

managed its business till his death in 1862. Its objective is to disseminate

Christian schoolbooks and writings, including missionary publications and

writings that are authored on its behalf. To this end it has established its own

bookstore and appointed a manager to conduct its affairs. Dr. Barth’s place

has been taken since his death by the undersigned Hermann Gundert who

now carries responsibility for directing the enterprise, and the administra-

tion of the business. As with his predecessor, there are a number of people to

assist him in the execution of joint duties and the promotion of the union.

Since there is no striving for making profits, he finds more of a purpose in

supplying inexpensive Christian publications and promoting the missionary

goal. The group has always owed its existence to contributions from friends

interested in this branch of Christian activity. When it comes to registration

of the bookstore belonging to the union in the trade register, the undersigned

then designates himself as the representative of the group. Calw, 16, January

1866, H Gundert, Dr ph.” (GM 16.1.66).

Calw—German and Malayalam

Gundert had to apply himself to different jobs on his arrival in Calw.

He had to concern himself with the business aspects of the publishing house

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Biography

as well as to correct the publications, sometimes even change them, before

getting them ready for printing. he even wanted to end the Malayalam work:

"I now seek to utilize the third part of my time for working on a handbook for

é

catechists wherein I will bring my excerpts from Malayalam literature. I can

o

hardly go on to biblical work till I have my books and groundwork.” (GM

21.5.60).

Several years later Gundert laid bare his views before the Basle

committee on how he could continue his work on Malayalam: “On arriving

here in April I first looked over the Malayalam manuscripts that I had brought

and them continued to work on them,making the necessary excerpts from a

major work of that literature, the Ramayana, for the vocabulary and the

grammar as well as selecting the contents from the most important passages,

common points and the like. This led me to consider preparing a handbook

for catechists in which the most conspicuous of the entire literature of the

country would be compiled. It would be according to two points of view. One

would be the lack of evidence of divinity in the writings and the entire

philosophy of life contained therein, —these would be listed. The other

would encompass the commendable values one finds therein in connection

with a natural realisation of God, the ethics, and how the wisdom is imparted

to the populace. Excerpting has been going on for years. What I wrote about

Nalaeleven totwelve years ago and got printed in the mission’s magazine can

serve as a specimen. Naturally this compilation would appear more packed

than the dialogic form that I had sought then. I believe it would be best if this

collection appears as a succession of treatises.

In the meantime I have interrupted this work to settle some urgent

matters. I have worked on a second and improved edition of Oru ayiram

pazhancol, (One Thousand Malayalam Proverbs) which has been forwarded

to India.

After the arrival of my boxes in November at long last, I could carry

on with the translation of the prophets. Due to the domestic nature of my set-

up and my fixed agenda I deemed it necessary to transfer this Bible work to

my residence

I did my work on the vocabulary in Dr Barth’s study. I first

had the task here of going through a dictionary in three volumes that the

Catholic missionaries had gathered before two hundred years and completed

in 1745. The dictionary is in Portuguese and Malayalam. A poor English

translation has come out in the nineties when the English made an attempt to

learn the language, following the conquest of Malabar. I have how completed

these three volumes and sent them to the Malayalis (mission pupils) in the

mission house. They had long yearned for a Malayalam dictionary.” (GM

25.2.61). Besides that, Gundert’s German writings became of increasing

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Dr Her'mann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

importance but took a lot of his time. One of the first biographies that he

published after his return was “Govinda, the elephant driver”—once a

catechist in Illikunnu, called Thomas: “Govinda is since long in Basle. What

would you say to my enclosing some more? I leftit to F. Mueller to make any

changes and he conveyed it further.” (GM 21.9.60). He did not want to be

known as the author of the treatise for certain reasons: “I would rather that

you removed the H.G. from the treatise (Govinda) Since I have brought

myself into it prominently enough. And because I hold Th(omas) dearly in

my memory. It would have been preferable if I had dealt with others and

collected my material, remaining as an outsider. If there is anonymity, a

charitable reader would attribute it to another missionary wishing to glorify

me and it would not be construed as vaingloriousness on my part.” (GM

24.10.60). Some time later there arose doubts over the authorship of

Govinda. Gundert replied thereto: “Weitbrecht compiled Ramavarma in

Basle. Govinda has been written by me.” (GM 10.8.62).

In October 1860 he travelled to Bad Boll to meet Johann Christoph

Blumhardt (1805-80). He wanted to negotiate with him over the third edition

of his mission’s history that was to come out shortly. Gundert summarised

Blumbhardt’s draft and wrote much that was new: “Almost all my time has

been taken up by the mission’s history and to which I devote eight to nine

hours of the day. It has already been written by the vicar Blumhardt in fair

copy. But I have to condense it into two volumes and still include the most

recent. I had no problems with Africa and the Mohammedan countries. With

India I deem it my duty to move more freely and have virtually rewritien

many things. The map goes alongside. This time every volume will carry

several maps. I devote so much time exclusively to this aspect of the society

that I can condone it only by my conviction that thereby I am of as much

service to the mission as to the union.” (GM 22.3.62). A good half year later

the mission’s history was almost complete. But still there was new material:

“Against that I am quite occupied with the mission’s history, which along

with its six maps has produced more work than I myself expected. It is now

almost complete. At the same time I have done something for the memory of

Gompertz and have used an episode from my English trip in a treatise. If not

the influence of the mission, it is still from its origin and spirit.” (GB

13.10.62).

As Gundert was beginning to work

’on the Malayalam dictionary,

Basle came up with a request to “complete the life of Lacroix for the

magazine”. (GB 13.10.62). Even during the first years in Calw it was not

unusual for Gundert to work on or revise everything that was pushed on to

him by others. His performance was incredible. But the question remains as

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Biography

to whether it was due to his flair for doing things or the fact that he had been

engaged in such work in Malabar. Would notaNo have been necessary and

more appropriate than bowing to necessity? Beside his publishing and

editorial duties he busied himself in parish work and mission celebrations.

Would it not have been essentially more beneficial for the Malayalam

language—and therewith for the mission and the church—if Gundert were

to have had more time and freedom to bring his linguistic talent and abilities

in this area more strongly to the forefront?

Gundert took a long and detailed look at the life of missionary Martig

of Bern who, accompanied by missionary Lechler, had gone to China in

1859. He died a few years later. Gundert turned to Moegling for the papers

and wrote a biography: “Now I would gladly have your manuscript on the

late Martig.” (GM 15.8.63). Moegling sent him the material, to which

Gundert replied: “Thank you for the Martig letters. I do feel that it would be

i

more useful to have a short note on the subject than a detailed discussion

thereon. He was his own man, really talented, and an unusual subject for

Basle. Andstillacceptedin God’s grace.” (GM 27.8.63). Martig’s notes gave

no coherent picture but threw light on his personality: “He must have

inwardly suffered alot during his travels in China...On 16th November 1862:

“Arrived in Samarang in the midst of a storm, high peaks, majestic stormsand

lightning every day, winding, forked and crossed in all directions.” On 28th

all was quiet. The whole running of the mission by the dear brothers seems

akin to this stormy atmosphere, alarming in more than one sense, the main

want being of childlikeness.” (GM 18.9.63). The childlikeness belonged to

Gundert’s key concepts.

Eventually Gundert took over the editing of almost everything—

monthly magazines, youth journals and mission’s magazines. In addition,

there were Calw’s mission journal, Calw’s mission journal for children and

the monthly journals for public mission services. Since Gundert edited all

these journals he did not want to have his name associated with them:” I

cannot openly appear as the editor of the mission’s magazine when three

mission journals and the youth journal are published under my name. It could

give rise to the misconception in everyone, especially my publisher, that all

this rather slipshod work in various forms is being undertaken by me only

for the love of money. That would not be pleasing to the Lord. Another way

out would be to find a young assistant whom I could thoroughly train in the

entire business and who could later take over. I have been on the lookout for

such a person but have not found one yet.” (G.B. 1.12.62).

When anyone spoke critically of the mission Gundert at once came to

its~ defence, factually but clearly. He wrote a hundred-page long rejoinder to

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Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Langhan’sbook Pietismand Christianity as reflected in the external mission

(Leipzig 1864) under the title The Mission before the Judgement Seat of

Immanence and published it in the mission’s magazine (1865).

In 1861 Gundert published fifteen lectures of Hebich. Following the

death of Hebich he co-authored his biography with Herrmann Moegling

under the title Samuel Hebich, a contribution to the history of the Indian

mission. (Basle 1872). Gundert had already published this biography in

several issues of the mission’s magazine. He also wrote a biography some

time earlier of George Adam Kissling, a missionary life in Africa and New

Zealand. Finally, in the mid-seventies, he wrote the book Diary of mission-

aries Ramseyer and Kuehne in captivity (Basle 1875). After Hermann

Moegling’s death he described his life under the sub-title. A missionary life

at the middle of the century. (Calw and Stuttgart 1882). Gundert followed up

Wilhelm Redenbacher’s three—volume work Reader on the history of man-

kind with its fourth volume The history of recent times 1815-1877 during the

second edition. He also wrote The Protestant Mission, Its countries, people

and work (appeared in 1881). The end of the seventies saw him completing

the 23 issues of Mission Pictures,comprising some 112 pages. This was seen

as an important cultural and historical contribution. However, it also brought

much critical notice, especially from the fundamentalist pictists who

publicised their views through the Calw’s Bible Dictionary, published by

Calw’s publishing group. A confirmation was called for on what Gunderthad

once written: “It is appalling to observe how we in Wuerttemberg seem to

have the Bible absolutely in our power without any serious effort. It is also

the case in England and America—in a different manner. So it seems to me

a necessary consequence of Protestantism that the meek and the upright

satisfy their desire for freedom in this form while the more worldly of them

seek their emancipation through letters. God then still works quietly on it so

that most of these altruistically motivated people follow a totally safe and

harmless authority, without being aware if it. So many of our farmers talk as

though they had read nothing else but the writings, which soon turn out,

however, as Bengali, Oetingerish, etc...in character. They thus talk without

knowing themselves where their wisdom comes from. The tradition appar-

ently serves them right also, and often mostly those who protest the loudest

against human authority.”(GM 19.1.67).

Mission and Church

Gundert’s return from India and his subsequent move to Calw saw

him enter into renewed discussions about Wuerttemberg’s church matters.

A lot had changed in the religious landscape of southern Germany since his

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Biography

departure for England in the autumn of 1835. A new orientation had set in

because the pietistic communities and the churches saw themselves chal-

lenged by the onrush of other societies and sects, and reorganised themselves

accordingly. The Templars formed themselves into a formidable group on

the margin of the church. Methodists and Baptists established new parishes,

some others tried to create unrest and the Mormons tried all means to get

points of support. Sectarian outgrowths also made their appearance, thanks

to the influence of Hebich in the mid-sixties. Above all, sectarian circles

were formed in Schaffhausen and Stuttgart. Hebich died, hawever, before

their followers could join together.

Gundert again addressed himself to the church problem. A letter to his

son Hermann revealed how candid and broad his views had become. He was

able to easily make different groups come together in peaceful co-existence

without exciting the slightest feeling of jealousy. His self-consciousness and

his own indentity shaped by reformatory and pietistic influences contributed

a lot to his Christian role. in maintaining solidarity. He could very clearly

differentiate the inner from the outer: Gundert viewed any organisation—

even when he considered it necessary—as an external thing while the inner

process always worked only through a new heart.

His tolerance towards different organisational forms of Christian

living was founded in this attitude. This enabled him toreconcile differences,

especially among those given to rivalries and competition, and prevent

splitting up of groups in difficult situations. Even so, he criticised the smug,

power-oriented church reform. In a correspondence with Marie and Charles

]

Isenberg in Hyderabad, Sindh, he related his encounter with Auer, a former

German who had emigrated to Ameriea: “He is very smart, speaks fast like

an American, more English than German, his little son plainly English. I

found him somewhat religious, like so many Germans who had turned

episcopalian. He opined that one may not belong to the Low Church in

America as it might convey the impression that it was immaterial as to which

denomination one belonged. I do not say that now but when a German is of

the opinion that one finds real apostolic Christianity under a foreign flag, I

can never relinquish my feeling that—even if obscure to him—another,

external motive must have played arole in it. Our church is not the church

but it lets one find Jesus therein. No one offers much more when seen as a

whole. Naturally I can find Catholics who impress me and whom, I like much

more than individual Protetsant friends but they are not the church and cannot

be said to represent it as particularly well advised exceptions. So I feel that

one has to select the best in all communities where Jesus has shown his form.

One does notthendwell on weaknesses. Now, Auer has a lot to find fault with

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Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

in the Liberian bishop and would gladly be the bishop himself, which I do not

take amiss. But when he looks upon Titus and Timotheus and rightful

bishops and secks to prove thereby that their system still works in the

Anglican Church, then I have to ridicule the historical mistake which sees all

change which went through such a phenomenon down the centuries as

providing a fresh view. In America they all have to fight out their struggle

for existence and growth with the rest of the churches and such a condition

is not suitable for the promotion of the quiet, inner development in life.” (GM

30.11.67).F G AuerwasonceaBasle Mission pupil. He wentout of America

as a missionary to the Gold Coast. In 1868 he went to Liberia where he

became bishop in 1872 and died two years later.

Gundert’s own experiences and encounters with innumerable per-

sonalities in India and elsewhere in the world and the fact that three of hissons

were engaged in the mission—in Sindh, in Kanara, and in Malabar—made

it practically impossible for him to separate the problem of the mission from

that of the church. Notwithstanding, he was quite shocked to receive a letter

from Moegling that expressed the formula: “Mission work is church matter”.

Gundert replied: “You wonder that it carried on for fifty years in Basle. But

I also wonder at the fifty years of peace in our fatherland, about so much in

and out of the world that we belong to and ourselves. It is certainly God’s

mercy that you can still sing His praises in peace. I do not wish to speculate

on the next fifty years, however. Only your expression “mission work is

church matter” shocked me a bit! (GM 1.2.65).

Never was Gundert arrogant but rather remained self-critical and saw

himself rooted both inside as well as outside the church: “You make no fair

ideal of Christian perfection. I am glad when I come through without causing

offence to others and am thankful for receiving an unexpected bonus, as it

were, when something still more positive emerges from my services. It is not

overflowing, however, justa drop here and there. And when a breath of fresh

air from heaven comes upon it, it serves to fructify the decaying and enliven

the nearly lifeless. The world is thoroughly bad, the church— as a whole—

bad, the best are tolerably poor.

Only God’s present assistance and

overruling brings some good out of all those. It is therefore quite correct not

to look for and expect too much from anyone, and the least from ones own

self.” (GM 7.10.58).

Behind all his strivings towards serving the church in the Lutheran

sense, Gundert held before him the picture of a people composed of different

religions as the ideal prerequisite for an integrated society: “But I do believe

that the Catholic religion (and every other) needs a certain amount of pressure

and struggle in order to remain effective and alive. Then ithas all as it desires,

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Biography

ruled by Death incarnate. Good Catholics themselves confess that countries

with mixed populations provide the best conditions for their religious form.”

(BN 314).

§

This was why Gundert defended smaller groupings. For instance, the

Hermhuters, who, in part, suffered under the Lutherans: “There I see the

Lutheran priest in Livland with his “Herrnhut does no good” attitude. The

Lutheran church has only one sect but it is the worst of all, viz., the

Herrnhuter. A “healthy” community is to be found where there are no

Herrnhuter houses. What has transpired, however, is the fact that out of these

“healthy” Lutherans 20,000 have gone over to the Greek church, and from

those who had connections with Herrnhuters, only 200. Livland’s synod of

1852 lists six days for celebrations only against Herrnhut. Not a wholesome

picture, isit?” (GM 29.6.62). The new groups in Calw were calmly welcomed

by Gundert who saw in them a valuable gain in the diverse field of local

activities.

As much as he took the Herrnhuters under his wing, Gundert fought

against the Templars or the Kirschenhardthoefers and their leader Christoph

Hoffmann(1815-1885). He had once shared a room with Hoffmann in the

seminary back home and they had got on well. Gundert had asked a question

at a conference as to how one should behave with the Kirschenhardthoefers.

;

Writing about the discussions, he said: “On the 25th we had a conference of

the Black Forests brothers in Effringen where I also raised the question of

how one went about dealing with the Temple. Certainly many were of the

candid opinion that we should remain unperturbed by these alien minds, that

we should not let the followers of the Temple speak in the community, while

otherwise continuing to act in a friendly manner and learning the virtues of

Z%

emulation. But one cannot deny the fact that in individual cases there is a

I

secretinclination towards the self-confident appearance of the new sects. Has

the church been so idle that one runs for safety at every warning of a new

assault? Cannot one defend the old through thick and thin? We Calw’s

brothers have begun to hold a weekly hour (pietistic gathering, often on

Sunday afternoons) in Hisau, where the Hardthoefers are working hard.

Someone has given away his house to them for the purpose. Maybe he is

secretly inclined more towards the Temple than he is prepared to admit. Here

it would be possible to help him get people into the house who, at the next

opportunity, would be able to call the bluff. Somehow we are happy at the

opportunity, in the meantime, to put up some evidence. The matter will carry

on as long as the patient Lord would so allow.” (GM 31.3.63). Soon the

é

appointed hour had to be transferred to another house as the host had crossed

i

over to the Templars. It is clear that Gundert’s setting up of the weekly hour

139

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

was a quick reaction in the early stages of the challenge, not through

vociferous retorts but in action. He wanted to consolidate the tenets of faith

in the minds of people to whom it was handed down. Gundert did not shy

away from commencing this task with the holy hour in the house of what was

almost those of migrants. When it came to moving to another house, only a

small crowd remained. But this had existed over many years.

Although Gundert appreciated the community and the holy hours, he

also pointed out their sore points: "Our communities here are ordered

alomost just as with the sects in England. One does not belong to separate

churches. But the party spirit is also thus deeply inculcated. Come over to us

is the motto. Mueller told me recently how he got rid of a certain group by

reading the Sermon on the Mount, etc. They cursed him in the end: “God

willing, you will also be exterminated etc.’ (GM 2.1.62). This group, called

the Pregizer of Pregizianer, after Gottlob Pregizer (1751-1824), is spread

mainly around the border area of Wuerttemberg-Baden. The more Gundert

debated in different directions, the more singlemindedly he argued from the

standpoint of creed. This was clear in his reply to Professor Warren of

Bremen: “I have read in these days what Professor Warren in Bremen had to

say about the Lutheran and Methodist churches. He has found that these have

the only correct system and naturally that the future belongs to them. Much

of what is said there is true but the self-importance displayed is almost

ridiculous. I told a church missionary once that everyone naturally regards

his society as the best. He retorted: On the contrary, everyone abuses mostly

his own society! My conscience said that he was right there. The church and

the synod would also behave accordingly. One may adore the ideal of one’s

own church. But the more well-informed one is about its crisis, the less

tempted would one feel to uplift oneself at the cost of far less known

communities. I think the best thing would be that one really lets Christ grow

and believes in the Church of the Apostolic Symbolum (creed), certainly

criticises hisown church community but in an honourable way, as is true with

every major historic fact. When I see Catholics, Lutherans, and Methodists

sing the praises of their own church as the pure and the rightful, I only know

that I do not have such idols and that there is no space for anyone else near

Christ at the high altar.” (GM 23.12.65).

Despite these discussions in his own country and in his own town,

Gundert did not let the development of the mission slip out of his mind. He

kept himself informed in detail about all areas of missionary activity. He was

much concerned when there was a split in Gossner’s mission under the Kols

in Chotanagpur and the Ranchi council. He was mainly critical of the head

of the mission, missionary Batsch. Gundert viewed the situation thus: Batsch

140

Biography

terminated the association, with five brothers siding with him, including the

merchant Schroter and the Calcutta Aid Society with English officials. Eight

younger brothers sided with (Inspector)Ansorg. Batsch now lives with an

Englishman and expects that the Kols shall come to him on Sunday rather

than to their Father. The first few Sundays saw little success as most of the

people from far came to the church. But a crisis soon changed things and the

dedd had to go through. Eventually, however, the parishes do not absolutely

hang on to the Father who, by all account, has long since become some sort

of azamindar and neglects to care for individual parishioners. Iconfess L have

always some sort of compassion for these old die-hard missionaries whohave

arrived at positions of great authority. Over the years they have withdrawn

from the charitable influence of an active life in Christian circles and thus

almost unlearned everything. They have forgotten to be self-critical, enjoy

absolute adoration in their own spheres of influence and have become

undoubted church barons, like the one-eyed among the blind. I am here

reminded of an English friend who, after several years in India, returned to

London and wrote: O how one learns humility here! Can go anywhere and

no one recognises the big man in me while as a colonel in India I was used

to receiving salaams from everyone. The whole mission should learn this

lesson, in a certain way. One sets up strict standards gradually and the hope

of finding recognition right here on earth for all that one has done for the Lord

dwindles noticeably. And I think, rightly so! It is quite enough when at the

end of it all the Lord says: “Hey, you devout and faithful servant! And in the

meantime, one has to mcreasmgly leamn to go lhrough good and bad

judgements with equanimity.”

Gundert’s views on the mission left its legacy, so to speak.

This view was a part of Gundert’s own life. He notonly helped people

in his immediate surroundings but also the missionaries in Malabar as far as

he was able to. The expanse in which Gundert’s life and work repeatedly

lighted up, as it were, was connected with his faculty of languages, his deep

world of experience and his childlike trust in God. Whatever theme he

tackled—he created a new world.

The General Mission Conference in Bremen that took place during

Ascension Week (8-13th May 1866) Found Gundert supporting the idea that

the mission community should become independent as early as possible

“Above all it must be borne in mind thatevery people have to be broughtclose

to the gospel in their own national language. The European missionaries

should prudently seek the help of the natives, men, women and children

towards increased strength. Out of these would emerge, as soon as possible

faithful native teachers who would make the European missionaries super-

141

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

fluous.” (Negotiations at General Mission Conference in the Ascension

Week of 1866 and 1868, Berlin 1868, S, 7).

Gundert saw the transformation of consciousness through the Scrip-

tures as a vital factor for his belief that the Indian could be trusted just as much

as the European. He was concerned here not only with the best possible

translation of the Bible but also with the interpretation, in keeping with the

times, of the Old and New Testaments in Calw. So it was that the publication

of Calw’s Bible work turned out to be one of his biggest undertakings. Many

authors were obliged to contribute and Gundert himself set to work for as

long as a year: “I am chiefly occupied with the new edition of Calw’s Bible

work for which I have a steady stream of editorial staff. The new Testament

still rests mainly on my shoulder. So intensively do I work for the gospel.

Gess has done a real good service through his new work on the epistles and

the gospel.” (GM 1.11.77).

In mid-1878 the first part of the Bible work, the New Testament, was

ready for printing: “Our New Testament is now as good as printed.” (GM

25.7.78). The printing operation did get a considerable boost, however, from

the fact that Gundert’s son David had moved to Stutigart and established his

own publishing house there:” David has gone to Stuttgart again today to see

about a house for himself. He will naturally begin in a small way and will not

runanoutfit. The necdful has now been setup here.” (GM 1.11.77). The Calw

publishing house thus had a branch and a close partner in Stuttgart.

By the autumn of 1878 the entire Bible work was ready: “The first

copy of the Old Testament arrived today (1st November). I am now finished

with it, without losing a single working-day, and exactly a year after my

conclusion of the Malayalam translation.” (GM 31.10.78). The Bible work

also appeared in India but evoked less critical appreciation there than it did

in Germany. “You can now have the New Testament of the Bible work. The

Old Testament will also follow.” (GM 9.1.79).

A lecture delivered by Martin Brecht on 27th October 1988 in Calw

looked critically at the Bible work and Gundert’s role in it:”The conflict

portrayed by the Bible work has been an exemplary one till now. Pietism has

found itdifficultto recognise the self-evident results of exegesis, surely made

more difficult by overcritical reviews of the Bible. Gundert was enough of

a scientific theologian to recognise the thankless job of mediating between

piousness and science, without giving rise to irritation. In 1885 he found an

exegete in Adolf Schlatter who shared his views and worked on bridging the

worlds of science and fundamentalism for a new generation.” After complet-

ing the Bible work Gundert was faced with other Editorial responsibilities:”

I have already written that I now have the Bible work behind me. So gradually

142

Biography

I am getting into new areas, youth journals in a somewhat newer form. (GM

14.11.78).

Gundert again took up the Malayalam Bible translation and attended

to its printing in Mangalore. He had interrupted this translation many years

ago as he did not want to appointacolleague for the editing of the magazines.

When Johannes Hesse expressed his readiness to work with him on the

journal, Gundert began the translation again: "Since 4th December (1873),

your date of writing, is Hesse here now, not healthy but yet able to work,

while we now are in the business together. I feel he is the right man for itand

gets into the spirit of the work easily. He helped us out at Marie’s place with

the giving out of Christmas presents. (we did not have any).”(GM 30.12.73).

Gundert turned to Malayalam again. Along with the work of the

publishing house, family duties increasingly beckoned. His daughter Marie

wed Johannes Hesse on 22nd November 1874. It was her second marriage.

A daughter was born in the summer of the following year, and again, a son

two years later, the writer Hermann Hesse of later years. Gundert wrote: “On

the 3rd, at midday, I learn that Marie has given birth to a little Hermann (2nd

July, at seven in the evening), very strong and energetic, progressing

exceptionally well.” (GM 13.7.77).His son Friedrich too got married in the

summer of 1873. He wed a Calwerin, Emma:” Marriage ceremony, psalm

32.9. Dinner in Waldhom. Received the last guests at nine o’clock, the first

(Moegling) at four.” (CT 5.8.73). From then on the Gunderts developed a

very close relationship with Steinhaus in Calw: “We visit Steinhaus usually

on Tuesday evenings after dinner and remain till nine.” (GM 3.3.74). This

connection with Steinhaus continues through Gundert’s descendants to this

day. The flock of grandsons and granddaughters began to steadily increase,

%

and Gundert was ever the popular grandfather.

Beside his multifarious duties Gundert completed the Malayalam

translation of the Old Testament as far as he had resolved to carry out. By

early 1880 he had received the galley-proofs of Job and the beginning of

psalms. In may he stated: “I will be glad to complete the work on the

prophets.” (GM 6.5.80). And complete he did, so that it could appear in

Mangalore in 1886. In the same year the Calw Publishing Group took over

apublishing house in Frankfurt. Its inquiry came on Pentacost day:” We have

to decide about taking over the Frankfurt Protestant-Society-Books.” (CT

13.6.86). Six weeks later the transaction had gone through perfectly: ‘David

goes tonight to Frankfurt to take over the publishing house there.” (CT

4.7.86). The confirmation arrived two days later: “Friedrich in Stuttgart,

David was in Frankfurt, has bought over.”(CT 6.7.86).

143

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Heaven and Earth

Gundert repeatedly took an interest in the mystical languages al-

though his writings on mysticism were rather sharp in composition. That

these pictures had a fundamental appeal for Gundert was demonstrated very

often. He accepted life as it was, appreciated married life, saw the Creator in

Nature, saw a miracle in every word and exuded modesty in all self-

consciousness.

On a fine spring morning Gundert wrote: “Here everything turns

greeen and blossoms: the birds are twittering about, and after a long rainy

season the sky is again a delightfully radiant blue. The entire panorama of

nature preaches of the goodness and kindness of God. One thinks instinctively

that but for the sins of mankind the earth would still be a paradise.” (GM

7.3.67). The sins weighed on him but would not humility against it be a

mitigating factor?: “That is quite another law which is so different from the

firstas between heaven and earth. Because the earlier law has only made me

a sinner and pushed me towards death. The other law gives me the spirit of

God and Christ, and as soon as I have this spirit, it presses and urges me: Let

your life come out into the open, there are so many poor and dead Christians

give them life. And so the spirit always pours out new life. One can only gape

in wonder at a living spirit that is still zealously occupied in a world full of

the lifeless. Admittedly, we human beings are only walking skeletons-that is

quite natural—but Jesus Christ has come and blown life into us and given life

and spirit from heaven. That is why we are moving already in heaven,

walkmg in the spirit and no longer in the stupid, sluggish flesh. And when

God looks at us, he says: Thereis nothing thatI had to condemn in them, they

are just like my son, and I can therefore do little else than see that they are

also happy.” (GM 20.5.67). Gundert did not, like Jacob Boehme, “penetrate

the heart of the smallest creature” but rejoiced in Nature and did more than

take a look at the inside of the root of a verb or at the foundation of faith

Gundert repeatedly used the allegory of the pearl and the treasure in

the field to convey the message of Christ in a compact way: “Goddard’

conversion has made me particularly realise in a big way how everything is

contained in the person of Jesus. Like the Kingdom of Heaven concentrated

in a small pearl that one can carry with one everywhere while the treasure in

the field holds on to one. Because how can one hope to have justice, given

the forms of the church and the whole apparatus surrounding it. Against that

how beautiful that Christ can give it in a small concentrated form and makes

it so wholly protable that one does not miss it or lose it in the wilderness of

mankind. Right, do not search for anything else and do not be satisfied with

less than to have it.” (GM 11.10.57). This image of the pearl used by Gundert

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Biography

to express the idea of Christ was similar to that used once by Ephram der

Syrer (306-373) in one of his hymns on the pearl: “One day I took a pearl in

my hand, my brother. therein I saw symbols, O children of the Kingdom (of

Heaven), symbols and types of that Majesty. It was a spring and I drank the

symbol of the son therefrom.” (Ephram der Syrer, Song of Praise from the

Desert, introduced and translated by Edmund Beck, Freiburg 1967 = SPHIA

VOIL. 7, (P.94). Gundert could say: “How many are the people who have

Christ like in a treasure in the field, which means like in a large clumsy area

so that they cannot be utilised right away. The right thing to do is to constantly

keep exchanging, invest more handily, till it allows itself to be carried like a

pearl in the hand, or like an unlimited letter of credit drawn on God and

Heaven. Then one takes delight in his person, here in faith, there in

s ARSI R SO S T L e 9 SR | T o SR S e o Sl B e

beholding, and the church and sectarian forms carrying the load, without

having to haul it.” (GM 1.4.66).

l

' Therewith Gunderthad seized one of the oldest symbols of Chistianity

to express the relationship between cause and effect of faith, and did so

mystically. On the other hand, he guarded himself against the mystical aspect

in Christianity. It raises the question of whether Gundert had a one -sided

f

opinion of mysticism. It is astonishing how much of his explanation of

Luther’s basic thoughts have todo with its mystic heritage. Batten articulated

Gundert’s criticism of mysticism in two sentences: “The sacrifice of one’s

own will before the will of God is something else. This calmness of will is

his (Gundert’s) watchword, and he lives his life accordingly.” (Heta Batten,

The Romantic Hermann Hesse, Diss., Muenster i.W. 1934, P.28). Does not

this characterisation virtually show Gundert as a mystic? His view of the

é

subordination of the will under God coincides with that of the Franckforter,

amystic who lived in the second half of the 14th century. The mystic wrote:

“Now is the will not of man, but of God.” (The Franckforter (Theologia

Deutsch), critical version by W. von Hinten, Munich 1982, 51.54). Gundert’s

conception of the doctrine of justification concurred so much with that of

-

Luther that he also made the concept of freedom into his own. There he was

also one with the Francforter when he says: “Wherever and in which ever

person the will does not make demands, rather lets him remain in his noble

gt

freedom, there would be and is a truly free being or creature, of whom Christ

%

speaks (John 8,32,36).” (ibid 51,90 ff). This free will is always tied to the

cross. Only that person who lets Christ be, is competent to carry this cross:

!

“But one who shall follow him must let everything be because in him

everything was so calm and composed as ever was in Creation or ever can be.

Also the one who will follow him should take the cross unto himself. And the

é

cross is nothing else but the life of Christ because that is by nature a bitter

145

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

cross.” (ibid., 51, 131 ff).

Gundert seemed to have classified everything that he found to be

flights from reality and unrealistic under the term mystic. Had he turned

Lutheran orthodoxy into his own and one that had condemned a Jakob

Boehme already? Here it was Luther himself who came out of it as was

evident from his Theologia Deutsch and his teaching from Of the freedom

of a Christian being and his justice out of faith alone and from the mysticism

of the Franckforter and von Tauler. The later Luther and the orthodoxy then

came into conflict with those who rose through mysticism, the entire

mysticism and the mystics. Thereby Lutherdom robbed itself of one of the

main springs of human existence and its meeting with God. As described

above, Gundert’slife wasdetermined by threeevents—at Balingen, in Melur

and the awakening in Illikunnu,—all mystical events that expressed them-

selves in his literature and in his sermons. The more Gundert defended

himself against mysticicm, the more was he influenced by it. A certain

Nikolaus von Fluee was struck by Gunderts’ well of mysticism, without

however, falling into it.

As often emphasised, the renewal of the heart was one of the main

concerns of Gundert. He was even critical of his own heart: “We so often

and deceives ourselves with convenient excuses.

forget our own souls

Goethe himself said once that no one is deceived, one deceives oneself. this

is certainly the case with everyone where it concerns the saving of our souls

and the purpose of our lives—to be one with the Father through the Son—

for every Christian. We have such a fund of experience behind us in terms of

differentiating the important from the unimportant, what leads one to heaven

and what does not, that this selective work in the main cannot be attributed

to any form of temptation. Rather we must at once accuse ourselves and may

only call on the blood of Jesus Christ to help us. If only we could make

ourselves look funny! How faithful is the Lord that he so gently carries us

forward even though we grow up so little.” (GM 19.4.49).To his son Paul

went Gundert’s thoughts thus: “How is it that nothing is yet eternal as the

Kingdom of heaven that so slowly but also surely descends on earth. I wish

most sincerely that you too, my dear Paul, hears this from dying mouths. You

can certainly put it aside, postpone it, push it, if you like; but there will

definitely come a time when it will knock at your heart again. You will be

poor in spirit and whatever activities you now pursue will seem odd and

fruitless.

Because all flesh is like hay when the breath of the Lord is upon it. Ah,

then would you believe your loyal teacher that the kingdom of Heaven,

thoroughly veiled, is indeed very near. It is good to become small in order to

146

Biography

grasp that one has to confess to one’s own emptiness so that one can be filled

with the fullness of God’s riches. Notice how all human strivings, even the

bestof them, come toanend! only he who grasps the essential, finds the small

gate, and unmistakenly frees himself from earthly bondage.” (GM 26.11.65)

Gundert’s basic perceptions emerged from God’s love that struck

roots in the heart: “Is it not true, dear brothers and sisters, we will root

ourselves in the bounty of his uneamed love and bring results, will renew the

bonds also at meetings and farewells, where every drop of blood and every

seed of thought will be its own,— the entire vision will be so delightful as

though the joy of heaven itself is upon us.” (GM 22.9.65)

God himself lets in on the secret: “The good Lord gives everything

that is necessary at the appointed time. He does not cease to do so in the case

of those souls who have surrendered themselves to him if they seem so for

the time being. He leads on further and further into the mystery and takes

away all fear as though it could go away overnight. You will find that he has

you securely in his power and hence one cannot lose oneself so easily. More

glorious things are yet to come, as Jesus (John 1) says to his youngsters: We

will see the heavens open, and the news will travel up and down without

interruption even if a million devils wanted to stop them.” (GM 1.6.68)

Gundert occasionally compared the distance between heaven and the

heart with a ladder. Form the biblical vision he started out at the point where

%

the first Christians and the seers of the Syrian and Egyptian desert positioned

themselves. Of course, India was here closer than the west European

!

countries. Gundert wrote

Now, one shall be rich. There is a long ladder

between “Spriritually poor” and “the Kingdom of Heaven is yours”. You are

standing onit. Youcan and shall become poor often enough, etc., so that you

do not make a mistake about what you have. even so, you should also make

an inventory: what do I possess? Now, the Heavenly Father has kissed you

and accepted you.” (GM 24.2.66).

Gundert’s last goal was to be with Christand to see his true form. “Our

state is really in heaven. One who is occupied with the eternal kingdom will

notbe pushed and harassed to the extent that one loses all hope and patience

One needsa good stock of these, however, to be able to come through.” (GM

28.2.63)

Gundert’s wife arrived at this goal a few years before he did. Julie

Gundertdied on 18th September 1885 and was interred in Calw’s graveyard

Gundert eulogised her in his farewell speech as “the better missionary”: “It

must be said in all truthfulness that not only in work but also in the inner life

she was more of a support to me than I was to her....Preach to me she never

did but she also never left what was smful unreprlmanded and so did she

147

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

always wish, that one should be disposed towards me. Her writings were left

behind at other stations while we moved to Chirakkal in 1849, to Mangaore

in 1856, and to Kozhikode in 1857.” (“Words at the Grave” of Mrs. Julie

Gundert born. Dubois, Stuttgart 1885).

Farewell

Gundert’s linguistic work will remain the focal point in any assess-

ment of his personality. All others would not be fair to his talent. And yet his

childlike faith, which he preserved right from his student days, enabled him

to also say a lot as a human being. Encounters of all kinds had added to his

maturity. He was honest and frank both to himself and to others. Shortly

before the death of his son Paul on 23rd February 1871, he had written him

a few letters in which he not only offered consolation on the intimations of

mortality but also poured out his own heart to him. He wrote:

“Now I hope you have had a restful day behind you. The Lord will

confer you with a lot of them. He can breathe life and strength into you so that

it will suffice for your services unto him till the end of the year or of the

century. May he bless you with a happy heart—also to thank him for

everything and to place yourself in his hand like a child, secure under all

cirumstances.—In Hirsau I had the end of Romer 12 for my reading. We shall

overcome evil with good through His strength. How has He done that to us

since his descent to this disobedicnt and cumbersome race! He continues

the work each day and the fiery coals of our heart and head meltaway and the

good leads us towards atonement and pours the melted mass in new forms.

He completes this remoulding out of grace.” (GM 22.1.71).

Gundert’s grandson Hermann Hesse set him a literary memorial, in

the manner of a magician. After Hesse left the Maulbronn seminary, he was

sent by his father to Gundert. Gundert tried to console the runaway: “So, you

are the one, Hermann? I had heard that you have recently made a fantastic

trip.” (Stuttgart’s Newspaper, 24.12.1954). Hesse described in this connec-

tion what he saw at the staircase and in the study—the huge book and the

dancing Shiva. Other witnesses reported that Gundert retained his beloved

Greek works, the Iliad and the Odyssey, by Homer as well as the New

Testament with him till the end and had them read out to him.

Another observer described Gundert’s study: “When one saw Gundert

in his study, surrounded by all those books and magazines, one would be

forgiven for thinking him a confirmed house-mouse. The travel plans and the

calendar written out for a long time ahead could be instructive in other ways.

Every year he attended the Basle Mission celebrations and then stayed on to

preach, deliver mission lectures and busy himself in this manner. No sooner

had he reached home again than he began to work on the mission journals or

148

Biography

lashed about, trying to elicit the most important and interesting pieces of

information, and going through in great hurry also magazines of other

societies, whether in English, French, Dutch, Danish or Swedish languages.

Atbest he worked on his Malayalam dictionary and on the Bible translation.

Never am I happier, he disclosed once, than when I am trying to work on a

prophet, tracking down a word and now giving it in Malayalam.” (A Roemer,

Missionary Dr Hermann Gundert, Stuttgart 1914, P. 36).

Gundert had hoped to die in harness. Fate did not grant him this

pleasure, however. In his last years he was often ill and had to be confined

to bed. He passed away on 25th April 1893 and was interred beside his wife

in Calw. In his obituary, Fr Kinzler, speaking on behalf of the Basle Mission,

said: “Only yesterday has an elderly Malabar missionary, very recently

returned, related to me of the benediction of Dr. Gundert’s long years of work

in that country.” (Words at the Grave, of Hermann Gundert. P.8). The daily

paper Deutsche Reichs-Post published an obituary in three successive issues.

(17., 18., 19.5.1893). Gundert’s basic thoughts were therein summarised

thus: “To him all religions were a “going out of I”, in the sense of 2

Corinthians 5: 13, a*“going beyond one’s self” to the effect “that the beloved

and the adored individual would be lovable and needed over and above his

own soul, that all Christians live life accepted from Christ and in his spirit

and which is to be understood as a reality (somewhat in the sense of

theosophist Oetinger). “No one is complete in himself.” “(19.5.1893, XXII

é’

Jg.,Nr. 115).

An obituary in the youth journals characterised Gundert thus: “His

freshness of spirit, his cheerful humour, his broad and liberal views, his

warm-hearted and friendly nature, his wide and multifaceted knowledge

combined with his strong Christian faith that had gone through the baptism

<« = Ln

of fire, made him particularly suitable for this work, lending a special appeal

to his speeches and writings, also for the youth.” (JB 1893,237). L. Johannes

Frohnmeyer (1876-1906 in India and at Illikunnu, then Inspector of Basle

7

Mission) wrote on several occasions over Gundert, called him a linguistic

genius and described him as the first man of letters of the Basle Mission. A

further curve was drawn from Gundert’s first political article in Vaihinger

Grenzboten (Frontier Messengers) to his conservative attitude in old age. He

settled down to a new world in India and learnt to observe and judge the

0

western world from a vantage point. With the passage of time, his linguistic

works remained firmly linked to the linguistic history of Malayalam.

0

f

o

149

Abbreviations

Archives of Basle Mission Basle

AG

Letters to Gundert

BN

Unpublished letter

CD

Christiane’s memorial

CT

Calw’s diary

EM

The Protestant mission

FZ

Frenz

GB

Gundert letters, Basle

GK

General conference

GM

Gundert letters, Marbach

GT

Gundert’s student diary

HB

The Protestant messenger

HM

Hermann Moegling, biography

Youth journals

LG

Ludwig Gundert

MB

Monthly journal

MM

Missions-Magazine

NH

News from heathendom

Refererice book

QB

SB

Writings and reports from Malabar

SH

Samuel Hebich, biography

™

Malabar diary

US

University library, Tuebingen

Cruiser

Fl

Guilder

Rp

Rupee

Rs

Rupees

CMS

Church Missionary Society

LMS

London Missionary Society

Bl

Pages

ebd

idid (in the same place)

see

Sp

column

page

vgl

compare

£l

in quotation: by Gundert, or else by publisher

[]

in quotation: by publisher

&>

in quotation: by an earlier author

gap in the original; unreadable; omission

in quotation: uncertain version

150

Glossary

Explanations of Words

Adhikari

senior civil servant

—

Anacaram

bad habit

Avatara

incarnation

Backwaters

“water flowing backwards”, in which the salt water of

the sea mixes with the sweet water of the river

Badaga

“northerner”, A Nilagiri tribe

Bhatta

a worshipper of God

i

Bhikshu

a Buddist monk

Book of Common

Prayer

a general book of prayer of the Anglican Church

Brahma

God Brahma

%

Brahmin

caste, upper strata of society

Bullockbandi

bullock cart

Catsheri

tahsildar’s office

Chalian, Chettian

caste, weaver

Chandala

caste, weaver

Chandala

caste, a native tribe

j%

Collector

magistrate

Compound

an enclosed plot of land

Coorg (Kurg)

acually Codugu, hilly region around Mercara town

A s

Curry

“meat or fruit boiled in tasty, very hot vegetable sauce

Dissenter

religious dissident

Ermekatti

highest council of state

Grant

handwriting

Halfcast

half-caste, eg. Anglo-Indian, Indo-Portuguese

Havaldar

senior official

Highcast

of a higher caste

Irayalet

caste, “Inhabitants of the slope”

a suburb of London, mission house there

Islington

Jainas

religious community

Kanakkapilla

accountant, writer

O O et

Kareiyar

caste, boat people

Kamatik

earlier the land between the Arabian Sea and the Gulf

of Bengal, then the land on the east coast of India,

today Karnataka on India’s west coast.

TS

Konkani

description of the people on India’s west coast

Kols

a tribe of people in Chotanagpur around the town of Ranchi

Kulam

stock or lineage

Kuli

labourer

Kuritschiyer

(low) caste

Kurumber

caste, forest or mountain inhabitants

Lingam

phallus

Manji, Manju

a big boat

151

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Manjil

portable easy chair

Mappilas

in Malabar the Moslems, in Travancore the Syrian

Christians

Mogayer

mixed caste of Hindu and Moslem

Moravians

Hermhuter

Mugayer

caste, cleaners, fisherman (river)

Mukver

“diver”, caste, fisherman (sea)

Muni

wise man

Munschi

(linguistic) teacher

Munsiff

district judge

Nawab

prince

Nayadis

caste, beggar

Nayar

“leader”, sudra-caste, upper strata of society in Kerala

Nazarani, Nasrani

an indication for Syrian Christians, Nestorians and

Thomas Christians

Nilagini

Blue Mountain

Paisa

smallest unit of money

Palankin

sedan-chair

Palayakaran

baron

Parangi

Arabic and Persian: Farangi, “Franconian” (indication

for Portuguese)

Paraver

caste, fisherman

Parsi

indication for people and religion

Pattankatti

headman, tax collector

Pattimar

coastal ship of the natives

Peon

police servant

Pongal

harvest festival

caste

Pulayer

Purana

“old” narration

Raja

king

?

Repetent

“"repeater”’,

Retti

caste, merchant:,

Rishi

seer

Rupie

Indian currency

lord, master

Saheb, Sahib

Sakti

Sanskrit Shakti, God’s power

Samorin

actually Tamurin or Tamutiri, baron

Sanyasi

one who has renounced the world

Sastra

Sanskrit Shastra, textbook

Schanar

caste, palm cultivators

Sikhs

religious community

Indian colonial soldier

Sipahi, Sepoy

Subahdar

“one who rules a province”, governor

Sudra

caste

152

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Hermann Gundert with his sons

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Biography

Swami

lord

Tahsildar

senior civil servant

Taluk

district

Tiatti

caste

Tiyar

caste

Todaver

caste

Travellor’s

Bungalow

guest-houses for travellers in larger towns

Tukudi

sub-or undercollector

Ullaler

caste, mountain inhabitant

Vaishya

caste

Veda

“knowledge”, holy scriptures

Vettuver

caste, salt-maker, daily wage-earner

Warier

caste

Yama

“conqueror”, god of death

Yogi

practitioner of yoga

|

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§

§

=

153

s

IN THE HISTORY OF KERALA LITERATURE

MAHAKAVI ULLOOR

S PARAMESWARA AIYYAR ON

Dr HERMANN GUNDERT

Though several foreign scholars have served Malayalam

in different ways, the German scholar Hermann Gundert

occupies the foremost place among them. The Malayalam-

English Dictionary which he presented to the language of

Kerala as Devamrita churned from the Ocean of Milk is a

great work having no equal in the language. The unearthly

intelligence and fortitude possessed by the German wils to do

skilfully, wholly and beautifully anything they undertake is

universally known. Gundert has a right to an important

position among them by any standard.

Gundert is said to have known eighteen languages. Un-

doubtedly he had an amazing knowledge of a number of

languages. In his lifetime he was the sole authority of any

linguistic matter. His research had admirably illuminated

several subjects such as the etymology of words and the

decipherment of old copper plates. He collected a number of

palm leaf books which no Kealite had even heard of until then,

and after carefullyreading and understanding eachof them he

utilised them to illustrate several words in his dictionary. He

scrutinized old government records of places like Thalassery

and collected words from them as well. By conversing with

people of different sorts, occupations and positions and

belonging to diverse religions and castes, he collected words

in current use exclusively among them. On account of their

antiquity Ramacharita and Payyannur Pattuoccupy a promi-

nent place among his collection of books. ThoughRamacharita

was later available to us, Payyannur Paattuis thought to have

disappeared along with him. The words he spoke on a certain

occasion (“If I got an opportunity to learn a new language

evenin heaven, how happyl wouldbe!” )were anunexaggerated

reflection of his attitude. The Malayalam English Dictionary

which he compiled and published in 1872 as the result of

twenty-five years-of ceaseless linguistic study and diligent

Vs

4

etymological researchisapricelesstreasureto the Malayalam

language. In brief, the merits of the Dictionary which he

compiled by giving primacy to native words over Sanskrit

words and including only those Sanskrit words which were in

wide circulation, by collecting as much as possible from

ancient and medieval Malayalamworks words thenin current

use and now obsolete, by admitting folk words as well as loan

words, by determining the origin of each word, by quoting

illustrative examplesfromvarious books,and by appropriately

citing proverbs and idioms, are too great for words.

KERALA SAHITYA CHARITRAM VOL. IV (1955)

UNIVERSITY OF KERALA

Translated by Prof K V Joseph

N

DR HERMANN GUNDERT

AND

THE MALAYALAM LANGUAGE

PART II

POSSIBILITIES OF UNDERSTANDING

Dr Hermann Gundert ‘and Kerala's Renaissance

P Govinda Pillai

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Art of Lexicography |

S Guptan Nair

Dr Hermann Gundert's Relevance to Malayalam Lexicography

P Somasekharan Nair

Malayalam the Deepest Love of Hermann Gundert

A P Andrewskutty

Aspects of Gundert's Grammar

P T Abraham

Gundert's Grammar of Malayalam

K M Prabhakara Variar

The Relevance of Hermann Gundert's Historical Works

N M Nampoothiry

Pascimodayam and Rajyasamacaram

Venugopala Panikkar

Dr Hermann Gundert Series — A Critical Review

Murkot Ramunny

Remembering Dr Hermann Gundert

Rajeshkumar, K Balakrishnan, N S Sebastian, James V

Bibliography

DR HERMANN GUNDERT

AND KERALA’S RENAISSANCE

P Govinda Pillai

Karl Marx was no lover of the bourgeoisie, neither was he enamoured of

the so-called "white man’s burden”, the alleged benefits conferred by the

“superior” races of the West on the lesser mortals of the third world, by way

of imperial domination. But he was too good a historian to ignore the

objective impact of both the bourgeoisie and imperialism on societies where

they held sway. That is why he gave the devil his due and said as follows in

one of his periodical reports to New York Daily Herald Tribune dated 8 August

1853:

The British were the first congerors superior, and therefore inacces-

sible to Hindoo civilization. They destroyed it by breaking up the

native communities, by uprooting the native industry, and by level-

ling all that was great and elevated in the native society. The historic

pages of their rule in India report hardly anything beyond that

destruction. The work of regeneration hardly transpires through a

heap of ruins. Nevertheless it has begun.!

Marx goes on to explain that with their railways, telegraph, industry and

printing press all established and operated solely for the selfish purpose of

more efficient plunder of the conquered country, they unwittingly became

the historic instruments of modernisation of an ancient society. Almost the

same assessment may be made of the christian enterprise in India. The

Western missionaries came to India along with the Western traders and

conquerors whose pioneer was the Portuguese navigator Vasco da Gama

who touched the shores of Kerala in 1492. It was a momentous event in the

history not only of Kerala and India, but also of entire Asia. A well known

Indian statesman and historian, hailing from Kerala, even went to the extent

of naming the period thereafter “Vasco da Gama Era in Asian History?.

Portugal was and is a Catholic country, so too France. But protestant nations

like Holland and Britain followed suit. Along with their soldiers and arms

159

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Langua;e

they brought missionaries with their bibles. Dr Hermann Gundert (1814-

1893) being a German Protestant did not belong to a conquering nation, at

least as far as India was concerned. There is no doubt that he and his Basel

Mission shared the ethos and concepts of other Western missions and

missionaries. Butit would be unfair, and even untrue if we donot acknowledge

the fact that among the missionaries of both the Catholic and Protestant

persuasions, there was an array of outstanding men of culture, humanism and

scholarship, from St Xavier to Dr Gundert.

II

The Western Christian Missionary entereprise has left a deep impress on

the cultural history of India, but they did not seem to have succeeded

perceptibly in their primary object, the conversion of Indian to Christianity.

Of more than 84 crores of Indians Christians are a little more than 1.5 crore.

Christians are the third largest religious community in India, but it is a very

small third, constituting about 2.5 per cent. Even of this small percentage an

overwhelming majority belongs to Kerala. The ancestors of the majority of

Kerala Christians were converted way back in the beginnings of the Christian

era. When Vasco da Gama landed at Kozhikkode he found it difficult to

countenance the idea of a proud community of native Indian Christians. So

only much less than one per cent of Indian Christians owe their faith to the

missionaries of the Vasco-da-Gama era.

The reasons for these dismal results of such heroic efforts have been a

favourite theme of debate among the Church historians. That debate is

beyond the scope of this paper. But there is one point in this ongoing debate

which is very relevant to the present subject. The problem will be clear in a

quotation from K M Panikkar.

“The Jesuit missions which he (St Xavier) established in'India took

up with enthusiam the work of conversion. But progress was slow till

Roberto de Nobili came to be in charge of the mission in Madura.

Father de Nobili, a man of remarkable insight, aftera short experience

of life in Madura, reached the conclusion that Christianity would have

but little success in India if it kept to its Western garb and refused to

understand the mind and thought of the people of the country. In 1606

he obtained the approval of the Society of Jesus to undertake a serious

study of Hinduism, and Madura was a centre specially suited for this

purpose. Closely following the social habits of the Brahmins, Nobili

was able to obtain assistance from learned pandits in his search for the

principles of Hindu religious thought. After years of arduous work, in

160

Kerala's Renaissance

the course of which he acquired a fair mastery of Sanskrit, he met in

argument the learned Brahmins of Madura, in a religious discussion.

This was according to the ancient well-established practice of

Sastrarthavada debates on religious topics before a learned audience.

There he tried to uphold Christian doctrines in terms of Upanishadic

thought. He is said to have gained the respect of even the orthodox

Brahmins of the court. But the other missions could not tolerate

Nobili’s attempts to present Christianity in a Hindu garb. He was

recalled to Rome.

Intolerance of things Indian became henceforth the characteristic

feature of missionary zeal in India. Any compromise with Hindu life

orreligion was avoided, eg, the eating of beef was held to be necessary

as it would put the convert altogether out of the pale of Hinduism.?

The Protestant missionaries like Gundert working in the more liberal

atmosphere of 19th century India were not bound by such 17th century

Jesuitistic straight-jacket. But the spirit of compassion, humility and equality

which one suppose to be ingrained in Christian tradition were often reserved

for the ruling race, even among the protestants. Dozens of examples could be

quoted. But for the present, just one will do. In a study Poddar says:

“Anglophilism, the bewitching but infructuous obsession of earlier

generations of colonial intellectuals, was destined to lose its vigour;

and the desire to grow into the colonial establishment proved equally

to be chimerical. The hard facts of Indo-British relations, political as

well as social, began with the passage of time, increasingly to

convince the intellectuals that they would neither be accepted into the

European community nor trusted absolutely in the affairs of admin-

istration, not to speak of those of policy-framing. Even those who had

received religious enlightenment by embracing Christianity were not

treated as equals to Europeans. The Rev Lal Behari Day had to wage

a long but unsuccessful battle to gain a place in the council of the

Churchof Scotland’s India Mission, and thereby incited the indignation

of Duff and other dignitaries of the mission. In an indictment he wrote

that the distinction made between the European and the native

missionary was contrary not only to the principle of the Presbyterian

parity, but to the essence and spirit of Christianity itself.”

If this was the situation even in Bengal, the birth place of Indian

i

Renaissance and educationally much more advanced than Kerala of that

time, we may imagine the situation in other centres of Christian missionary

work. Then of course there is the infamous, minute of Lord Macaulay in 1834

that the entire corpus of Indian culture, science and literature was less than

161

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

what was contained in a small shelf in a western drawing room, and that

traditional Indian geography would raise the laughter of English schoolgirls.

11

Against this background of the supercilious and patronising attitude of

Western administrators and missionaries—not to speek of conquerors and

looters—Dr Gundert presents a different and shining example. From small

bits of information we had had of him and flashes provided by his writings

we understood Dr Gundert to be different from the run-of-the-mill mission-

aries. But the new material brought out by Dr Albrecht Frenz and Professor

ScariaZachariain many of their collections and biography® confirms our hunch

that Dr Gundert belonged to a different school of missionaries, whose

prototype was Father Roberto de Nobili of Madura in the 17th century.

Not that Gundert shared all the views and visions of his predecessor. Dr

Gundert was certainly a pious Christian convinced of Christianity’s truth and

mission. But he was cultured and leamned enough to understand and respect

other faiths and cultures. He also recognized early in his career in India that

an understanding attitude to Indian culture and corresponding changes and

adaptation in the style of missionary work were essential for its success in

India. Thisis very clear in his controversies with Basle centre and the Mission

Inspector Wilhelm Hoffman (1839-50) and as explained by Frenz and

Zacharia. (see Ch. 14) Gundert did not adopt a domineering attitude in his

dealings with “natives” (as was the derogatory nomenclature the colonialists

used). He listened to them, their sharp rejoinders and opinions, recorded them

and self-critically pondered over them.

Our biographers quote him as having said that he would like to be known

more as a schoolteacher than as a priest. (Ch. 10) It was very unlikely that he

considered the vocation of the priest in any way less dignified. This healthy

and secular attitude is evident in his opinion of what a school text is and how

itshould be written. He criticised Mr. Pope for mixing up religious and moral

precepts in textbooks (Ch. 15)

Dr Gundert’s relations with Rev Yakob Rama Varma, a Malayalee

converted Christian priest and the great esteem in which he held Varma are

so different from what Rev. Lal Behari Day Experienced in Bengal (which

we have quoted above).

All these different aspects of his character and culture spring from his

essential system of values which was uncompromisingly egalitarian and

democratic. Take for example his attitude to language. Certainly he made use

of the service of traditional pandits and classics in his study of Indian

162

Kerala’'s Renaissance

languages. But he attached great importance to the conversational and

colloquial language of the low and even the lowliest. He used to go after the

fisherfolk, the boatmen and the wood-cutters to learn their languages and

usages. His reply to those who looked down upon Northern Malayalam as

against the Southern proves this. Only as late as 1917 when the great

grammarian Rajaraja Varma published his second revised edition of Kerala

Panineeyam based on inductive principles as against the deductive that this

non-elitistic principle of evaluating language norm was finally accepted in

academic circles in Kerala. It is interesting to note that Prof. Varmacalled the

inductive method democratic and deductive method authoritarian. Authen-

tic and correct language is what is spoken by the people in general and not

what is prescribed by some modern or ancient authority. Many entries in

Gundert’s Dictionary also bear witness to this principle which Gundert

accepted long ago. Instead of seeking equivalents for Malayalam words in

English or Sanskrit he searched out their meanings, from general parlance

and usage.

For example take the words Pengal and Angal in Malayalam. Many

Malayalee lexicographers including the author of the authoritative

E

Sabdatharavali (1922) give their meanings respectively as "sister" and

“brother”. Actually these meanings are wrong. Even if Ms. Madhavi and Ms.

Indira are sisters they will not call each other Pengal. Only Ms Madhavi’s

i

or Ms Indira’s brother may call either Pengal. So Pengal is sister only in

relation to a brother. So also Angal is brother only in relation to a sister. This

unique meaning of these words was understood and explained by Gundert

and not by any of the later lexicographers including the most competent

Malayalee scholars. Or was it because Gundert was a foreigner that such

peculiarly Malayalam shades and nuances which escaped Malayalee scholars,

struck him? Or, was it due to the proverbial thoroughness and accuracy of

German scholarship? Whatever the reason, it is an incontrovertible fact that

Dr Gundert’s grasp of the Malayalam language and its genius was almost

unequalled even after a century of his death. And he learned much more from

common people than from books and elites.

IV

All these equipment, characteristics and values made Dr Hermann

Gundert eminently suited to be a pioneer in Kerala’s renaissance. In this

connection we have to remind ourselves of certain peculiarities of Kerala

renaissance.

The first point to be taken note of is the fact that Kerala’s renaissance was

163

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

a comparatively later phenomenon. The reputed father figure of Indian

renaissance which began in Bengal was RajaRam Mohan Roy (1772-1833).

Kerala’s reputed father of renaissance Sri Narayana Guru (1856-1928) was

born almost quarter of a century after his Bengali counterpart’s death. By the

time of Guru’s birth Gundert had put in many years of service in Kerala and

the later years of his life coincided with the beginning of Guru’s mission.

Let us take another factor. Modernisation of language along with the

elevation of prose and common people’s usage to a higher pedestal of

respectability is an invariable factor in any renaissance awakening. From

Dante in Italy we see the rise of the vernacular in all European countries, both

in poetry and in prose, during the following centuries. Printing and newspapers

and periodicals gave a great fillip to widespread communication and discourse,

without which neither modernisation nor democratic advance is possible.

India’s first newspaper Bengal Gazette in English published by a Euro-

pean (Hickey) came out of a Calcutta press in 1780. By the time Dr Gundert

gave us our first and second periodicals, Rajyasamacharam and

Paschimodayam in 1847 from Tellicherry, Bengal and other states could

claim more than half a century of turbulent journalism both in English and

in Indian languages. Acts and regulations were promulgated to restrict and

even suppress the freedom of the press and protest and resistance followed.

The first full-fledged novel in Malayalam, O Chandu Menon’s Indulekha

was published in 1889. By that time the great Bengali novelist Bankim

Chandra Chatterji was about to retire from the field due to old age after an

illustrious series of works in this genre. The story of modern education also

is not different, though Kerala overtook all of them later and became the first

state to acquire 100% literacy.

Now let us turn to the second point of difference. All these and many other

factors show the late arrival of Keralarenaissance. But Kerala’s renaissance,

though later in time span, had deeper roots and impact. While therenaissance

in the north including Bengal was confined to an upper stratum of society, ie

the higher castes, Kerala’s renaissance sprang from the lowest stratas. While

Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Keshab Chandra Sen, Dayananda Saraswathy and

other stalwarts of Northern renaissance were almost invariably Brahmins,

Kerala’s Naryana Guru was an untouchable Ezhava. Except perhaps Jyotiba

Phule of Maharashtra, a spiritual predecessor of Dr BR Ambedkar, Indiadid

not have any such untouchable leaders in the last century. Whether Narayana

Guru gave this unique character to renaissance in Kerala or the unique

character of Kerala’s renaissance produced a personality like Narayana Guru

is a problem to be debated by cultural historians.

164

Kerala's Renaissance

Even as all these provided a unique and favourable setting for Gundert’s

mission, Kerala’s renaissance was able to profit immensely from the results

of Gundert’s work. Gundert’s mission dovetailed with Guru’s mission.

\

Of course, it would be a gross exaggeration to claim that Gundert was the

o

only European missionary to contribute to the modernisation of Malayalam

language and equip it to meet the challenges of contemporary struggles. No

one in his senses could denigrate the role played by a galaxy of missionaries

in Kerala like Amnos, Francis, Bailey, Clement, Garthwaite and others. But

even the most sympathetic study of them all cannot fail to set Dr Hermann

Gundertapart, for his erudition, devotion, scientific approach and an abounding

sympathy and love for the people among whom he chose to work. His respect

for their culture was untainted by the patronising superciliousness which

characterised the attitude of many otherwise devoted and gifted missionaries.

Dr Gundert’s life long and penetrating researches into the ancient lore of

Kerala, hisattempts to reconstruct her history, his basic works in lexicography

and grammar—all point to an interest beyond the immediate aim of propa-

gation of his religion. He took on the great Christian idea of the “fatherhood

of God and brotherhood of man” as a dictum for human equality and freedom.

Some people may grant all these, but may ask: How could the limited task

ofreform of language be construed asa tremendous contribution to renaissance,

which comprises the entire gamut of human thought, action and life. This

question arises from a widespread misconception or underestimation of the

role of communication in society and the language through which it is carried

out. The late Raymond Williams, an outstanding English philosopher and

historian of culture says:

“Our commonest political error is the assumption that power—the

capacity to govern other men—is the reality of the whole process, and

so the only context of politics. Our commonest economic error is the

assumption that production and trade are our only practical activities,

and they require no other human justification or scrutiny. We need to

say, what many of us know in experience, that the life of man, and the

business of society, cannot be confined to these ends; that the struggle

to learn, to describe, to understand, to educate, is a central and

necessary part of our humanity. This struggle is not begun at sec-

ondhand, after reality has occurred. It is in itself, a major way in which

reality is continually formed and changed. What we call society is not

only a network of political and economic arrangements, but also a

165

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

process of learning and communication™.

-So in the “struggle to learn, to describe, to understand, to educate” the

major weapon is language. Even in these days of “image communication” the

pivotal role of language cannot be gainsaid. Renaissance is a continuous

process of forming the changing reality of society, its thought and values. In

the specific case of 19th century Kerala the reality consisted of an iniquitous

caste-ridden hierarchy, where the majority of down-trodden untouchables

and unapproachables were not only robbed of the fruits of their labour but

denied even the blessings of culture. Caste of course was an all-India

phenomenon. But its virulence was the worst in Kerala as was testified by

Swamy Vivekananda who called Kerala a lunatic asylum.

Sri Narayana Guru and his contemporaries sought torid society of these

evils. Gundert’s and other language reformers’ endeavours contributed to

this general reform of men, women and their ways, their discourse, and the

growth of public life and public opinion. Though the primary aim of the

language reform undertaken by the missionaries was the propagation of the

Christian message, the ultimate result was the secularisation and

democratisation of language, the main vehicle of human discourse.

Even as the centenary of Dr. Gundert’s death approaches, we realise that

his ideas and reforms are not yet outdated. Therefore all the people of Kerala

bow their heads in affection and esteem to their great German benefactor and

preceptor.

References

fam—y

Karl Marx

1 s

Articles on India, Bombay

K M Panikkar

1953

Asia and Western Dominance,

London

Ibid. p281 (1974 Edition)

Aravind Poddar

1977

Renaissance in Bengal, Search for

Identity, Indian Institute of Advanced

Study, Shimla p. 1

Raymond Williams

1979

Communication , London p. 11.

Albrecht Frenz, and

Hermann Gundert Series (HGS) Vol. 1-6

Scaria Zacharia

By biography we mean Vol 3.3 -

Dr Hermann Gundert (Malayalam)

166

DR HERMANN GUNDERT AND THE ART OF

LEXICOGRAPHY

S Guptan Nair

Lexicography has been defined as the science and art of compiling

dictionaries. It is more an applied science than an art. ‘Then’, one might ask,

‘why speak of art in the context of dictionaries?' Because there is always the

possibility of a clumsy way of dealing with the meanings of words. The neat,

methodical and precise way of doing a dictionary requires an artistic mind

and a lively temperament. Gundert had a rich artistic mind, a comprehensive

vision and a stupendous imagination. He was unbelievably far-sighted; he

was one who anticipated a hundred years’ advance in linguistic science. And

hence his dictionary has become a classic impossible to be replaced even

more than a century after its publication.

A dictionary’s vital interest is to list and explain the words of a language.

But it can also do many more things, for example trace the etymology of

words, cite references from written texts and oral traditions or give other bits

of essential information regarding history, sociology, botany, zoology, etc.

Gundert does all this and makes his dictionary truly encyclopaedic.

Before examining the main featuresof the book let us have an idea of what

Gundert had as his background material for embarking upon such a major

work of reference. There were (1) Bailey’s A Dictionary of High and Col-

loquial Malayalam and English (1846) and (2) A Dictionary of English and

Malayalam (Bailey-1849) (Gundert refers to them in his preface as the

productions of the Cottayam Press). Then there were the very valuable

dictionaries ( 3 & 4) compiled by the Portuguese and Italian missionaries of

Verapoli (Varappula in Malayalam) (Gundert marks them as V1 and V2) (5)

The Malayalam-English and English-Malayalam Dictionary of E. Lasseron

of the Church of Scotland (1856) (6) Malayalam Nighantu by Richard Collins

(1867).

Gundert being a polyglot had also made use of (7) A D Campbell’s

Telugu-English Dictionary (1821) (8) William Reeve’s Kannada-English

167

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Dictionary (1832) (9) Rottler’s Tamil-English Dictionary (1834) (10) Jo-

i

seph Beschi’s Caturakaradi (1824) and (11) Wilson’s Sanskrit-English

Dictionary (1856).

d

One can see from this that there was considerable activity in the field

of lexicography during the 19th century and all the lexicographers were

g

European missionaries. But Gundert surpassed them all and this fact was

(

readily accepted by scholars. It is a remarkable coincidence that the most

famous Sanskrit-English dictionary of Monier Monier Williams was also

IC

published in the same year as Gundert’s (1872).

h

The most outstanding quality of Gundert’s dictionary is its passionate

il

adherence to people’s Malayalam as different from bookish Malayalam or

High Malayalam. It does not mean that Sanskrit words and literary words do

not findaplace in the book. They are there, butnot at the expense of the native

g

words. Gundert had found fault with Bailey’s book for not discriminating

between Malayalam and Sanskrit words and also for ignoring etymology

altogether.

Bailey had a very limited view of the aims of his book. He wrote it, as

Il

he admits, to help Europeans and others to acquire a knowledge of the

b

language. Bailey achieved more than what he aimed at. But today the book

I¢

has very little value as a work of reference. Not so Gundert’s. It is still the

most dependable guide for old Malayalam words, North Malabar slang and

|

more than anything else, cognate forms from other Dravidian languages. In

short, it is a dictionary composed on sound philological principles.

by

Itis obvious that Gundert’s interests were multifarious. He was a linguist,

E

a historian, a folklorist, a sociologist and probably many more things. It was

this versatility that made him an unusually competent lexicographer. He was

th

i

not the harmless drudge of whom Dr Johnson spoke, but one who did things

W

with great gusto. His méticulousness is evident in every detail from trans-

literation to semantic nuances.

of

It

Transliteration

Sl

(a) Gundert had given precise instructions to his printers in Mangalore

In;

about the types, orthography and transcription. It was according to his

Wi

instructions that the transliteration in Roman script (in the Lepsius system)

m

was confined to the head-words only, leaving the derivatives to be printed

solely in Malayalam. This was mainly to save space. His ingenuity is evident

fr

in using the Greek ‘gama’ for the soft ‘k’ and 'delta’ for the soft t (dental)

which occurs medially or finally in a word, eg. pagal (daytime). Patam (right

()

(i

degree of ripeness). This was a more scientific approach than Caldwell’s

I

rather facile theory of the convertibility of surds and sonants in Dravidian

|

languages.

168

Art of lexicography

(b) In ancient Malayalam there was only one symbol each to indicate the

short as well as the long ‘e’ and ‘o’. For the first time, Gundert uses two

distinct symbols each for the short and long 'e' and the short and long 'o'.

Previously the length of the vowels was left to the inference of the reader thus

givingrise to an interesting Malayalam proverb “Odarinnavane edu vayikku”

(only those who knew the meaning can read the text).

(c) It was again Gundert who systematized the use of crescent sign on top

to indicate the neutral vowel. The importance of such a standardization can

hardly be exaggerated. Gundert’s orthographical reforms have become the

standard ever since. One is amazed at the thoroughness of the notes given by

the publisher along with the preface to the book. These notes cover twelve

points and indicate the painstaking nature of Gundert’s research.

Provincialisms and Vulgarisms

No good lexicographer would fight shy of provincial dialects or vulgarisms,

because they are an integral part of the language. Gundert knew this well. He

says in his preface: “To discard coarse and even obscene modes of speech has

not been thought advisable, however much their existence and currency may

be regretted”. It looks as if Gundert was anticipating Dean Trench’s paper

read at the Philological Society in-1857. Dean Trench said almost the same

thing and it created a minor commotion among the Johnsonians and the

snobs. (Let us remember that Gundert had started working on his dictionary

by about 1845 though the book came out only in 1872.)

Gundert paid great attention to dialectal words. Very few philologists in

Europe were interested in the study of dialects at the time. It was only in 1875

that William Skeat founded the English dialect society. Gundert, on his own,

did more than any society in collecting and sifting and sortingout common

words and expresssions from all levels of society. With such a vast amount

of colloquial words, particularly from the North Malabar region, the dictio-

nary carries with it the quaint fragrance of the spoken idiom rather than the

stuffy air of the study. Here one should at once add that his work is quite

inadequate in its survey of southern words. Even Bailey’s dictionary on

which Gundert depended heavily for the southern patois, does not throw

much light on the Trivandrum dialect with its plentiful Tamil inflections and

borrowings. Many words that we find in Gundert’s dictionary, do not come

from the standard speech, but straight from the peasants mouth. eg:

(i). akayi (inside of the house)

(i1). Kadayi (an onstructive device usually to prevent cattle)

(iii). Koung (corresponding to Kamuku in literary Malayalam—areca)

(iv) Kadavatil (corresponding vavval or vaval in literature—Malayalam a

bat)

169

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

(v) Kaviti (kavati) corresponding to South Kerala’s Kshavarakkaran—

barber)

Gundert, the Naturalist

Kerala, renowned for its traditional expertise in Ayurveda, has an infinite

variety of plants, herbs and trees. Gundert, it is obvious, had a passion for

plants, their varieties and nomenclature. He is seldom satisfied with merely

giving the meaning of the word but goes on to describe the varieties.

(i) Al (Ficus Indica) varieties such as attiyal, ittiyal, kattal and kallal are

¥

mentioned.

(i) Ulli (Onion) varieties such as ifulli (Cittulli, Vellulli, nirulli and

Kattulli are also mentioned.

(iii) Vala (plantain) Names of twelve different varieties are given, But this

is not exhaustive.

SN R L v o o R e >, BN T A R T L S - SIS R e iy "L S

Proverbs

Proverbs held a perpetual fascination for Gundert and the study of

proverbs was very much a part of his language-study. He had edited an

anthology of proverbs in 1844. In 1846 he published 600 proverbs and in

1850, one thousand proverbs. This deep and abiding interest in proverbs gave

him much insight into the nature of old Malayalam words. *Their rhythm

also might have caught his poetic imagination. Gundert quotes them wher-

g

ever necessary to illustrate the meanings of words. It would require another

full essay to go deeper into the structure of these proverbs. Here I can only

make an honest confession that I would have never known about many of

these proverbs if Gundert had not given them in his dictionary. Strange that

I had to learn some of my oral traditions from a German scholar who lived

in the last century and not from my own grandparents.

Some of these proverbs take us back to legends of old and some others

remind us of some hometruths. For example you find under ‘nirkoli’(water-

E

snake) a proverb meaning that even the bite of a water-snake can make you

go hungry for a night. The implication is that you should avoid even

seemingly harmless people who are essentially venomous. Again under

'tane’ (by himself) we find a maxim meaning ‘let each look to himself’.

i

Tradition and History

Almost every page of Gundert’s dictionary gives us some insight into the

lesser known aspects of the history of the land and the strange ways of now

*] am indebted to Prof. Scaria Zacharia for this and a lot of other interesting

biographical information included in an introductory essay he has contributed to a

new edition of Gundert’s Dictionary (DC Books Kottayam 1991)

170

Art of lexicography

defunct customs. It is obvious that Gundert learned much from the Kerala-

utpattiand the Tellicherry Records. He must have also consulted many elders

6

of the country for odd bits of information. These are of immense value to the

modem reader who is hopelessly ignorant of old customs. For example

0

under the word ‘arayan’(a chief of the fisher-folk) it is mentioned that

y

kulimuttattarayan is by custom, the first to pollute the Bhagavti temple at

Cranganore (Malayalam Kodungallur). Again under 'Kutiravattattu Nayar',

[0

we find that he is abaron with over 5,000 Nayars under the Tamuri (Zamorin)

while another baron like maniyur nampidi has only 600 Nayars. Under the

d

word 'marumakkattayam’ (matrilineal inheritance) we find a complete list

of communities who practised the system in Kerala (The custom has since

I

been abandoned).

Loan Words

Gundert has admitted in his preface that he was no purist to exclude

of

foreign words which had crept into the language and had been gradually

N

assimilated. The Malayalam language is richer than many other Indian

In

languages in the matter of loan words because this part of the country was a

[

kind of gateway to many western nations for at least two thousand years.

Arabic, Persian Hindustani-Portuguese, French and English words have

enriched our language from time to time. A word like 'Kusini' (Kitchen)

7

appears to be so much part of the language but it is the same as the French

ly

Cuisine (Incidentally, Gundert has forgotten to include the word).

of

I have a feeling that Gundert paid too much attention to Arabic words

al

probably because he was surrounded in Tellicherry by a predominantly

A

Muslim population. Many of these words are very rarely used. Words like

tarikh (date) mishaf (book, Quran) hayat (life) havalah (charge) hisab

1

(account) have never been part of the language. But as a class language they

have a minor role in social history. These foreign words and their gradual

]!

assimilation tell us the story of a civilization and not merely the story of a

language. No one will say that Gundert’s dictionary does not contain

ef

mistakes. But they count for so little. The book, asit is, is delightful. You can

open it at random and read on for sheer enjoyment. In the exactness of its

assemblings, the rarity of elements and the meticulousness of its ensemble it

approximates to a work of art.

e

W

g

)4

171

DR HERMANN GUNDERT’S RELEVANCE TO

MALAYALAM LEXICOGRAPHY

P Somasekharan Nair

Prologue

The 16th and 17th centuries were crucial in the history of the

Malayalam language because the religious upheaval of the time was being

reflected on language and literature also. Christianity was being propagated

in this part of the world, by the missionaries who came from Portugal, Italy

Germany and Hungary. One impediment which got in the way of these

foreign missionaries was the dearth of textbooks, grammars or dictionaries

to facilitate the learning of Malayalam. This resulted in the preparation of a

number of lexicographical works, of which quite a few deserve special

mention.

Beginnings of Lexicographical work

A large number of the dictionaries prepared by the missionaries were

bilingual as is naturally expected. Many of them, like those of Father Stepen,

g

John Baptiste and Father Clemens were unpublished. However, materials

from the aforesaid works were used by Gundert for the compilation of his

dictionary.

The first dictionary in Malayalam is believed to be the Dictionarium

E

Malabaricum by Father Amos, who was a contemporary of Anjalose

Francis, to whom goes the credit of preparing the first grammar of Malayalam.

Father Amos’s dictionary is incomplete and includes only the letters upto

E

taa. Most of the words in it are Sanskrit, as a result of the belief at that time,

that Malayalam was a dialect of Sanskrit. This incomplete work was later

completed by Bishop Pimental. Vocabularium Malabarico Lusitanum

fi

|

(Malayalam-Portuguese Dictionary) is another contribution of Father Arnos,

which was published by the Kerala Sahitya Akademi in 1988.

Benjamin Bailey’s (1791-1871) work, A Dictionary of High and

Colloquial Malayalam and English, published in 1846, by the CMS Press,

Kottayam, deserves special mention since it has been the object of critical

5

172

Malayalam Lexicography

evaluation by Gundert and his successors. Gundert made use of this dictio-

nary, during his compilation, and he has made some harsh comments on it

A scholar in Malayalam, Sanskrit and Syriac, Bailey has also to his credit

another work A Concise Dictionary of English and Malayalam. published in

1848, which is at present not available. It was Richard Collins who published

the first monolingual dictionary in 1865 which was followed by the bilingual

dictionary edited by Dr Hermann Gundert

Advent of Gundert

Gundert (1814-1893) who came to Kerala in 1838, was a gifted

genius, and had learnt all the South Indian languages. His contributions to

Malayalam have been immense and they range from poetic works toreligious

treatises. Some of his works worth mentioning are Malayaala Bhaasha

Vyaakaranam,Paatha Maala, Pazhafichol Maala etc. Yet his magnum opus

is no doubt A Malayalam and English Dictionary published by the Basel

Mission in 1872. The singular character of this work makes it stand head and

shoulders above all the dictionaries, published till then

Pangs of Creation

For the preparation of any good dictionary, research in the language

concerned is a prerequisite. The lexicographer’s work becomes more of a

burden, if sufficient research has not been done in the language. This was

what Gundert had to encounter, with the crude raw material of the language

before him. However, he was fortunate enough to have published his

grammar of Malayalam in 1851, which helped him in understanding the

grammatical peculiarities and subtilities of the language

Gundert himself has stated that the primary source for data collection

was “the lips of speakers of all ranks, castes and occupation”. It was Gundert

who first gave priority to the spoken word which is the soul of any living

language. It was this scholar from an alien land who reached the common

man by taking care to include the localisms of the language in his dictionary

It has been pointed out by many scholars that Gundert’s dictionary has only

alow frequency of Sanskrit words compared to those of his predecessors. The

inclusion of words with regional flavour, like muucci ‘mango tree', vairam

kotukka ‘tocry aloud’ ool ‘they’ and informal usages like moon ‘son’, moottu

on the face’, etc. are clear proofs of the attraction Gundert felt to the spoken

language. This attitude has paved the way for research into old Malayalam

)

and has revolutionized it. At this juncture, it is worthwhile noting one of the

criticisms of Gundert against Bailey’s dictionary. He is of the opinion that

the dictionary “does not discriminate between Malayalam and Sanskrit terms

and leaves the student completely in the dark, both asregards the etymology

173

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayqlam Language

and the proportional importance of words”. This reveals Gundert’s insight

into the language and the sound methodology adopted in the preparation of

the dictionary.

Methodology

Observing the technical sophistication and care taken to include even

é

minute details, one can definitely remark that Gundert’s methodology is

superb. It was a new turn for Malayalam lexicography, and this is still

followed with slight modifications by modern lexicographers. “Like Bailey’s

work, Gundert’s dictionary is also bilingual but while the former has no

philological and literary dimensions, the latter has those features which were

§

quite new at that time in Malayalam or for thatmatter inany Indian language”

states Suranadu Kunjan Pillai, the veteran lexicographer of Malayalam.

Itcan also be noted, while we go through the dictionary, that Gundert

g

has tried to reduce the number of pages. If all the words had been given the

i

status of primary entries, the dictionary would have been voluminous, and

double its present size. Gundert has helped us in this way, by being

economical.

Structure of an entry

Examining the structure of an entry in Gundert’s dictionary, the

E

reader is enthralled, secing the world of information it conveys, and the way

I

it helps different types of users. In a nutshell, we can say that the headword

I

in Malayalam script, trasliteration of the headword, cognates for the Malayalam

words, source of loan words, meaning in English, quotations (with references),

Ir

proverbs, etc are the major contents of an entry. Compoud words and sub

|

words are given under the head word, without transliteration. Their English

I

meaningsare, however, given, for instance, kallam homonyms are identified

Sl

and treated as separate entries, with their meanings separated and numbered.

The encyclopaedic character of many entries in Gundert’s dictionary

fascinates the student who is never satiated with any amount of new

at

knowledge. For example he lists many kinds of plantain trees under the

fo

headword vaala. It is pleasant to note that he has also listed the exocentric

th

G

compounds with vaala as the second constituent by giving the meaning ‘what

islikeit’. All the words that come under this ‘meaning’ are given as separate

fr

entries since these plants have nothing to do with the plantain tree. He has

[

by

then listed the kinds of plantain trees.

Alphabetical order

dn

The alphabetical order adopted in the dictionary has some striking

features which enhance the originality and the scientific outlook of the master

hig

craftsman, Gundert. The cluster ks has been treated by Bailey and Collins as

of

174

Malayalam Lexicography

a single unit which has its place after the retroflex lateral /. Gundert has

treated s as a ‘compound letter; and has placed it at the end of k. This sci-

entific and correct ordering has been followed in the later dictionaries. The

alveolar trill r follows the flapped r in Gundert’s dictionary, whereas the

otherlexicographers have placed itafter / Itis commendable that Gundert has

also given the letters ks and iinder /and yrespectively, with crossreferences

‘see after k” and see after r* which will serve as a guideline for the user who

goes in search of these letters, according to the established convention of

ordering. This reveals the precision and care taken over minute details which

can be accomplished only by a virtuoso, who considers his field of work as

%;,

a science as well as an art.

1

Gundert has introduced separate symbols for long e and 0. In Bailey’s

dictionary, there is only one script for both short and long e and 0. The semi-

circle to indicate the ‘half u’ (back unrounded vowel) has not been used by

Gundert in the headword. But this has been differentiated in the translitera-

tion. See pota in Arnos and Bailey, and pétu in Gundert.

The script for cch (c+ch) in words like acchan is chs as in achsan. But

in the transliteration, the form is acchan which is the accepted form in

Malayalam. In Gundert, the script for long i is .@. which seems odd for the

modem reader.

Transliteration

The headwords have been transliterated following Lepsius’s System,

in order to help the European students. Gundert’s thorough knowled geof the

intricacies of the phonology of Malayalam, is evident from the section on

transliteration, where he has described the peculiarities of the Malayalam

- = e Y= <P

script. Transliteration, for Gundert is not merely transference of script; it

involves pronunciation too. Note the instance where the initial £ becomes 7

in the intervocalic position. However, a defect pointed out by scholars is that

sub-words are not transliterated.

Quotations

Gundert has included in his dictionary quite a few quotations avail-

_ Y= T A = o

able from literary works. Suranadu Kunjan Pillai comments that “the credit

for illustrating, for the first time in the history of Malayalam lexicography,

<o

0

the usage of words with quotations from Malayalam works”, goes to

i

Gundert. From the abbreviations, one can understand the number of works

from which he has selected the quotations. In these quotations, he has not

0

used the word in full, but the first letter in order to save space. Itis calculated

by scholars that there are 1430 references to Ramacharitam in this dictionary

(Purushothaman Nair, 1976). The quotations from Tellicherry Records (TR)

and Payyannuur Paattu (pay) are very significant records in the history of

§

Malayalam. What Gundert started here is being followed to illustrate the

o

history of words, in the Malayalam Lexicon, a publication of the University

of Kerala.

175

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Drawbacks

The scholars who have studied Gundert’s dictionary in detail, have

pointed out the flaws that have crept into the work. One of the main defects

of the dictionary, according to them, is that the Malayalam meanings of the

words have not been given. It would have been definitely more useful, if the

dictionary had been a Malayalam-Malayalam-English Dictionary.

Wrong segmentation has also brought about ghost words in Gundert’s

dictionary. For instance, in a quotation from Ramacharitam Gundert has

segmented puuttacookin as "puutta + cookin', which is wrong. The correct

segmentation is puutta + acookin. cooku has the meaning ‘demon’ while

acooku s ‘ared flower’ (Purushothaman Nair,1976). Such faulty segmenta-

tions will lead to faulty meanings which have to be carefully avoided.

However, like every scholar, Gundert has shown his magnanimity in making

honest statements, though he has committed some mistakes. In the subse-

quent publications these mistakes are not noted. The publishers could have

given the correction as a footnote, thereby retaining the originality of

Gundert, and correcting the mistakes for the reader.

Epilogue

When the question “to whom is Gundert’s dictionary more relevant?”

isasked, the answer would be “for those who take lexicography seriously and

for researchers in linguistics”. Of course, Gundert’s dictionary is not as

popular as ‘Sabdataravali’ by Sreeckanteswaram Padmanabha Pillai. But no

other dictionary so far published can be compared to Gundert’s in terms of

its depth. The magnum opus of this erudite scholar inspires those who aspire

after scholarship. Gundert’s followers in the field of Malayalam lexicogra-

phy remember him with reverence. One need not think twice to declare

boldly that Gundert’s dictionary is the greatest among such endeavours, and

it remains unique. When compared with the six published volumes of the

Malayalam Lexicon, we must agree with Suranadu Kunjan Pillai’s comment

that “Gundert’s dictionary presents in germ the model of amodern dictionary

based on philological principles.”

References

Gundert, Hermann'

1872 A Malayalam and English Dictionary, 1991 edi-

tion with a critical introduction by Prof Scaria

Zacharia, D.C. Books, Kottayam.

Purushothaman Nair M M 1976 On Some Entries in the Dravidian Etymological

Dictionary based on Dr. Gundert’s Malayalam

English Dictionary’ (Mimeiographed)

Suranadu Kunjan Pillai

1965 Malayalam Lexicon Vol. I, University of Kerala

1984 Gundert’s Dictionary, an Evaluation, DLA News,

Feb.-May 1984. Dravidian Linguistics Associa-

tion of India, Trivandrum.

176

é

MALAYALAM THE DEEPEST LOVE OF

3

HERMANN GUNDERT

A P Andrewskutty

§

Malayalam belongs to the south subgroup of the Dravidian family of

7

languages. It is spoken mainly in Kerala, but we find large groups of

6

Malayalees beyond its boundaries in India and abroad.

of

Malayalam has a rich and varied grammatical and literary tradition

which is well founded in the works of a number of native as well as foreign

scholars. Among them, it was Hermann Gundert, a Basel Mission missionary

")1

from Stuttgart in Germany, who made the pioneering effort of providing the

d

first scientific grammar malayaala bhaasaavyaakaranam (1851, 1968) and

the first bilingual dictionary (Malayalam-English), malayaalam-imgliis

10

of

nighantu (1872) inthe language. Besides these two monumental masterpieces

(7

Gundert was able to bring out a number of other works on a wide variety of

topics in and on Malayalam (See, Frenz and Zacharia 1991 for more details).

Hermann Gundert’s love of Malayalam cannot be viewed apart from his

17

d

ardent affinity for the land where it was spoken. Precisely, his first exposure

e

was to the land and its people and obviously, he fell in love with them. The

greenery of the land had excited him to the extent of calling it ‘a paradise’

nl

(op.cit: 71). Probably, it might have even been ‘love at first sight’. But his

love of Malayalam might legitimately have been the consequence of his

feelings for the land and its people, his linguistic preconceptions on the

i

language formulated by his earlier exposure to other cognate languages and

na

a divine motivation to know the language to make the natives know ‘Him’

closely. There was an Indian styleabout it all: marry and love rather than love

and marry. It was, in actual fact, a divinely arranged affair for Gundert as it

might happen to any pious priest.

alé

If one’s thoughts flashed back to the episode of his ‘homecoming’ to this

land of Malayalam, one could very well imagine the different things which

5y

might have attracted Gundert’s attention. Kerala was enchanting to his eyes

18

both in its splendour and in its natural beauty. But, its language would have

177

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

presented before him a unique instance of a paradox: an exciting spell of

activity in literary creations,and an inherent element of inertia in grammatical

analysis. Gundert’s deep involvement in the study of Malayalam enabled

him to conduct a thorough and comprehensive survey of both the written and

spoken forms of the language in its cultural, social and historical set-up

One who closely observes the evolution of modern linguistics can

identify the unusual set-up in which Gundert had shaped himself up as a

grammarian. He received his training in linguistics as a student at Tuebingen

University (1831). He was only a few years the senior of the greatest

methodologist of 19th century linguistics, August Schleicher (1821-1868)

who was also an ardent Hegelian as a student at Tuebingen. Gundert also had

his exposure to the theories of Hegel. Obviously, the end of the 19th century

witnessed atremendous increase in theamount of information about languages

although a scientific approach had to wait until the 19th century. The

emphasis of 19th century linguistics was on methodological examination of

the total structure of a language. Gundert’s life and work happened to

synchronise broadly with the period of great masters in comparative linguistics

like Rasmus Rask (1787-1832), Jacob Grimm (1785-1863) and Franz Bopp

(1791-1867)

Gundert’s Malayalam Grammar is scientific in its primary sense itself

which was written not only for the foreign learners but also for the inquiring

natives. An incomplete version of it was brought out in 1851 which was in

use in schools for long. The completed copy of the grammar was printed in

1868 at Mangalore. The English captions in Gundert’s grammar were added

by its editor Diez [cf. Zacharia (1991)]

Now, let us consider broadly the salient features which make Gundert’s

grammar unique in its own way. Malayaala bhaasaa vyaakaranam makes

extensive use of both textual and spoken data. About seventy books are

mentioned in his work, from which he had taken examples for illustration of

specific insights. They include books not only on literature covering poetry

(eg Krisnagaadha), drama (eg Damayanti Naatakam) and prose (eg Tippu

Katha), but also on topics like history (eg Keerala ulpatti), mathematics (eg

Ganita saastram, Kanakkusaaram), phllosophy (eg Tatvaboodham,

Tatvajnaanam) religion (eg Veedaantam), astronomy (eg Tiruvitaamkootu

pancaamgam) folklore (eg Palancol, Oonappaattu), medicine (eg

Vaidyasaastram), inscription (egSzlaataamrasaasanannaI) etc. Gundert made

it a point to survey the spoken word in Malayalam as revealed in its dialects.

One cancite plenty of instances where he made mention of dialectdifferences

The geographical dialects, especially the Northern and Southern varieties of

Malayalam, attracted his attention and he made specific observations on

17

Malayalam the deepest love of Hermann Gundert

them. See the following instances for illustration: the pronunciation of word

final -u as -a by the Southerners and as -a by Northerners (page 5, paragraph

17, hereafter as 5:17),vatakkee malayaalam ‘Northern Malayalam’ (247:641),

tekkil ‘inthe South’ (283:697), Vatagramyam ‘Northernrural usage’ (283:697)

etc. Gundert showed care to identify the diachronic variations too as he made

specific references to puraana bhaasa ‘old language’ (68:215) and puraana

malayaalam 'old Malayalam' (10:46). Analysis of the textual and spoken

variations facilitated effective correlations in grammatical description. The

description of the written word is crucial for making statements on the

syntactic organisation of the language. Precisely due to this Gundert’s

grammar provides plenty of examples of illustrating specific points. Having

organised the grammar into three major sections as orthography, etymology

and syntax Gundertkeepsan extraordinary balance in coordinating synchronic

and diachronic observations.

Gundert very often made mention of his notion of the genius of

Malayalm expressed as malayaala bhaasaa bhaavam ‘the nature of

Malayalam’ (210:588-590) and malayaala bhaasaa vaibhavam ‘the great-

ness or power of Malayalam’ (302:721). He also had his own intuition about

the standard and colloquial varieties of Malayalam and distinguished

Suddhamalayaalam ‘pure Malayalam’ (8:32) and naattubhaasa ‘colloquial

language/rural dialect’ (8:34). Only one who has plunged deep into the

intricacies of the insights can mention such subtle notions. This makes

Gundert more native than most of the native grammarians. While indicating

dialect variations Gundert takes care to note the attitudinal variation of the

speakers. Itis astonishing to notice that the rudiments of modern dialectology

and sociolinguistics can be gleaned out of his observations.

Gundert has a comparative outlook throughout his work. He makes

extensive references to cognate as well as non-cognate languages on specific

issues. Malayalam is contrasted with cognate languages like Kannada

(11:51, 33:115, 38:128, 42:149, 251:645, 283:697, 383:833, 390:844),

Tamil (15:71,53:178, 70:221, 76:244, 78:249, 148:470, 149:471, 156:492),

Telugu (14:64,383:833), other Dravidian languages (61:198,83:274,84:278)

and non-cognate languages like Sanskrit (15:71) Arabi-Parsi (11:48), English

(247:641, 302:720) and European languages (like Greek and Anglo Saxon)

(301:720).

Utilisation of cognate evidences makes Gundert’s grammar compara-

tive in its relevance in a significant measure. The scholarly effort which had

gone into such thorough probings into the insights of Dravidian languages

shows Gundert’s love for the language and his dedication to accounting for

the deeper regularities. His association with J W Newman gave him an

179

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

opportunity to widen his horizons of comparative linguistics (cf Frenz and

Zacharia 1991:61). The interesting comparison Gundert made between

Tamil and Middle German, Malayalam and French-influenced German is

enough to show his comparative outlook coupled with a consciousness of

contrastive analysis. Gundert’s contacts with Caldwell right from 1851

onwards had also reinforced his excitement in comparative linguistics which

was utilised fully in his malayaalabhaasaavyaakaranam (cf.ibid 1991:112).

When the statement that malayaalabhaasaa vyaakaranam is the first

scientific grammar of Malayalam is taken as a long-standing truism it is

worthwhile to glance briefly at the basis on which it is made. Gundert might

have been greatly impressed by the ‘vehicular load’ of Malayalam to the

extent that it is a medium for science and literature or other highly regarded

cultural manifestations including the way of life. The ‘quality’ of Malayalam

in terms of the size of its vocabulary and the flexibility of its syntax were

diagnostically identified in his grammar. Gundert’s notion of the boundaries

of morphology and syntax is well evident in his grammar. He proposes a

unified approach in dealing with morphological and syntactic insights with

an awareness of the relevance of the idea of ‘linguistic level’. The section on

syntax in Gundert’s grammar (101:342 onwards) would reveal the interde-

pendency of morphological and syntactic structures. The section on

padakaanta ‘Etymology’ (21:90 onwards) is only a forerunner of his

elaborate treatment of syntax.

Gundert in his work attempted to formulate a theory of grammar which

is both externally (in terms of it's correspondence with real data) and

internally (in terms of the internal characteristics of the grammar) adequate.

In this venture he could receive considerable help from the local teachers of

Malayalam grammar who were scholars both in the vernacular and in

Sanskrit (Frenz and Zacharia 1991:90). With his sound knowledge of

Sanskrit, Gundert was able to develop a battery of grammatical terminology

in Malayalm which made his pioneering effort all the more authentic and

remarkable. It formed an excellentreference point for later grammarians who

had either followed or modified in many ways Gundert’s list of grammatical

terminology. For a full list of the grammatical terms in Gundert’s grammar,

see K N Ezhuthachan (1975:647-654). For a comparative glossary of

Gundert and Keerala Paanini, see, ibid. (446-449).

Gundertadopted the technique of exhaustive description toachieve total

accountability of data. Elaborate discussions on casal nuances (121:397-

171:526) and auxiliary verbs (304:723-330:758) bear testimony to this.

Gundert’s attempt to attest nuances in Malayalam usage is simply remark-

able. Although semantics is a nebulous area Gundert exhibits a sense of

180

Malayalam the deepest love of Hermann Gundert

dedication not only in identification but also in suggesting viable classifica-

tion of variations in language use and the resultant semantic configurations.

He made precise notes of rare meanings (140:447), meaning changes

(158:558), semantic overlapping (121:397-171:526), manifestation of nuances

(158:497), connotative meanings (194:571, 195:572) especially in the sec-

tion on syntax (101:342-398:856). His treatment of auxiliary verbs in

Malayalam (both transitive and intransitive), to cite a typical example, is the

most exhaustive statement on their identification and distribution (of the

same) so far available in a grammatical treatise in the lan guage. Although the

characteristic quest for syntactic argumentation based on native intuition is

absent from Gundert’s treatment of auxiliary verbs unlike in the celebrated

work of A R Rajaraja Varma in his grammar Keeralapaaniniiyam,

malayaalabhaasaa vyaakaranam surpasses all other grammars in its taxo-

nomic rigour which makes itan indispensable reference source and data bank

for future researchers in Malayalam. As there is an increasing interest at

present in the study of language in communication, Gundert’s grammar

suggests useful guidelines for language learners and translators. He called

upon them to care for contrastive features of the source and target languages

before carrying out such exercises (247:641).

Gundert wrote about his wife Julie Gundert that she was more useful to

him than he was to her (Frenz and Zacharia 1991: 158). Obviously, Gundert

was more useful to Malayalam than Malayalam was to him in his missionary

work for which he came to this land. If language is a mirror of the human mind

asrevealed in Chomskyian linguistics, by writing a grammar of Malayalam

Gundert fulfilled his religious mission of entering into the ‘Malayalee Mind’

in an extraordinary way. In this very sense Gundert was a linguist among

missionaries and a missionary among linguists. Malayalam was the deepest

love of Gundert and he gave his life to her. Gundert was more a Malayalee

than most of us Malayalees.

References

Ezhuthachan, KN

1975

The History of the Grammatical

Theories in Malayalam. Trivandrum:

DLA Publications.

Frenz, Albrecht and

Zacharia, Scaria

1991

Dr. Hermann Gundert.

Kottayam: DC Books.

Gundert, Hermann (1951, 1868)

malayaala bhaasaa vyaakaranam.

1991

(The Grammar of the Malayalam

Language) Kottayam: DC Books.

Zacharia, Scaria

1991

aamukha pathanam (Introductory study).

In Gundert (1991) Kottayam: D C Books.

181

ASPECTS OF GUNDERT’S GRAMMAR

P T Abraham

‘ AGrammar of Malayalam Language’ (Malayala Bhasa Vyakaranam)

written by Gundert (1868) is the first complete grammar of Malayalam

language. The othertwo outstanding grammarsof Malayalam are ‘A Grammar

of Malayalam’ (Malayalmayute Vyakaranam) written by George Mathen

(1969) and ““’Kerala Paniniyam” written by A R Rajaraja Varma (1969). Mathen

is the first native grammarian of Malayalam whereas Rajaraja Varma is the

most eminent grammarian of Malayalam whose grammar is considered to be

the best reference grammar even today.

When Mathen and Rajaraja Varma were able torely primarily on their

grammaticality judgement as native speakers of Malayalam for formulating

the rules and descriptions given in their grammars, Gundert had to depend

entirely on the data that he had collected from the native poetry, prose

writing, judicial and other Government papers as well as common language

for the same. Diez, the editor of Gundert’s Grammar, states in the preface

“The rules have not been laid down a priori, or derived from any existing

Grammar nor have the examples been improved to fit the rules.” (Diez 1868).

Gundert had used English and Malayalam to describe the rules in his

grammar, whereas, both Mathen and Rajaraja Varma had written their

grammars in Malayalam itself.

Gundert’s grammar is intended to assist students and teachers of

Malayalam (Deiz 1868). In other words, it is a pedagogically oriented

grammar, which aims at imparting grammatical and communicative com-

petence to the learner of the language. It may be noted that a pedagogical

grammar' is not expected to attain the standards of descriptive adequacy

required of a scientific grammar, nor need it be consistent with any one

formal theory, (Allen 1974: 60). A pedagogic grammar is typically eclectic

in deciding upon the scheme of presentation and description most appropriate

pedagogically. Gundert’s Grammar has tobe treated as an interlevel between

182

Aspects of grammar

scientific and pedagogic grammar. Hence it can be expected to possess the

characteristics of both scientific and pedagogic grammar.

Difference in the description and organization of linguistic facts of

Malayalam can be noticed in the grammars of Gundert, Mathen and Rajaraja

Varma. Though Gundert’s description of phonology is brief, he explains the

phonological variation that is found in the written and spoken varieties. For

instance, Gundert explains the vowel change /a/— /e/ in the word initial

syllable when it is preceded by any one of the consonants g/, /j/, /d/, /y/, or

/r/ (1868: 4). Similarly, Gundert describes the variation /i/— /e/ and /u/— /

o/ found in the word initial position as shown in the following.

Written

Spoken

Meaning

ila

ela

‘leaf’

pila

pela

‘fine’

urappu

orappu

‘surety’

putava

potava

‘dhoti used by

women’

Both, Mathen (1969:40-41) and Rajaraja Varma (1969:112) describe

the same phonological variation and their description agrees with the

observation of Gundert. When Mathen treats the spoken form as a variant of

the written form, Gundert and Rajaraja Varma treat the spoken form as

corrupt variety.

Gundert provides pedagogically oriented explanation of cases and

pronouns with illustrative charts (1868: 27-37). The declensions given in the

charts are very useful, particularly, for those leamers who learn Malayalam

as a second language. The cardinal numerals (from ‘one’ to ‘ten billion’

(1868: 41-48) are listed and a systematic description of their roots is also

given in the Grammar. The formation of higher numerals and fractions

including those fractions, which have become obsolete in usage (1868:44)

are also explained scientifically. His description of the numeral system is

useful for the practitioners of teaching Malayalam as a second language.

When the description of distributives and multiplicatives (1868:44) is

examined, it becomes clear that Gundert has taken care to include forms that

were in use in different dialects. Different forms like vattam, matanna, avrutti

which are used to form multiplicatives might have been taken from different

dialects.

Gundert describes roois of set of objectives (1868: 50-51) which

along with the headnoun, with which they occur, are manifested almost like

lexicalised items. See the forms given below.

183

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

peruviral

‘middle finger’

palamoli

‘proverb’

karimpatam

‘woolen blanket’

Gundert relates the roots like peru, pala, kari, etc., to the objectives

periya ‘big’; palaya ‘old’; karutta ‘black’; etc, respectively. Such

generalisations given in the grammar are very useful pedagogically.

The tense system is explained with illustrative charts ( Gundert 1868:

62-70) showing different tenses. Future, present and past tenses are shown

in separate charts. Even such forms as the negative past tense marker-afifia

1

which has become obsolete in usage are explained in the grammar. This

provides insight into the formation of negative relative participle construc-

tion like the following.

1. kanafifia pustakannal

‘books that were not found’

2. iriykkanfia atithikal

‘guests who did not sit’

The pedagogically oriented description of the defective verbs given

in the grammar with illustrative charts ( Gundert 1868:94-97) is also useful

a

in teaching Malayalam. It is in the section on syntax that Gundert provides

more pedagogically oriented description of the syntax of Malayalam. It is

(i

quite probable that he might have come across many difficult constructions

while learning itas a second language. Moreover, this might have helped him

in identifying such syntactic constructions as are potentially useful for the

Ir

leamer and in deciding upon the scheme of organization and description of

linguistic facts of such constructions in Malayalam. His categorisation of

Dl

samples of syntactic structures clearly indicates that he aims ata description

that is more pedagogical than theoretical.

Gundert observes that in Malayalam, sentences with nominal and

|

Ir

(4) as examples to illustrate it.

verbal predicates are found (1868:101) and gives the construction like (3) z}nd

)

3. fian varum

‘I shall come’

v

4. avan bhiagyavan

‘He s (a) lucky man’

Then he proceeds to exemplify the flexibility in the word order of sentences

through constructions like (5).

5. etrayum sammanikkéntum alalld rajav a

In

‘King is person who should be respected most’

1

In (5), the subject rajava ‘king’ occurs at the end of the sentence. Normally,

q

the subject occurs-at the initial position as in (6). Hence (6) given in the

following can be taken as the basic sentence and (5) can be derived from it

G

by changing the word order.

184

Aspects of grammar

6. rajavoetrayum sammanikkéntum alallo.

To derive sentences like (7), Gundert employs the sytactic process of

deletion (1868:103). Compare the sentences (7) and (8).

7. pruthvi palanmarayal sathyatte raksikkanam if guardians of earth

\

(they) should stand for truth'

pruthvi palanmarayal avar sathyatte raksikkanam.

Gundert explains sentence (7) positing avar ‘they’ in the recoverable

subject slot in the matrix sentence as shown in the sentence (8). This is an

indication to the fact that though Gundert’s aim was to produce apedagogically

oriented grammar, he has explained the theoretical aspects also, as and when

they fit in the frame work of his grammar.

Next, Gundert explains the gender number agreement, another syn-

tactic feature of Malayalam (1868:103) and gives examples like (9)-(11).

9. avan sundaran

‘he is handsome’ -

10. aval sundari

‘she is beautiful’

11. avar nallavar

‘they are good’

Another syntactic feature described in Gundert’s grammar is the

absence of plural marker in certain noun phrases when numeral quantifiers

occur with the headnouns in them (1868:104). See the constructions (12)and

(13)

12. nalu védam

‘four vedas’

13. aru sastram

‘six sastras’

In (12) and (13) only the numeral quantifiers nalu ‘four’ and aru ‘six’ oceur

with the headnouns védam ‘veda’ and sastram ‘sastra’ respectively but the

plural markers do not occur with such headnouns.

Gundert’s categorisation of attributives into comparative and ap-

positive (1868:108) hasclose correspondence to the categorisation of attributes

into adjectival and complement constructions in transformational grammar.

In doing so, Gundert explains yet another theoretical issue of Malayalam

syntax. He gives the following constructions (14) and (15) to exemplify his

categorisation.

14. satyavanaya mantfi ‘truthful minister’

15. ni jiviykkanam enna ulla agraham

‘the desire that you should live’

In (14) satyavanaya ‘truthful’ modifies the headnoun mantri ‘minister’ and

in (15) ni jiviykkanam ‘you should live’ defines the headnoun agraham

‘desire’

While describing the use of forms like all inclusive elldm “all” etc,

Gundert provides many pedagogically useful observations and points out

185

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

that the numerals of universality ellam ‘all’ either precedes or follows the

headnoun (1868 :115) as exemplified below

16. ella marahhalum ‘all trees

17. viralkko ellam ‘for all the fingers

In (16), ella ‘all’ precedes the headnoun mararinal ‘trees’ and in (17) ellam

‘all’ follows the headnoun viralkkd ‘for fingers

Gundert brings to light such instances (1868 :119) where the case

marker occurs with all the elements in the noun phrase as shown in the

following.

18 pennunnale rantupereyum ‘both the women’

In (18), the accusative case marker ‘e’ occursin both the elements pennunnal

‘women’ and rantupér’both persons’. He compares (18) with constructions

like (19) where the case marker occurs only with one of the elements

19. dustanmar palaréyum ‘many of the wicked’

In (19), the accusative case marker occurs only with palar * many’.

Gundert provides pedagogically oriented semantic interpretation of

different case markers that occur in concrete situations. In doing so, he

captures such syntactic peculiarities like the doubling of object position? in

causative sentences which have theoretical implications. He observes that

two object noun phrases occur in a causative construction (1868 : 130) as

exemplified in (20)

20. sutane vedam pathippiccu. ‘son was taught vedas

In (20) both sutan ‘son’ and védam ‘vedas' are objects. Further, Gundert

describes (1868 :130) the instances where one of such objects in a causative

sentence is manifested as instrumental® as in (21).

21. iva ottakannalekontg vahippiccu

‘camels were made to carry them’.

In(21),oneof suchobjects ottakanhal ‘camels’ is manifested as instrumental.

Gundert identifies the verb of speaking and categorises them into a

separate group. He states that verbs of speaking* take social (1868 :139) See

I

his examples given in (22) and (23)

22. ninnotd parafifiu tarum (it) will be told to you

23. pottdtu védam oti ‘vedas were recited to buffalo’.

Both Mathen and Rajaraja Varma do not explain overtly, in their grammars,

this syntactic phenomenon which is theoritically significant.

2

While describing the syntactic features of venam, Gundert observes

that it selects either dative subject or nominative subject. Further, he points

Y

out that the selection of dative or nominative as subject has semantic

consequence. When dative occurs with venam, 1t €Xppresses the meaning

U

186

Aspects of grammar

e

‘desire’, will or mind ‘and when nominative occurs with it, it expresses the

meaning ‘necessity of action’ (1868 : 352) See his examples (24) and (25)

24. enikko pokanam ‘I must go’

25. nan pokanam ‘I have to go’

Sentence (24) expresses the meaning

‘desire’ and (25) the meaning

necessity. Again, Gundert points out that -am denotes the meaning ‘ability’

e

when it occurs with a dative subject® (1868 : 148) as in (26)

26. enikkd ento ceyam ‘what can I do’

It seems that Mathen and Rajaraja Varma have not taken note of

such syn-

tactic and semantic peculiarities of

-am. Another syntactic feature described

ol

I

inGundert’s grammar is the doubling of datives (1868 : 147) asin(27)-(29).

27. enikko unino kollam, ‘It is good for me for meals.’

28. atind enikkd kopam illa. ‘I have no anger for that’

29. janattind vidyaykko vasanayilla.

‘people have no talent for leaming’

of

e

While describing the genitive constructions, Gundert observes that

genitives, unlike other cases, do not come under the dominance of the verb.

n

This clearly indicates that he has examined the underlying syntactic relations

al

todescribe the case system of Malayalam. Further, he classifies the possessives

into two groups, namely, the subject genitives and object genitives (1868 :

155), According to him, those genitives which show subjective relation in the

underlying structure as in (30) are subject genitives and those which show

7l

Ve

objective relation in the underlying structure as in (31) are object genitives.

30. pandavarute nagarapravésam

‘coming of pandavas to town’

31. avanutaya caritam ‘his story’

For him, the immediate source to derive

(31) is(32) given below.

32. avanekontulla caritam ‘the story’

)4

It can be seen that Gundert has looked into the underlying case

relations to analyse the passive constructions also (1868 : 132). See the

example (33).

33. parasurimanal patakkappetta bhimi

‘the earth that was created by Parasuram’

15

He treats parasuraman ‘Parasuram’ in (33), which is the underlying subject,

as the subject in the surface exponency also. Similarly he treats bhiimi ‘earth’

which is the object in the underlying structure, as the object in the surface

IS

exponency.

i

While discussing the auxiliaries and defective verbs, he provides

18

pedagogically oriented description of linguistic facts of both auxiliaries and

187

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

defective verbs (1868 : 331-365). He gives explicit semantic interpretation

on the basis of their actual use in concrete social situations in sucha way that

a learner can understand them without much difficulty. For instance, while

giving the semantic interpretation of the auxiliary poka (see the examples

givenin the following), Gundertobserves thatitdenotes the meaning ‘caused

by inadvertence, want of self control etc., and giving rise to what ought to not

have taken place’ (1868 : 318).

34, visvasiccu poyi ‘was led away to believe’

35. tinnu poyi

(I) am sorry to say or unlucky I have eaten it.

Such explicit and exact semantic interpretation can be givenifandonly if one

has the native like intuitive knowledge of the syntax and semantics of the

language. Even the native grammarians Mathen and Rajaraja Varma do not

provide such semantic interpretation of auxiliaries and defective verbs.

Even the existential possessive constructions like (36) are discussed

systematically. Gundert relates (36) to constructions (37) and (38) (1868:

336).

36. hrudayattile kanmasam ‘the sin of the heart’

37. hrdayattil kanmasam untd

‘there exists sin in the heart’

38. hrudayattil ulla kanmagam

‘the sin that is in the heart’

His derivation of (36) from (37) through (38) has close correspondence to the

rulesof ransformational grammar. Even the native grammarians of Malayalam

were not able to capture such unique features of the syntax even today.

From the foregoing discussion, it can be concluded that Gundert

provides explicit and exact descriptions and interpretations of many syntac-

tic and semantic features of Malayalam which are not available even in the

grammars of native grammarians including Mathen and Rajaraja Varma. In

spite of the fact that many of the examples given in the grammar have

become obsolete in usage, Gundert’s grammar can still be considered the

best pedagogical grammar of Malayalarr\l.

1

A scientific grammar gives a systematic account of the idealised Hﬁguistic

knowledge or competence which underlies the actual use of alanguage whereas

pedagogical grammar provides a comparatively informal framework of defi-

nitions, diagrams, exercises and verbalised rules to enable the learner to acquire

the knowledge of the language (Allen 1974 : 59-6

0)

Doubling of object positions is a syntactic feature o

f Malayalam which 1s found

in causatives of ingestive verbs (See Abraham 1984).

188

Aspects of grammar

[

When transitives, other than ingestives, are causativised, the cause is

manifested as instrumental in the surface exponency.

InMalayalam, the verbs of communication like parayuka ‘tosay’; codlkkuka

‘to ask"etc. take the sociative case marker. This is a syntactic feature of

i

Malayatam. In other major Dravidian languages such verbs take accusative

case marker

It is found that when -am selects a dative subject it indicates the meaning

ability or capacity’ and when it selects nominative subject it indicates the

meaning ‘probability’. It is also noticed that -am is used with a nominative

in the first person to express either the speaker’s consent or his willingness

(without being compelled) to perform the action indentified by the main

4

verb

)

References

Abraham PT

1985

Causative Constructions in Dravidian with

special reference to Malayalam. In

Pattanayak, D.P. et al (ed.) Relational Gram-

mar; pp 112-133. Mysore; Central Institute

of Indian Languages

Allen, JP B

1974

Pedagogic Grammar. In; Allen, J.P.B. et al

(ed.), Techniques in Applied Linguistics; pp

59 - 92. London; Oxford University Press

Diez, E

1868

Preface to ‘A Grammar of Malayalam Lan-

guage’. Mangalore; Basel Mission Press

¥

Gundert H

1991

A Grammar of Malayalam Language

(First

published in 1868 Mangalore; Basel Mission

Press) Edition with a critical introduction by

Prof. Scaria Zacharia, Hermann Gundert se-

ries Vol: 2, Kottayam, D. C. Books

1969

9

Mathen, George

A Grammar of Malayalam, (First published

n

in 1868). Kottayam, National Book Stall

Rajaraja Varma, AR

1969

Keralapaniniyam (First published in 1895)

6

Kottayam, National Book Stall

10

i

e

d

189

GUNDERT'S GRAMMAR OF MALAYALAM

K M Prabhakara Variar

The firstaccount of Malayalam grammar appeared in the second and third

chapters of the fourteenth century treatise on literary theory, Liilaatilakam.

This work describes certain aspects of Keeralabhaasa in a fragmentary

manner. The altogether brief treatment lacks preéision and often does notrise

above conjectures. “The aesthetically sensitive author, who reveals his

;

extensive scholarship in Alamkaarasaastra,cannot be qualified as an erudite

grammarian. He presents certain casual descriptions following Tamil gram-

marians but beyond that he does not appear to have shown much care.”

(Kunjan Pillai, 1969: 96). Liilatilakam’s grammatical observations are,

however, valuable materials for language historians, though they leave no

scope or pertinence for serious critical evaluation. Several primers of

Malayalam grammar appeared in Latin, Portuguese and English during the

eighteenth and nineteenth centuries pénned by foreigners (for a brief report

g gt e omemes ptve b

see Ezhuthachan, 1975: 3-4). Some of the grammars, mention of which is

found in certain foreign publications, are not even available in India (See

—

Appendix-2 in Prabhakara Variar, 1978.)

e

—

It was at this stage that Hermann Gundert’s monumental Malayalam

Grammar (Malayaalabhaasaavyaakaranam) made its appearance, first a

shortened version in 1851 and later the full text in its present shape in 1868.

e Y o R

The full text was edited by E Diez who was responsible for completing the

latter part of the manuscript, following instructions from the author and who

supervised the printing of the book. There indeed are some discernible

differences between the portion which the author had himself completed and

Iil

the rest which was prepared by the editor who "could not withstand the

l

temptation of quoting examples more copiously” and who also incorporated

f

such additions and effected deviations “which appeared called for” (Preface

to the Grammar by E Diez).

f

Strictly speaking, a Keralite had already prepared a Malayalam grammar

prior to the appearance of Gundert’s earlier shortened version. But that work

190

Grammar of Malayalam

(George Matthan’s Malayaalmayute vyaakaranam) was released to the

public only in 1863 after prolonged waiting and after remaining in the press

unattended to for a considerable length of time” (Matthan, 1969; new

edition: 12). Admitting the excellence of Gundert’s grammar in the Preface

to his work, Matthan, however, feels that the foreigner’s approach is

dogmatical’ while his own is ‘more explanatory’ which he thinks to be

“better suited to ensure success” (Ibid: 12). We feel that Matthan is not

making atall claim here—an impression got from a close study of both. And

yet, time favoured the foreigner’s work with greater recognition and

adulation for obvious reasons, some of which prevail evennow, one being the

institutionalized support and patronage. Even A. R. Rajaraja Varma has not

included Matthan’s work in the list of ‘references’ given in the ‘introduction

to his grammar (Rajaraja Varma, 1974; new edition: 23) though he has not

only acknowledged his indebtedness to Gundert but also made references

to his opinion in the text (for instance, in the discussion of the origin of the

dative case marker, ku, ibid: 175)

Nature of the work

None could doubt the intensity of the labour that Gundert had expended

in collecting the available written and oral records which formed the corpus

of his work. A well-documented analysis of the materials, the grammarian

has used for his work, is given elsewhere (Nambudiri, 1971). Gundert has

examined literary works, folk songs, scientific treatises and inscriptions

besides ‘stray verses’ (Qoroo Stutikal) from which he has profusely quoted

for exemplifications. Several of his citations, the sources for which are not

shown, are to be attributed to his own knowledge of the language (statements

like Ennum Keelkkunnu, Ennum Natappuntu, Colli Keelppuu etc. support

this assumption) and a few are reproductions of speech forms he had himself

heard (Oru Paacakante Vaakku). Among these, quite a large portion‘con-

tains dialectal forms; a few others are forms occurring in vulgar speech as he

himself had testified (Patuvaaku, Graamyam, etc.)

The corpus, which Gundert has examined and on the basis of which the

grammar 1s constructed, is indeed large. But, since diverse and unrelated data

are considered, the analysis does not present an orderly picture. As men-

tioned above, he has attempted to draw materials from manifestations of the

language, the inherent characteristics of which do not submit to the scientific

formulation of a unified system. How could an investigator at a single stroke

capture the‘essential features of such diverse realizations of language as

found in epics, folk literature, inscriptions, civil records, proverbs and

dialectal speech? The literary works which he cites belong to different

1

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

periods and to different genres showing varied forms of language. A

practical grammar can only be based on an abstracted ‘standard language.”’

In the formulation of the rules, Gundert’s grammar presents a miserable

picture. Exceptions abound eclipsing the ‘rules proper’. Varieties of rules

dealing with a single phenomenon destroy the cogency and usability of the

grammar as a linguistic reference work. These remarks need not be construed

as casting doubts on the value of the first comprehensive grammar of the

Malayalam language produced by a devoted foreigner at a time when he had

very little to lean on as a model for his stupendous intellectual venture.

We shall here restrict our inquiry to an examination of some important

explanations found in this grammar, without entangling ourselves in an

evaluation of the theoretical basis of the work as such.

Phonology

Among the three major divisions of Gundert’s grammar (phonology,

morphology, and syntax), the first receives the least extensive treatment.

Unlike later grammarians, Gundert deliberately distinguishes the ‘native’

and ‘borrowed’ sounds. A noteworthy point is his inclusion of the trillamong

.the surds (plosives) (6 and 61) an obvious imitation of the Tamil grammatical

tradition.* Citing Gundert’s inability to distinguish correctly the phonetic

qualities of the trill/r/ and the alveolar stop/t/ Antony (1972:34) observes that

Gundert, however, in his Dictionary has rightly identified the same point of

articulation for both these sounds while Rajaraja Varma in his grammar

erroneously calls /r/ a cerebral. Gundert has not cared to describe the

articulations of Malayalam sounds. Instead he deals quite elaborately with

the variations of sounds in different phonological and morphological envi-

ronments, some regular and many sporadic pertaining to slang, Tadbhavas

and dialects.

Among the vowel-variations which Gundert discusses the following are

worthy of special notice:

(1) a> e/g-j-, y-1- (11)

Usually, this pronunciation is heard with initial ba/-, la-/a and ksa also

besides the environments given above (See Matthan, 1969:40). Some con-

sider that here/efis pronounced as /d/in speech. It is more appropriate to

equate this changed sound to the frontal rather than the central vowel

although it might not, more specifically be, the midunrounded front vowel.

grammar.

* The numbers in brackets, hereafter, denote the paragraph in. Gundert’s

192

Grammar of Malayalam

6

@ [i][/+1611 @)

3

Gundert’s specification of the enviornments for the above change is in-

I

complete. Matthan, dealing with the same phenomenon, gives a fuller picture

d

(Matthan, 1969:41). Matthan’s observation of the consonant gemination and

10

consonant cluster preventing such a change is seemingly correct although

d

there are a few counter examples like ontd, olla, etc. While discussing this

change Gundert states that “in these the root vowel is correct” (20). But,

It

comparativists in recent years have shown that the vowels in the spoken

forms of these words are to be reconstructed to the corresponding proto-

forms. Gundert has correctly pointed out that cilavu, tutannuka, tutaruka are

hyper corrections as their roots are cel and totu respectively.

In examining the variations of consonantal pronunciations—sibilants,

nasals, semivowels and liquids—the grammarian listsalmostall the alterations

Yy

L

that take place in spoken language (36-68). Although such listings are useful

from a diachronic point of view, standard grammar need not be stuffed with

8

such information. Some of his statements under ‘properties of consonants’

present distorted pictures. An instance is the following observation: “Pre-

al

10

viously there was difference between n and n. It seems that they have only

al

one letter (?) now. The dental n appears word-initially and with dental

consonants. The alveolar n occurs medially, finally and with r” (53). The

of

situation is notas simple as Gundert envisages. The distribution of the dental

and alveolar nasals in Malayalam has not been correctly stated by anyone so

10

far. (Some attempts have been made by earlier grammarians. For recent

1

accounts see Kunnappally, 1976: 38 and Prabhakara Variar, 1979: 16)

Sandhireceivesarelatively brief treatment in this grammar. The morpho-

phonological changes can be classified either by categorizing the phonological

environments of the junctions or by categorizing the nature of alterations that

[0

takeplace. Liilaathilakamand Matthan’s grammar follow the former method,

and Keralapaniniyam, the latter. In Gundert, neither of the above is consis-

l

tently employed and hence the treatment fails to give an ordered set of rules.

50

Even the standard-spoken differences in pronunciations are cited as examples

of junction. eg. ceytukollaam-ceytoolaam. nallavannam-nalloonnam (86).

One could easily pick out several instances of imprecise explanations such

el

as the following :"Forms ending in a: take v before vowels in junction. eg.

|

pitaavum...But in many places y also shows up eg: divaayennum...The final

long-a of veenta: becomes short also eg. veentalle” (80)

193

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Morphology

The chapter on morphology is inadequately titled “Etymology”. In the

explanation (90) Gundert recognizes the two characteristics of words

namely, shapes and functions. Functions can be described only with refer-

ence to syntacticrelations. Morphology is broadly divided into three sections

Nouns, Verbs and Indeclinables, each of these is treated under various

subdivisions. We shall examine below a few of his notable observations

pertaining to the formations of Malayalam words

Twodissimilar markers are suggested by Gundert for neuter gender in his

grammar (94). They are-am and -u (the corresponding central variety, al-

though he doesn’t mention so explicitly). Both these segmentations (mara—

am and kunn—o) are not correct although Rajaraja Varma has lengthily

argued for considering,—amas aneuter gender suffix (for arecent discusssion

on the subject see Leelavathy, 1978)

The setting up of two noun classes as ‘ku- type’ and ‘nu-type’ is again a

result of incorrect segmentation of the dative case allomorphs. Rajaraja

Varma has already pointed out Gundert’s error in this regard (Rajaraja

A R S T R R N e R RN e L LSV AR G R i « G N MR SO OGO G N R Y

Varma, 1974: 175)

While discussing the roots of caridnals, he considers the allomorph of

Pattu ‘“ten’ in Pantirantu (> Pantrantu) ‘twelve’ as a Tadbhava of Sanskrit

Pamkti (149). Gundert’s derivation doesn’t seem to be plausible. The

intrusion of a consonant between *Pan and Irantu in the compound form is

found both in Malayalam and Telugu. No sat15factory explanation has come

for this phenomenon although two probable derivational, histories have been

suggested, one being the result of dissimilation (*Pannirant > *Pannrantu

>Pantrantu) and the other, the result of the ‘intrusion of a consonant’

(Shanngam, 1971: 170) The first suggestion here refers to a highly uncom-

mon and unmotivated process and the second simply appears as a hollow

Sl RO S = R AR T R sl SR DS U R T

statement. Gundert describes compounding in two places, once under nouns

(168-169) and then elsewhere (865-878). Both the analyses fall short of

expections but, as he himself confesses, “It is difficult to define the leading

principles on which they are formed” (865). A defect which cannot be lightly

dismissed in the description is his failure to distinguish phrases from

compounds. Consequently, suchattributive phrases asKannile Vyaadhi, Ullile

Kannd etc. (168) are erroneously treated as nominal compounds

Gundert’s reference to the process for the formation of verbal stems

i et . iy | A gt

speaks volumes for his linguistic acumen and analytic mind. He comments

that this aspect escaped the notice of earlier scholars. Malayalam verbal roots

are either monosyllabic or dysyllabic (191) but roots containing a long

194

Grammar of Malayalam

vowel are rare (192). Several of the stems appearing with long vowels in the

present day language are to be related to corresponding short forms as in

cases like Maaru (Maru), Naaru (Naru), Puuku (Puku), Kaan (Kan), Caavu

(Ca), Veevu (Ve), etc. This observation is correct only in a genral sense

because a number of verbal roots do have long vowels asin Caatu, Viilu, Paatu

Muutu, Aaku, Veen, Pooku, Keel, Ciiyuu, Eeru, etc. Gundert identifies {ive

processes which transform roots into verbal stems (195). They are (1) root

+ i/ a (verbal noun) +.(kk verbalizer). eg. Pat (u) > Pati : Par (u) > Para >

Parakk : (2) doubling of final consonant eg. Tul > Tullu; (3) lengthening of

root vowel, eg. Naru > Naaru; (4)addition of nasals. eg. tot (u) > Tuzann

(5) suffixation (Ar, -Al, -Al, -Ul, -Ku, -Tu, etc.) eg. Tot> Totar, Iru>Irul (In

the grammar 2 and 3 have been clubbed together) Rajaraja Varma in his

discussion on ‘formation of stems’ speaks of ‘doubling’, ‘lengthening’ and

suffixation’ as the three processes which produce verbal stems (Rajaraja

Varma, 1974: 301). Gundert’s fivefold (four as shown in the grammar)

divisions can easily be reduced to three as has been done in

Keeralapaaniniiyam

“Indeclinable is that word which does not undergo changes like loss of

syllables which are common in respect of noun and verb” (321). This

definition of

indeclinable

is certainly not adequate. The particles

(indeclinables) are of four types according to Gundert, namely, verbal

derivations, nominal derivations, particles proper and expressives. Under

each he discusses many forms which have nothing in common for their

inclusion into one grammatical category. Furthermore, several of the forms

e—"

which he has called particles are morphological transformations of nouns and

verbs retaining their category-functions syntactically. The description of

particles in this grammar, therefore, is the least commendable

Syntax

The section dealing with the syntax of the language is the largest (342-

878) consisting of six major divisions, namely (1) subject, predicate and

agreement, (2) syntax of nouns, (3) syntax of verbs, (4) syntax of particles

(5) syntax of the figures of speech and (6) syntax of compounds. Gundert’s

ingenuity as a collector of usages and his keen observation show up in these

pages though, as we have already mentioned, the enormous assortment of

data has not been codified and arranged properly. We shall review briefly

some of the significant statements that invite comments.

He states: “When the predicate is a noun, the copula or other verbs are

omitted” (346). The remark is significant because contemporary standard

Malayalam rarely omits the copula in co ordinate constructions. Although in

many of Gundert’s works including his grammar, the copula is conspicuously

195

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

left out, there are instances where he himself has constructed sentences with

the Malayalam copula Aakunnu (see, for example, a passage quoted from

Gundert’s ‘Malayaalaraajyam’ in Varid, 1973: 128). Itis also worth recall-

ing that George Matthan, a contemporary of Gundert, has consistently used

the copula verb in his grammar (for a discussion of the history of the copula

in Malayalam, see Prabhakara Variar, 1979 Chapter Three).

Our grammarians seem to have set up two syntactic units, the “word” and

the “clause”, to explain various dependencies and combinatory possibilities

Akl r i, Sotl T e ¢ Slase SO i

within a sentential structure. “The phrase” is a unit which has not been

considered as relevant to the description of the syntax of Malayalam.

Gundert, however, makes a reference to a class of predicates, the structure

“of which consists of nominative nouns and verbs forming into compound

verbs” (406). An examination of the exemplifying items given by him

confirms the necessity of recognizing at least a small class of “phrasal verbs”

in Malayalam. However, not all the combinations listed by Gundert belong

to “phrasal verbs”. Some of the constructions which behave like single

predicates are Kai Varuka, Kuuttam Kuutuka, Maanam Ketuka, Cevi

Paarkkuka, Urakkam Unaruka, Valam Vekkuka, Aana ltuka, Svapnam

Kaanuka and so on.

Gundert has correctly noted that genitives do not indicate casal relation-

ship in Malayalam because “in pure Malayalam the “sixth case” does not

show dependence to any verb”(486). In fact, in its syntactic behaviour, a

genitive exhibits closer resemblance to attributes than declensions of nouns.

Yet the tradition continues even today retaining this form as one of the casal

constructions.

Toknow the immensity of information regarding the usages of Malayalam

forms that has been incorporated in this grammar, one could possibly point

out the several distinctive functions of Taan listed by Gundert (531, 541). As

many as thirteen different senses of Taan (Along with its plurals, Tammil,

Tarnal) have been illustrated, chiefly in its ‘prenominal’ (third person) and

‘reflexive’ meaning. Gundert does not, however indicate the usage of Taan

(and its plural Taarikal) as a second person non honorofic (plural: honorofic)

pronoun. It is true that in all the Dravidian languages the third person

pronominal and reflexive senses are found and hence “both the meanings

might have developed in PDR. also" (Shanmugam, 1971:192). The third

shift in usage mentioned above, could, therefore, be a later independent

innovation that happened in the Tamil-Malayalam sub-group.

This foreign grammarian has made a very fascinating observation re-

garding the past verbal participle. After discussing the various meanings and

196

Grammar of Malayalam

syntactic collocations of this non-finte form of the verb, he comments: “It

precedes the finite verb with the cases governed by it; yet the object of the

finite verb is often placed before the gerundium (chiefly when expressive of

mode) (577)". The importof the above statement is that the appearance of the

verbal participle immediately preceding the finite verb and following the

object would give the sense of ‘modification, as against its position before

the object whence the ‘verbal’ force would be retained. The pair, (1) Bhumiyo

Vannu, Aakramicu, and (2) Vannu Bhuumiye Aakramiccu, exemplifies the

above contention. This looks like an interesting phenomenon which requires

further testing and investigation.

The section on the usages of “auxiliary verbs” (720-758) is highly

informative in the sense that almost all the important auxiliary verbs are

examined here quite elaborately. Gundert was well aware that the functions

and syntactic behaviours of Malayalam auxiliaries are quite different from

those of the European languages. He has made this clear in his introduction

to this section which is worth reproducing: “Nearly all the modern Indian

languages have a class of Auxiliary verbs of very general significance,

which, when added to verbs of more confined meaning, serve like the

prepositions of compound verbs in European languages to modify actions in

certain directions. Poetry permits the insertion of particles between the thus

composed verbs. The peninsular languages like to dissolve actions, which to

our mind and senses appear simple, into their constitutent parts: f.i. t0

return—turn and go, to show to—give and make it see” (above 720). Since

these secondary verbs bebave almost like suffixes giving various shades of

model and aspectual meanings (720) and also like forms denoting tense

distinctions, etc. (721), Gundert feels that they can perhaps be called ‘suffixal

Verbs’ (Pratyayakriyakal) (722). He discusses sixteen such verbs noting

their differences of meaning as well as their other combinatory possibilities.

No other Malayalam grammar, including the most popular one in contem-

porary use, devotes this much of attention to a linguistic peculiarity which s

unique, as Gundert has pointed out above, in Indian languages.

Before concluding this section on the ‘syntax’ in Gundert’s grammar, we

would like to share a ‘surprise’ that alerted our attention (and, perhaps that

was not noticed by earlier scholars) regarding the (unacknowledged) in-

debtedness of Rajaraja Varma to the ‘observations’ and ‘examples’ of

Gundert. The last two Sutras in Keeralapaaniniiyam speak of the impossi-

bility of an external attribute qualifying the non-head component of a

compound (Sutra 186) and the possibility of insertions between the member-

components of a compound 'if the intended idea is not affected’ (!) (Sutra

197

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

187). Nonetheless, Gundert has noted the occurrence of external attribution

of non-head components (873) in early literary texts. The author of the later

grammar, refuting this reproduces three ancient phrases givenin Gundert and

states that such archaic usages are ‘not worthy of imitation’. For the second

Sutra (187), the native grammarian provides only one example which

Gundert has included in his illustrations for ‘looser composition’ (872). We

present this here neither for the purpose of comparative evaluation, nor for

stealthily suggesting the superiority of one over the other, buttoreiterate the

wealth of information contained in the grammar under review and also to

point out the need for further inquiry into this area.

Metalanguage

Even after giving due allowance to the fact that Gundert was not a native

speaker of the language, the metalanguage of his linguistic works is far from

satisfactory. We are unable to find a prose style which is suitable for

grammatical descriptions. On several occasions slang, dialectal expressions

and archaisms conspicuously affect the style giving it a sort of artificial and

unnatural colour. Gundert has accepted many grammatical terms from

Sanskrit and Tamil besides which he has cpined a few such as,

Valavibhakti (oblique case),

Puravina (transitive verb)

Pratisamjna (pronoun) efc.

A significant mode of coining new terms to refer to semantic concepts is

a peculiarity worth mentioning. Some such terms are:

Tolaadikal (verbs of worshiping), Collaadikal (verbs of communication)

and Toonnaadikal (verbs of thinking).

Conclusion

It will be all too apparent that the foregoing sections have had perforce to

ignore many aspects of Gundert’s work, and skip all too lightly over others.

Nevertheless it is hoped that the brief review has at least made explicit the

nature of the work, showing especially the inadequacy of the same as a

practical grammar and also the abundance of the materials contained in it, the

latter feature being of immense use for the construction of the history of the

Malayalam language. Replete with valuable and fascinating information on

the various manifestations of the Malayalam language at different levels of

language use; Gundert’s grammar is certainly an important reference-source

for anyone who is interested in the history of our language.

198

Grammar bf Malayalam

References

1

1972

Antony, CL

‘Gunderttinte

malayaalabhaasaavyaakaranam’

Gunderttu Oru Patanam. University of

Cochin, Cochin.

2. Ezhuthachan, K N

1975

The History of the Grammatical Theories

in Malayalam, DLA, Trivandrum.

3. Gundert, H.

1962

(1868)Malayaalabhaasaa Vyaakaranam,

S.P.C.S,, Kottayam.

4. Kunjan Pillai, Ilamkulam (ed)1969

Liilaatilakam, S.P.C.S., Kottayam.

5. Kunnappally, John.

1976

Sabdasoubhagam, Pontificial Institute

Publications, Alwaye.

6. Leelavathy, M

1978

‘Malayaalattile Napumsakalingapratyam’

Bhashasahithi, 2. 3

7. Matthan, George

1969

(1868) Malayaalmauyute Vyaakaranam,

S.P.C.S,, Kottayam

8. Nambudiri, PED

1971

‘A note on Gundert’s Malayalam Gram-

mar’. Proceedings of the First Congress of

Dravidian Linguists- Trivandrum, DLA,

Trivandrum.

9. Prabhakara Variar, KM

1978

‘Granthalipiyekkuric culla Oru Laatin

Grantham’ Bhashasahithi 2. 1

10. Prabhakara Variar, K M

1989

Studies in Malayalam Grammar, Univer-

sity of Madras, Madras.

11. Rajaraja Varma, AR

1974

(1895): Keeralapaaniniiyam, S.P.C.S.,

Kottayam.

12. Shanmugam, S V

1971

Dravidian Nouns, Annamalai University,

Annamalainager.

13. Varid, K P

1973

Dooktar Herman Guntarttu. NBS.

Kottayam.

199

d

(

Sl

0

1§

THE RELEVANCE OF HERMANN GUNDERT’S

HISTORICAL WORKS

N M Nampoothiry

Hermann Gundert had a rich collection of books and records of

various kinds such as articles, notes in English German and other languages,

if

palmleaf manuscripts in Malayalam, etc. People of Kerala are familiar with

about twenty of his books written in Malayalam. What is possible now is to

prove his interest in history evidenced by the peculiar features of his

1§

collection of records, the views revealed by the notes he prepared and the

values of some of his Malayalam works.

His collection contains four palmleaf manuscripts of Keralolpatti;

st

and a copy each of Kerala Natakam, Kerala Mahatmyam, Kerala Vilasam,

and Brahmanda puranam. Keralalopatti is the traditional history of Kerala.

0

To reveal the spirit of the customs of Kerala and their connections to other

(h

places, Keralachara Samskepam and Vyavaharamala are used by him. He

b

thinks that for a detailed and scientific exposition of the culture of Kerala

traditional history, customs, tantric traditions, judicial decrees and a picture

of the basic resources of life in the region and their uses are needed. This is

evidenced by the palm leaf manuscript of Payyannur Pattu in his collection.

He kept thisrecord with an index, where terms related to trade and commerce

In

(1

get importance.

C

Kerala was predominant in the production of cash crops and there

he

were a number of harbours along the western cost for exporting these

Wt

products. The entries in his diary dated 11.1.1843 and 21.11.1844 reveal that

he made personal enquiries about Anchuvannam and Manigramam the trade

St

groups of the early period. The Tarisappally inscription of 9th century AD,

i

which was copied and analysed by him on 8th November 1843, shows clearly

his enquiries on the forces at work in the growth of the harbours and martitime

I

hi

trade of Kerala. He studied Jewish copper plates, visited Kodungallur to see

the Portuguse fort. It shows that like a modern historian Gundert passes

hi

W

systematically from traditional history to the documentary evidences of

pr

200

Historical Works

different levels of culture, to direct verification of the locality and to the

collection of facts from the people. This method is yet to be followed in the

study of history of Kerala and culture.

1. Dr. Gundert consulted foreign records to get the detailed observations

of foreigners about medieval Kerala. “Seen in the records of the Portu guese”

is an often repeated statement in the discussions of Kerala Palama. He

collected many records of British period in Kerala, which comprises more

than 4448 pages. The Tellicherry records of 1740-1800 AD throw lightonall

the cultural and administrative aspects of the reign of the local chieftains.

Apart from the survey of great tradition and foreign tradition, he attempted

a survey of native or little tradition. He collected folk son gs, proverbs, folk

tales and place names and used them for writin g history. Indeed never before

Gundert, was there suchacomprehensive effortto study the history of Kerala.

2. His observations about the study of history are also very important.

He wrote to Kittel a famous scholar of Kannada lan guage: “Historical study

is more significant than the works of devotion” (14.1.1869). He wrote:

Craftsmen of India are old- fashioned. There are dif ferent casts for different

works. There are definite rules regarding the work of each caste, how it

should be done and how the tools are to be used for it. So they do not have

any interest in experimenting” (1836-37). He throws light on the real cause

of the decline of material (Physical) Science and education. He believed that

the study of human culture should be through a synthesis of different

branches of knowledge.

3. The range of Gundert’s historical interest will be evident from the

articles he published in German and other languages. A description of

Amritsar (1874), The agrarian revolt in Bengal (1860) The hilly tracts of

India (1863), The Indian Mutiny (1867) The Forest dwellers of Anamalai

(1862) Malabar and Nilgiris (1867) etc. show clearly the nature of the

cultural aspects he dealt with. The inter disciplinary method of study was the

hallmark of Gundert's historical research. It may be noted that he made this

venture even before 1850.

4. There is an assumption among the scholars that for Gundert the

study of Malayalam and history of Kerala were two different fields. So his

dictionary and grammar are considered only as great works of linguistic

importance. They are in fact the products of a general understanding of the

history of Kerala embracing its cultural, social, economic and political

history. Eminent Dravidian linguists have pointed out that his investigation

was scientific in as much as it was based on comparative and historical

principles. In his dictionary, containing about eight thousand primary words

201

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

and ten thousand secondary words, more than twenty per cent of them are

related to the Tellicherry records. The compiler of the dictionary gives

historically significant meanings with authentic references from Tellicherry

records, under the marker T.R.

5. He published Keralolpatty with necessary corrections after com-

paring various versions and added explanations and footnotes. He divided

the text into three parts, where the second and third divisions contain seven

chapters each. Gundert's manner of dividing it shows that he had definite

understanding of the vicissitudes in the history of Kerala. The three parts are

the periods of Parasurama, of the Perumals, and of the Thampurans. To know

the basis of this division and his views on the origin of Kerala, one has to

dependon his dictionary. He hasentered all important words from Keralolpatty

in his dictionary with explanatory notes, under the head K.U. The special

quality of the seven chapters of the third part of Keralolpatty points to the fact

that he has remodelled them in order to draw a clear picture of the feudal set

up in Kerala. This work, published in 1843, has been so edited as to get an

integrated outline of the traditional history and. it is a product of deep

comparative study. The result is that it is quite different from the other

available Keralolpatty texts. It has been scientifically re-designed as to call

it Gundert’s Keralolpatty.”

7. Gundert's collection contains both Malayalam and Sanskrit ver-

sions of Kerala Mahatmyam. What Gundert felt most important about this

work was the part that mentions the caste system. He gives caste hierarchy

under 14 heads. He was aware of the importance of the traditional history of

Kerala as reflected in Keralolpatty and Kerala Mahatmyam.

8. Gundert’s Keralapalama is a continuation of Keralolpatty and

Kerala Mahatmyam. It deals with the Portugese-Dutch period. The principal

concern of Kerala palama is the evaluation of foreign influence in the growth

of Kozhikkode, in the expansion of feudal powers and their relations. The

author has made use of local records, evidences from field work, and the

notes in foreign languages.

9.The interconnection between Keralolpatty, Keralapalma and Geog-

raphy is very significant. He believed that the study of history is not an

exclusive study of the description of the political events in order.

The articles on geography in Paschimodayam are the result of his

meticulous observations of the relation between history and geography;

between man and soil, and the development of humanity. He has exhibited

great interest in the study of geographical maps too. He explains all the

details of South Indian landscape, and mentions logically the evolution. The

202

Historical Works

landscape from Capecomorin to Gokamam lying west to the Ghats is

analysed in details. The essay on Kerala concludes with the sentence “finally

it came under the British rule.”

References

|

1. Frenz, Albrecht

Dr. Hermann Gundert

and Zacharia, Scaria 1991-92

Series (HGS) Vol I-VI,

Kottayam & Ulm

DC Books, Suddeutsche

Verlagsgesellschaft.

0

2. Kunjanpilla, Sooranad 1979

Gundert’s Dictionary

y

an evaluation, Calicut

l

DLA conference.

(l

3. Nampoothiry N M (Ed.) 1987

Keralapalama, Calicut

ol

Mathrubhumi.

i

(r

ll

1S

y

of

d

al

vth

he

he

an

11§

s

ed

fio

he

203

PASCIMODAYAM AND RAJYASAMACARAM

Venugopala Panikkar

To an educated Keralite Gundert is primarily a lexicographer and a

grammarian. Probably among Malabar Christians who inherit the Basel

Mission tradition there may be a handful who know that Gundert has

published a few prayers for use in churches. The fact that it was Gundert who

first attempted the reconstruction of the history of the Portuguese contact

with Kerala, making use of Portuguese records, is known only to a few

students of Kerala History. This book, Kerala palama *history of Kerala’ has

been serialized in a journal by the name Pascimodayam (Pm) which literally

means ‘the rise of the west’. Kerala palama appeared in book form in 1868.

The book, though it relies upon Portuguese records, is often free from bias

and admits that Moplas of Malabar offered stiff resistance to the Portuguese

inroads and that the Portuguese were not always honest enemies as they often

resorted to cruelly devilish acts.

It was in the 1840s that Kerala Palama was serialized in Pm. This

journal is one of the earliest two journals in Malayalam. The other is

Rajyasamacaram (RS). The historical importance of these journals was not

known to literary historians including Mahakavi Ulloor, the author of the

encyclopaediac history of Malayalam literature, Kerala Sahitya Charitram

(1953). The importance of these journals was brought to scholarly attention

§

by the late Prof A D Hari Sarma in an article he wrote in the anniversary

publication of the daily newspaper Keraladhvani in 1960. The answer to the

question about the earliest journal in Malayalam was different for different

authors till then. Hari Sarma proved that this credit goes to Rajyasamacaram

(literally, 'news of the kingdom®) This journal was started in June 1847 and

was followed by Pascimodayam in October 1847. It was the late Mr K P

Varid, author of the first exhaustive biography of Gundert, who gave Prof

Sarma both these journals, bound in one volume which the late Rev PJ

Chandran had preserved. Gundert’s biography by Varid (1973) contains a

204

%

Pascimodayam and Rajyasamacaram

detailed account of these journals prepared by A D Hari Sarma.

All the available numbers of these two journals are preserved, well-

bound in the library of the Malayalam Department of Calicut University,

thanks to the interest shown by Sukumar Azhikode, the first Professor and

Head of that Department.!

These journals were monthlies and had the size Royal 1/8. The

printing was a kind of cyclostyling. The beautiful hand is believed to be of

a Tamil Christian by the name Kanyar Katu. The publishers were Basel

Mission Society, Nettur, Tellicherry (now spelt Thalassery).

The firstissue of RS came out in June 1847. The next issue, however,

appeared only in August. Altogether there were only 16 issues in Volume 1.

Volume 2 is of 1849, and Vol. 3 belongs to 1850. The total number of issues

is41. Each volume is continuously paginated. Each number has 6 to 8 pages.

Vol. 1 has 110 pages, Vol. 2, 78 and Vol. 3 only 72, making a total of 260

pages.

There is no mention of the editor in RS, though it is generally believed

the man behind it is Gundert. The authorship of each article is also not

specified. The script used is basically Arya-eluttu with (/) and (r) added to

it. Hence the length distinction in e and o is not shown in writing. Itis to be

remembered that the first script revision was effected by the Basel Mission

press at Mangalore and it was then that length distinction in e and o came to

be represented in Malayalam writing. This is true of the distinction in the

scripts for the so-called rounded and unrounded varieties of u also. Pm and

RS donothavescripts forlong e, long 0 and the unrounded # and because they

were introduced only later in Malayalam writing.

Anative speaker of the Malayalam of today may feel that the language

of RS is alittle archaic and unfamiliar, The unfamiliarity is for three reasons:

(1) Some expressions current in the 1840s are no more in currency. ThusRS

has parannare for pararfiappol ‘while said’, karru for pathiccu ‘learned.” 2)

A few usagesare regionalisms. Thus cati for more widespread erinnu ‘threw’

and vadhyare kiita for vadhyarute kute 'with the teacher'. We have to bear in

mind that it was a time when the standardization in journalistic prose in

Malayalam was still in its infaney. 3) The lack of native intuition has rarely

at least led to some syntactically unacceptable formations and stylistic

pitfalls.

RS has the nature of a Christian tract. The first issue devotes some

attention to explaining the objectives of the publication. The letter from a

pastor at Visakhapatanam is quoted. It relates the story of a Brahmin boy’s

o oo SR | NS T WD ol e o NI O e o

conversion to Christianity and the consequent hubbub. The next is the report

of the repentance of a wretched woman. The third “news” deals with the

205

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

effort by missionaries to save the souls of some African tribesmen who were

said to be “barbarous ruffians” (»30@0508 ®0oo1) The report goes on to de-

scribe the success of the missionaries in educating and taming them to the

extent of distributing among them copies of the Bible translated into their

mother tongue. It is said that inorder to get the translation done, their

language was to be reduced to writing in the appropriate manner. What is

referred to here may be a kind of phonemic field work.

RS has a Protestant bias, and other sects of Christianity are not

depicted in pleasing colours. The Catholics, contemptuously called papists

or Romanists, are said to be equal to pagans in their idolatry. The Caldiacs

in Persia and Turkey who zealously hold their religion despite the persecu-

;

tion by the Muslim overlords are said to retain Christianity only in their

{

names and rituals. The western missionaries who work among them, says the

author with consolation, try to redeem them from the possibility of adopting

papistry.

A map of the missionary work in India along with a table showing the

details of the newly converted is given. The attitude towards Indians is on the

i s < i . AP

whole cordial as they are said to be educable at least, while pagans in other

continents are less so. The reduction in the number of native Red-Americans

due to white colonization is attributed to the bad habits including alcaholism

of the natives. Before this race becomes extinct, some of them have come to

know the grace of God thanks to the civilizing efforts of the colonists.

ECJ

Some interesting details about the life in the polar region is given in

RS. This may be the first of its kind in Malayalam. Bhuloka Sastram written

I

some 70 years before the publication of RS, by Rt Rev Paremakkal Thomas

I

is the first work in geography in Malayalam. It talks only about Asia, Africa,

Europe and America and is silent about the polar continents. -

The April 1848 issue of RS reports about the political turmoil in

|

France during that year. The author does not sympathise with French

nationals who, according to him, are a little too much concerned about

mundane matters like political freedom which again is a result of the wrong

type of Christianity, Catholicism. He makes a reference to the French

(¥

Revolution of the 18th century which Bhuloka Sastram is also aware of.

|

Pm is concerned with the spread of the secular knowledge. No

d

mention is made of the authors of the articles. The editor is F. Muller. Each

|

issue is priced at 2 Pice. The publication was from Oct. 1847 to July 1851.

Vol. 2 begins in 1849, Vol. 3 in 1850 and Vol. 4 in 1851, Vol.4 No.2 & 3

C

came out in a single issue. So here 4 & 5 too. With the issue Vol. 4 No. 7 the

(i

publication ceases.

206

Pascimodayam and Rajyasamacaram

The first issue explains the objectives of the journal. In the editor's

note it is said that the statement that light comes from the west may appear

odd. But it does—the light of modern knowledge. The note goes on to state

that it is by the grace of God that the land of Malayalam has come under

British supremacy. This has resulted in the building of a bridge connecting

the West with Kerala so that many things so far unknown here can come into

this land freely. The west has developed many branches of knowledge which

are different from what Indians know so far. The Hindu scholarship is mostly

concerned with religious philosophy and poetic fancies. The West is equally

concerned with scientific and empirical knowledge expressed in simple

prose. The editor declares that the aim of the journal is to develop Malayalam

to the communicative efficiency of his sort.

The underlying tone of editor's note is in agreement with the general

concept of the European writers about India in those days. We now know that

India before the active contact with Europeans was not completely averse to

nonspiritual matters and secular sciences, contrary to the belief of European

scholars even in early twentieth century.

One of the important contributions of Pm is the popularization of the

current development in Western knowledge in Malayalam. Another is in the

line of script reforms. Pm introduces the new, regularized script for i: go

instead of the old 0. A crescent mark is used to represent the “unrounded-

kb

u

Kerala palama was serialized in Pm. Later it was collected and pub-

lished in Gundert’s name. Other serials dealing with astronomy and geog-

raphy also might have been written by Gundert. A serial on astronomy,

Jyotisavidya, which extends to 9 issues, starts by making a distinction

between astrology and astronomy. It explains the various technological

innovations in astronomical research and the then newly discovered planets.

The serial ends with a discussion of the practical applications of astronomy.

The serial on geography, Bhumisastram, starts with concise account of the

galaxies, the solar system and the nature of the earth and the evidences to

conclude that the earth is spherical and it moves around the sun. The concepts

like the orbit, satellite etc, are explained with the help of diagrams. An

accountof differentcontinents followed by a detailed discussion of Asiawith

its map comes next. South Asia is dealt with more elaborately. A short

historical note about the Indian sub-continent is given. The last 15 issues

containa comprehensive geographical account of South Indiaand Ceylon

(the present Sri Lanka). Finally Europe is described in summary.

Single articles of Pm, are equally interesting. One such appearing in

207

é

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

the Nov-Dec. issue of 1848, is on man’s early attempts to {ly up in the sky

The October issue reports the abortive revolt in Ceylon which was a

combined attack of Sinhalese Buddists and Tamil Hindus against the British

Such contemporary news reports were not infrequent in other early journals

in Malayalam. Thus it was Vidya Samgraham of CMS College, Kottayam

which reports the news about the assassination of Abraham Lincoln in 1865

Among the single articles the one appeared in July 1848 is on the

earliest alphabetical system of Kerala, the Vatteluttu. It distinguishes vatteluttu

from arya-eluttu and provides a chart for the learners of both. The author is

aware of the importance of epigraphy in historical research. He says thatonly

by reading early inscriptional materials, one can distinguish real history from

legends and myths. The Parasurama legend which claims that the land of

Kerala was donated by him to Brahmins was only a concoction by Brahmins

after the fall of non-Vedic religions. The traditional historical statements

made in various readings of Kerala-Utpattis are meant only to legitimise the

claims of each principality of Kerala. The myth regarding the conversion of

the last Perumal (the overlord of Kerala) to Islam is quite disputable. The only

way to reconstruct the history of this land, says the author, is to scan the

available records and compare them with contemporary foreignnotices. The

records that Syrian Christians and Jews have, are open to scholars and they

alone give the information regarding early rulers. But Hindus, as a rule, are

reluctant either to preserve the records or reveal them to scholastic enquiry

This attitude, says the author, defeats the very purpose of their preparation

With all probability the author of this learned article, titled Purana

Keralaksarannal, is Gundert. The article contains an account of the linguistic

features of inscriptional language in addition to epigraphic details

It is worth attempting to discover what part Gundert played in these

journalistic endeavours. Articles concerning history and language can pos-

sibly be totally Gundert’s contribution

1. A few volumes of these journals are available in Tuebingen University Library

- Editors

208

DR HERMANN GUNDERT SERIES (HGS)

A CRITICAL REVIEW

Murkot Ramunny

The name of Hermann Gundert is a household word in Kerala,

particularly so in North Malabar where he stayed for a couple of decades.

Even today he is not thought of as someone who belonged to a far-off country,

noreven asa guest, but asone among themselves, wholived in alovely large

bungalow on top of a hill overlooking the winding river that joins the Arabian

Sea. It is still known as Gundert’s Bungalow. To the more knowledgeable,

Gundert is associated with the dictionary he compiled. Some may not have

seen that dictionary but they would have heard aboutit. Then there are people

of my generation who have seen from childhood the dictionary being used.

My brothers, classmates and I remember, as children,taking the dictionary

to my father who was also our teacher at school. “Call Gundert’ he would say,

in Malayalam, when aquestion had to be answered or a doubt cleared. About

fifty years later when I returned home, the dictionary, which was a prized

possession and had father’s notes in it, was missing.

Now I have my own Gundert’s dictionary, that is the new edition

published by D C Books Kottayam in October 1991, jointly edited by Dr

Albrecht Frenz and Prof Scaria Zacharia. I have five more publications of

Herman Gundert Series (HGS). These include collected worksand biographies

in German and Malayalam. Each volume has an interesting and educative

critical introduction by Zacharia. The common man, serious students and

research scholars are all equally attracted by Gundert’s works, each group

being interested in one or more books according to their taste and require-

ments. HGS is an outstanding contribution to Malayalam language and

literature. Kerala is grateful to the dedicated research carried out by the

editors.

209

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

A MALAYALAM AND ENGLISH DICTIONARY

(HGS Vol. 1)

Just as the name of Gundert is a household word, the dictionary

becomes a bedside volume. To me it is. You can open any page at any time

and you are opening the pages of history, culture, language, literature,

tradition of Malayalam-speaking people, and much more. The key to your

knowledge is sometimes a simple word used by the common man in an era

that has gone by.We get glimpses of earlier centuries through foreign words

that have crept in or been borrowed by Malayalam, when people of this

country interacted with the outside world.

The dictionary, compiled during the middle of the last century and

first published in 1872, is still used as an authoritative reference book

providing linguistic, cultural and historical information. Gundert’s treat-

ment of the etymological aspect is even today

‘ conside;ed the ultimate

authority on the subject.

The critical introduction to the dictionary begins witha description of

the source materials which are available in the Tuebingen University Library.

There are detailed references to Tellicherry Records (TR), Payyannur Pattu,

Portuguese-Malayalam and Malayalam-Portuguese dictionaries. We also

get the history of the production of Lexicon in Malayalam, and also a list of

dictionaries in Malayalam and other languages used by Gundert. There is a

write up on Lepsiu’s system of alphabet which Gundert used in the transcrip-

tion of Malayalam.

Gundert’s letters available in the German literary archives provide a

window to the man, his work and his vision. Even after the publication of the

Mangalore edition of the dictionary he did not feel that his work was

completed. From Germany he used to write to his friends in Malabar to send

him all new Malayalam publications. The books that he received are even

now available in Tuebingen Library. He read everyone of these books very

carefully, and came across new words. The famous novel Kundalatha of Mr

Appu Nedungadi published at Calicut in 1877 gave him ten new Malayalam

words. Similarly he noted seventeen new words in Mr O. Chandu Menon’s

Indulekha published in 1890 at Kozhikode. Even eighteen years after he had

completed the dictionary, and three or four years before his death he was

working hard, adding more words and knowledge to the dictionary he was

supposed to have completed.

In one copy of the dictionary he himself noted all the new words and

also indicated that any new edition should contain these new words. Un-

fortunately this volume is missing. Dr Frenz and Prof Scaria Zacharia are still

210

Review of Hermann Gundert Series

hopeful of laying their hands on this invaluable edition. Even this small

incident indicates Dr Gundert’s dedication to the labour of love he had

undertaken. He was a perfectionist and never seemed satisfied with his work.

This is perhaps natural with an undertaking like the compilation of a

dictionary for a language that was changing and progressing. Gundert was

aware of it. In many ways Gundert was responsible for its progress.

Gundert was methodical in his study of the language, stretching out

to twentyfive years. The words have been chosen from all available sources.

He used to visit the homes of different classes of people rich and poor, shops,

work centres and market-places, and obtained words directly from the

people. He delved deep into official records and letters and into the prose and

poetry of an era that had passed. The dictionary has tried to give a true

representation of the history of the language. “This history starts with the

Ramacharitam in which we probably have the oldest Malayalam poem still

in existence composed as it was before the introduction of the Sanskrit

alphabet”,says the introduction. However there had been inscriptions in

copper and stone much earlier.

Itis the list of abbreviations used in the dictionary that gives us an idea

of Gundert’s sources. Since Independence we have been able to unearth

plenty of hand-written materials. Almost all of Gundert’s references to

printed books and documents are available now, but many of the handwritten

ones referred to by Gundert are not found here. Tellicherry Records(TR) and

Payyannur Pattu (Pay) belong to this category. It is in Tuebingen University

that most handwritten documents in leaves and paper have been discovered.

He had the finest collection of old Malayalam school textbooks. His remarks

about Tellicherry Records should be most interesting to those from North

Malabar. According to Gundert the best Malayalam prose is seenin Tellicherry

Records. Itis not only the language but the history, condition of the society,

political changes, revolts, etc. thatare reflected in the records. The Malayalam

language prevalent in Malabar had the strength and resilience to be used as

the official language of the administration. Gundert’s collection of these

records can be found in twelve volumes in about 5000 pages. Payyannur

Pattu which has been almost lost to our language have been preserved in

Tuebingen University. In one bundle of palm leaves there are 104 songs

collected by Gundert. Mappila pattu, Ona pattu, Thacholi pattu all used by

Gundert for the dictionary are available at the University.

Ever since foreign indologists started learning the Indian languages

there were suggestions that there should be a common script for all Indian

languages as well as for dialects which had no script. The general opinion was

211

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

that it should be the Roman script. Perhaps this would have made leamning of

Indian languages easier for people of the West. Gundert rejected this idea

basing his objection on scientifc arguments. But ‘the transliteration adopted

for the leading words upon Dr Lepsiu’s system’ by Gundert in his dictionary

‘was to assist European students of the language’. Immediately after

Independence there was a suggestion in the Constituent Assembly that all

Indian languages should have Dev Nagri as a common script. That might

have perhaps answered Gundert’s objections. This could have been useful in

more than one way. It is too late now. He found that a number of words,

apparently of Sanskrit origin have on closer examination turned out to be

merely Sanskritised Dravidian words. Quoting typical examples Gundert in

a German paper on the subject observed that there was ‘a strong proof of a

once flourishing literary period in the Deccan, whenever that period might

have been’. He found that ‘sometimes the words or roots of both languages

coincide without justifying the prima facie conclusion that the one has

borrowed from the other.’

Finally this dictionary gives us the idioms and significations peculiar

to Southern Kerala or Travancore, while bestowing great care on the

language of Northern Kerala or Malabar proper. There are explanations of

the historical names, castes, dynasties and of the institutions, usages and

traditions which are peculiar to this area. The sources have been authentic.

Gundert’s dictionary is a unique contribution of an extraordinary person-

ality.

A GRAMMAR OF THE MALAYALAM LANGUAGE

(HGS Vol. 2)

The second volume of the Dr Hermann Gundert Series, A Grammar

of the Malayalam Language, is perhaps the only Malayalam grammar written

both for foreigners learning Malayalam and for Malayalees. The earlier ones

were mainly meant for foreigners. Gunderthas written a few grammar books.

Out of these the most popular one has been chosen by the editors and

reprinted by D C Books. In his attempt as mentioned in the critical

introduction ‘to acquaint himself with the character and religious views of

the people, to reach and benefit the masses, to nourish the young church with

a sound literature and christian lyrics and to translate the Bible, he read and

studied thoroughly whatever he could get hold of in Malayalam poetical and

prose writings’. All these have been embodied in his grammar as well as the

dictionary. The hard work that has gone on for years is clear as we turn the

pages of the grammar. The extensive quotations from classical works are by

themselves an eye opener. To these are added various spoken varieties of the

29

Review of Hermann Gundert Series

language. The grammar will thus find an important place in the history of

Malayalam language and literature.

Unlike most foreign missionaries of that era Gundert had no narrow

religious prejudices against learning the literature of other religions. This

helped him to gather and accumulate detailed knowledge of the use of the

new language he was learmning.

Gundert who was a Protestant missionary had no objection to con-

sidering a Tamilian Catholic Priest Joseph Beschi as his Guru. Both of them

sincerely believed that in the quest for knowledge religious differences

should not be an obstacle. In 1839, while staying at Nettur, in a letter to

Germany, he said how the heavy monsoon rains had kept him indoors but he

used the entire time in leaming Malayalam. He added that for the purpose

of learning the language he did not use Christian literature but Hindu

religious books.

The grammar has been considered as an outstanding work by great

writers and grammarians old and new. Rajaraja Varma, writing in Kerala

Paniniyam, says that while writing this work he had used six other works but

he found only Dr Gundert’s Grammar uscful. He adds thatit would have been

more useful if it had been written in English. This was perhaps a criticism of

Gundert’s Malayalam style. Dr K M Prabhakara Varier writing in ‘Studies

in Malayalam Grammar’ (1979) says the ‘credit for producing the first

complete grammar of Malayalam language goes to Gundert’. He also points

out as a major defect, that many of his examples which are taken from earlier

literary works have become obsolete in contemporary Malayalam ‘and as

such the rules given to account for such forms have no relevancy from a

synchronic point of view’. But he admits that these are extremely valuable

materials for tracing the historical development of the language of the west

coast. This is indeed the greatness of Gundert and all his works. They are a

link between the past and the present.

LIFE OF HERMANN GUNDERT IN MALAYALAM

(HGS Vol 3.3)

Based on Gundert’s letters and diary, covering a period of twenty

years, Albrecht Frenz has produced a biography of Gundert in German. He

|

has made use of 8000 letters (13000 pages). The Malayalam version by Prof

Scaria Zacharia is an adaptation with necessary additions and deletions.

Gundert was a multifaceted personality. With diaries and letters of such a

personality as the main sources, it was not only time consuming to produce

abiography,butitneededa sense of dedication, concentration and hard work.

213

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

What should fascinate any would-be scholar is how the biographical

background has highlighted Gundert’s literary endeavour in Malayalam.

The first eighteen chapters deal with his life. Apart from literary

pursuits his missionary work throws light on many aspects of life and society

of the time. Dr Gundert visits the spices plantation of Mr Brown of

Anijarakandi. Mr Brown had invited a missionary to improve the lifestyle of

slave labourers by converting them to Christianity. When Gundert visited

Anjarakandi he found that Mr Brown was away and his sons by an Indian

mother were most unconcerned with the welfare of the workers. In fact the

Missionary told Gundert that even the facilities given by Mr Brown senior

were denied to them by his sons. Dr Gundert refused to conduct prayers in

the Brown's household, for he found drinking, gambling and many vices

going on in the house. He visited the labourers and the school for the children

and returned. This gives us an insight into Gundert the man.

Gundert specially mentions Kunhi Vydian of Chockli (perhaps one of

the Oorracheri Gurunathanmar) whom he descirbes as an old philosopher

and with whom he had long discussions. Mannan who belonged to the

fishermen community was considered not only a Sanskrit scholar but an

Ayurvedic physician as well. While Kunhi Vydian refused to be converted,

Mannan became a Christian. Gundert speaks of his Munshi who taught him

Malayalam and Sanskrit and who was well versed in Hindu scriptures.

Gundert’s advice was to learn to read and speak Sanskrit directly from the

Guru. He considered it a better method than that adopted by classrooms in

European countries. His letters indicate all the work he was involved in, and

his future plans. Translating Keralolpathi and publishing a weekly in

Malayalam were his pet projects. He took special interest in the language and

literature of the Moplas. He included many of their words in his dictionary.

There was perhaps no one else who had studied the dialect and particular use

of words of the Moplas as much as Gundert did.

His controversy with Benjamin Bailey who wrote the first dictionary

comes outclearly in the biography. Bailey’s Malayalam was more Sanskritised

while Gundert believed in pure Malayalam words. Gundert considered

himself more a schoolmaster, than a religious missionary. It was most

unwillingly that he took over the production of a history of Malabar Mission

at the request of the Basel Mission. Gundert was more interested in writing

the history of the Portuguese and the Dutch in Malabar not for the Europeans,

but for the use of local people.

Unlike his relationship with Bailey, he was very close to Robert

Calwell who was well known for his comparative Grammar of Dravidian

languages.

214

Review of Hermann Gundert Series

He was very keen to translate Malayalam works into German. He

produced Nala Charitam. It was with great humility that he wrote: ‘Unless

someone brushes up my language I will not be keen on this work of

translation.’

He noted down sincerely and honestly the reaction of people of other

religionsto Christianity. He protested strongly against the centralised admin-

istration of Basel Mission.

When the British government appointed him an Inspector of schools

Gundert felt that it was a great opportunity for him to work for the Kingdom

of God without being ordained a priest. His main interest was to produce

textbooks. He selected Malayalam books for the University. His selections

were mostinteresting. In addition to Malayalam proverbs, Panchathanthram,

Mudrarakshasam, he also suggested Bharatham, Valmiki Ramayanam,

Bhagavatham, etc. He considered the first group as examples of simple

Malayalam. For higher education he preferred Mahabharatham to

Ramayanam. He did not recommend Ramacharitam. No other foreigner, let

alone a missionary, had such detailed knowledge of Malayalam language

and literature and specially Hindu religious books.

The nineteenth chapter of this book provides bibliographical details

of Gundert’s works. The long list is an eye-opener for any Malayalam

speaking person. Fifty Malayalam works have been identified. Through

HGS these are being introduced to the readers. It is hoped that some more

of the manuscripts will see the lightof day soon, as Prof Zacharia says: ‘This

volume has an open ending as it generates enthusiasm 1o continue the study

of Gundert’s works and manuscripts.’

7 i a0 ey e RS W e et SR 2 T

KERALOLPATHIYUM MATTUM (HGS Vol 4)

The fourth volume in the series is a collection of many books by the

author. The fourth volume of the series has eight works of the author dealing

with history, geography, folklore and literature. Here we see the author’s

versatility and his modernity of outlook as compared to other missionaries.

He mixed with the people of all religions and castes, and though his main

interest was the propagation of Christian faith, he honestly records the

opinions of others against his religion. This may not have happened with

other foreign missionaries of thatera, or even later. He has objectively given

t

us the history of St. Thomas Christians.

The discovery of the collection of the best of the folk songs of Malabar

has been extremely useful as some of them have been lost at the place of

origin. The editors have wisely given us quotations from them. The editors

215

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

have been able to prove that it was Gundert who produced the first textbooks

in Malayalam. That was long before the official textbook committee started

its work in Trivandrum. He appears to us today as an ardent student of the

history of the world, of Indiaand Kerala, of geography, science, religionsand

communities of Kerala. His collection of proverbs is unique and should be

of great use to students of not only language but also social sciences. Gundert

th

1

asserts thatproverbs could be useful temporarily, but permanent fruits could

be obtained only in the word of God. That was the missionary in him. Infact

N

this volume gives us an insight into the man who saw, who read, who studied

G

everything that came his way and was alive to the world cf human beings,

pi|

animals, birds and plants and left records of all his learning, his knowledge

Ir

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and impressions for future generations of Kerala.

pr

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VAJRASOOCHI (HGS Vol 5)

My father, the late Murkot Kumaran, the well-known writer, chose

o

of

‘Vajrasoochi’ as his pen name After reading Gundert’s translation of

N

Vajrasoochi of Ashwagoshan I realised, why he had chosen that pen name.

Asafollowerof Sree Narayana Guru, Murkot Kumaran worked for the uplift

th

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of those who were victims of caste distinction and untouchability.

Ashwagoshan’s Vajrasoochi must have attracted him also.

fa

The fifth volume of the series contains eighteen works, the most

important being Vajrasoochi. A great Sanskrit poet of the first century AD,

9]

Ashwagoshan had produced about fifty works.

Believing fully in the

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message of the Buddha he claims no intention of exhibiting his literary skill.

He wrote to spread the message of peace. Gundert translated Vajrasoochiinto

of

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Malayalam which attacks the caste system in no uncertain terms. Gundert

used it also against caste distinctions in Hindu society and to propagate the

teachings of Christ. Unfortunately authors like Ashwagoshan and his works

the

La

condemning the evils that had crept into society through religion have been

neglected and forgotten. In the present situation in our country Gundert’s

it

(he

translation of Vajrasoochi is extremely useful.

About ‘Malayala Proverbs Applied to Christianity’ Prof Zacharia

Qu

tells us in his ciritical introduction: “Gundert was aware of the wealth of

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traditions and culture of the east. He used Kerala’s myths, legends, proverbs

JUG

as entrance to the mind of the people’. He continues: “No other foreign

Sug

missionary appreciated and studied sicentifically the ancient culture, tradi-

tions, language and way of life of the people”. He used his detailed

(rey

knowledge and sincere appreciation for his missionary work. As we go from

M;

book to book in this collection we see Gundert as an indologist and a

fra

216

Review of Hermann Gundert Series

missionary. As Prof Zacharia concludes “He could reconcile these two roles

with the support of his intellectual strength and radical humanism”.

GUNDERT’S BIBLE (HGS Vol 6)

This translation was earlier published over a period of 34 years. All

the 49 books are now presented to the reader as one volume. The critical

introduction by Prof Zacharia is like

those in other volumes, a very

important part of the book. Fresh information is provided on the history of

Gundert’s translation of the Bible and its publication. We also getacomplete

picture of translations of the Bible into Malayalam. The principles of

translation have been gone into in detail. Gundert’s own views on the

principles of Bible translation are brought to the reader from a paper

presented by him at a conference in May 1876 at Bremen. These are

invaluable to research scholars and students of the subject and we must be

grateful to the editors for giving us Eugene A Nida's ideas as well as those

of Gundert on translation. The rivalry between English CMS missionaries in

South Kerala and German Basel Missionaries in North Keralaisreflected in

the circumstances in which ‘Gundert’s translations were relegated to the

background in spite of its commendable qualities.'

Gundert’s aim was to make the message of the Bible an inseparable

part of Indian culture. He reintroduced the Old Testament through Indian

eyes. But this was not appreciated by the Basel Mission headquarters. He

seemed to have changed his style later to the great detriment of future

generations of Christians and nonChristians of Kerala. Gundert’s knowled ge

of Greek, Latin, Hebrew, English, German and Malayalam apart from many

other languages has added to the authenticity of the translation. This cannot

be said of many other translations. The question has been asked whether

there should be so many translations of the Bible in the same language.

Languages are changing and progressing. Vocabulary is growing. New

translations become necessary. According to the editors modern research on

the Bible is producing new ideas, and modifications become necessary.

Gundert was far ahead of his time and hence was not touched by narrow

prejudices. He had to battle his way through a labyrinth of socio-religious

prejudices. With indomitable courage and determination he was invariably

successful but in a few cases he had to succumb to conservatism.

The editors Frenz and Zacharia have to be congratulated on their

tremendous hard work and vision that have led to these series. The

Malayalam-speaking people and all their future generations have to be

grateful to them for haying churned the ocean of Gundert’s works and

217

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

produced six golden pots containing the history, geography, culture, tradi-

tions, and language of the people of Kerala. We expect many more.

The title of the commemorative volume to be published in Germany

in April 1993 is ‘Hermann Gundert, the Bridge that Connects India and

Europe’. As Albrecht Frenz says, the Herman Gundert Series (HGS) is

produced to prevent the passage of time from rusting thebridge. Gundert was

not merely a bridge between India and Germany or even the western world;

he took the best out of ancient Sanatana Dharma and used it to introduce

modern Christian religion to us. The editors Frenz and Zacharia, along with

the competent publishers D C Books, have not only repaired this century-old

bridge but reinforced it and have produced a new path with new lights of

knowledge and understanding of the past, through the present, to the future

dream of a oneworld.

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REMEMBERING DR HERMANN GUNDERT

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GUNDERT DAY AND RELEASING OF HERMANN

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GUNDERT SERIES AT THIRUVANANTHAPURAM

7.10.1991

Rajeshkumar

Ever since the discovery of Hermann Gundertcollection of Malayalam

manuscripts and rare books in Tuebingen University library (1986) the

academic world of Kerala had been awaiting details of this ‘treasure trove.’

The announcement of the publication of Hermann Gundert series was hence

whole - heartedly welcomed in Kerala. The releasing of the first four books

of this series took place at Thiruvananthapuram, the capital city of Kerala on

Monday, 7th October 1991. It was exactly on the same day in 1838 Gundert

set foot at Thiruvananthapuram on his way from Tamil Nadu to Karnataka.

When he saw Kerala at the border he exclaimed, ‘Here is the garden of God.’

The greenery of Kerala touched him because he was coming from the barren

plains of Tamil Nadu. The releasing function was organized jointly by a

public committee and DC Books.

Mr Thakazhi Sivasankara Pilla, the celebrated Malayalam novelist

was the chief guest of the day. He spoke with clarity and emotion about

Hermann Gundert’s services to the Malayalam language. He recalled how his

family made use of Gundert’s dictionary. For them it was a tool to learn both

Malayalam and English. Even today, whenever he has some linguistic

problems, he makes use of Gundert’s dictionary.

Dr KM George, chief editor of Encyclopaedia of Indian Literature,

presided over the meeting. He spoke of the great three German savants of the

Malayalam language: John Emestus Hanxelden, the pioneer indologist,

Paulinos Barthelomeous, the great Sanskrit scholar, and Hermann Gundert.

Germany has spread its magic spell over Keralites through these scholars. So

Keralites fecl emotionally attached and indebted to this country of philoso-

phers, scholars and artists.

Prof Dr Lothar Lutze, Head of the Department of Modérn Indian

219

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Languages in Heidelberg University and President of Indo - German Society,

|

delivered the keynote address. He admitted that he was moved by the respect

the very name Gundert evokes in Kerala. He used to think of Gundert as just

a missionary scholar. Now he realises that he is enthroned in the hearts of

people irrespective of caste and creed. Any indologist will have to learn a lot

from Gundert’s model. He identified himself with the people and the people

accepted him as their own. This feeling remains even after generations. This

was the conclusion of Dr Lutze.

The first volume of Hermann Gundert series is the Malayalam-

English Dictionary. The new edition has many special features. This comes

as part of a joint Indo-German effort and all the background materials of the

dictionary are illustrated using Tuebingen collections. The book wasreleased

by Mr T M Jacob, Minister of Culture, Government of Kerala. He congratu-

i

lated Dr Frenz, Prof Scariaand D C Kizhakkemury on bringing out this

great work. He recalled the World Malayalam Conference in Berlin (1986)

of which he was the chief promoter in Kerala in his capacity as the education

minister. He felt that the 1986 conference had given anew impetus to Gundert

studies both in Germany and in Kerala. Dr B C Balakrishnan, Chief Editor

of Malayalam Lexicon in Kerala University, received the first copy of the

dictionary. Prof S Guptan Nair, well-known scholar released Grammar of

Malayalam by Gundert. He pointed out that in many aspects, especially in

syntactic descriptions, Gundert’s grammar is still unsurpassed. It is full of

quotations from Malayalam classics. This book still challenges researchers

in linguistics. Prof Panmana Ramachandran Nair, Malayalam grammarian,

&3

received the first copy.

Hermann Gundert’s biography in German was released by Dr V

Subramoniam, famous Dravidiologist and former Vice-Chancellor of Tamil

University. He presented the first copy to Dr A N P Ummerkutty, Vice-

Chancellor of Calicut University. Gundert’s biography in Malayalam was

released by Mr E T Mohammed Basheer, education Minister, Government

i

of Kerala. Dr Puthussery Ramachandran, noted Malayalam poetand scholar,

received the first copy.

Prof O N V Kurup, the most popular poet of Kerala, spoke of

Gundert’s love of Malayalam. Gundert composed a dictionary, grammar and

textbooks for Malayalam. As a school inspector he organized the teaching of

Malayalam Language and literature in Kerala schools. His love of this

language was partly responsible for the healthy development of this

language. Mrs Sugatha Kumari well-known poet and environmentalist,

%:

sang a poem. Dr Albrecht Frenz spoke of the warm response from Keralites

to his humble attempts to highlight Gundert. He spoke of the publication of

Meetings and Seminars

the history of Gundert’s Diary in three volumes and Hermann Gundert series

in Germany and Kerala.

,:

Prof Scaria Zacharia, one of the editors of Hermann Gundert series,

who has contributed extensive critical introductions to all the volumes in the

.i

series spoke of his research work in Tuebingen University Library, and Basel

Mission Archives.

Z

D C Kizhakkemuri, publisher of the series, welcomed the gathering.

He referred to the representative nature of the assembly and suggested that

this is the greatest homage a cultural worker can receive in Kerala. Gundert

is a name which can still attract people in Kerala. This was evident from the

response to the invitation to the meeting. Some of the volumes in Hermann

Gundert series were booked up to 3000 copies well before the releasing! The

?

meeting which startedat 5.15 pm came to a close at 8 pm.

5

)

HERMANN GUNDERT CENTENARY

CELEBRATIONS INAUGURATED AT THALASSERY

r

ON 25.04.1992

K Balakrishnan

19

f

Dr Hermann Gundert (1814-1893) is a name quite familiar to even

Il

of

schoolchildren in Kerala. They remember him as a great savant of the

5

Malaylam language who composed a scientific lexicon, standard grammar,

model textbooks and anthologies for the Malayalam language. People of

,

North Kerala regard him as a great guru and refer to him as ‘Gundert

Pandither’. Pandither is the highest honour accorded to a guru. Gundert

il

collected and published the proverbs and legends of Kerala which made him

very dear to the people. He may be regarded as the pioneer of folklore in

Kerala as he took pains to collect and analyse the ballads and folksongs of

Kerala.

i

f

Hermann Gundert Centenary is being celebrated for one year from

1992 t0 93. As aprelude to the centenary celebrations all the important works

of

and biography of Gundert were published as Hermann Gundert Series. This

is a joint Indo-German project supported by various agencies including

d

of

universities, Alexander Von Humboldt Foundation and organizing commit-

1S

tee of Hermann Gundert Conference in Stuttgart (1993). The first three

volumes of the series were his dictionary, grammar and biographies

1S

g,

(Malayalam and German). They were released at a public function at

Thiruvananthapuram on 7th October 1991, at which ministers of culture and

education, and literary stalwarts spoke. The next three volumes comprising

of

221

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

works dealing with history, folklore, culture and translations were released

at a function held at Thalassery in north Kerala to mark the inauguration of

the centenary year. About a thousand people gathered in the Town Bank

auditorium to recall the services of this great German indologist who had

spent ten years in that town. There was an exhibition on Gundert and

Thalassery. Dr ANP Ummerkutty, Vice-Chancellor of Calicut University,

inaugurated the celebration. Prof Sukumar Azhikodu, noted Malayalam

0

literary critic and former Vice-Chancellor of Calicut University, delivered

the keynote address. He described Gundert as ‘one of the great sons of Kerala,

§l

born to her without birthpangs.” He confessed that as a student he learned

F\

more things about Kerala from Gundert dictionary than from any other book.

It may be recalled here that Thakazhi Sivasankarappilla, the celebrated

novelist who had delivered the keynote address on the occasion of the release

of the first three volumes of Hermann Gundert Series at Thiruvananthapuram,

last October, also had confessed that for generations his family were

I

depending on Gundert’s dictionary for all linguistic clarifications.

Dr

D

Albrecht Frenz, indologist from Stuttgart also participated in and spoke at the

releasing ceremony.

i

Literary and cultural luminaries of Kerala like Murkot Ramunny,

(

Joseph Pulikkunnel, N P Muhammed, M Mukundan, D C Kizhakkemuri

0

and academic stalwarts like Professor Dr Venugopala Panikkar, Dr N M

Nampoothiri, Prof Shanta Ebenezer, Champadan Vijayan, M Padmanabhan

Nair,and M P Balakrishnan also participated and spoke of the contributions

I

of Gundert. P Antony, a research student of School of Letters, Mahatma

Gandhi University, recited a few verses from Payyannur Pattu.

d

The last three volumes of Herman Gundert Series were released at

this function. Gundert studies in Kerala and Germany received a great

stimulus with the discovery of Gundert’s collection of valuable Malayalam

manuscripts and rare books in Tuebingen University library by Prof Scaria

Zacharia of S B College Changanacherry. Dr Frenz and Professor Scaria

g

have been actively engaged in Gundert studies for the last few years and the

fruits of their study are available in Hermann Gundert Series published in

i

Keralaand Germany. They are now working on some very valuable Malayalam

manuscripts which are unique possessions of the Tuebingen University

library and propose to publish them before the end of the centenary year.

0

0

I

242

Meetings and Seminars

ST. BERCHMANS' COLLEGE: CHANGANACHERRY

A SEMINAR ON DR HERMANN GUNDERT AND

KERALA STUDIES 14-16 JANUARY 1993

N S Sebastian

A three day seminar on Dr Hermann Gundert and Kerala studies was

organised in St Berchmans' College, Changanacherry with the financial

support of All India Association for Christian Higher Education (AIACHE).

It wasattended by scholars, teachers and postgraduate students. Onan

average 250 delegates from various colleges attended the sessions. The mass

media, especially newspapers, gave wide coverage to this programme. On

the firstday (14.1.93) at 10.a.m. N P Muhammed, noted Malayalam novelist

and journalist, presided over the inaugural session and delivered a lecture on

the Artof Translation and Gundert' s MalayalamBible. On the basis of sound

principles of literary translation he pointed out the high literary quality of this

translation of the Bible. Mar Joseph Powathil, Archbishop of Changanacherry,

who inaugurated this three-day conference, described Gundert as an intel-

ligent messenger of love. According to him, Gundert understood the deep

connection between culture and faith. In this way he was far ahead of his

contemporaries. Dr AP Andrewskutty, Dept of Linguistics, University of

Kerala, presented a paper on Gundert Heritage in Malayalam Grammatical

;E

Theories. He evaluated various Malayalam grammars on the basis of con-

temporary theories and stated that among all the grammatical works in

Malayalam Gundert’s grammar has the highest degree of observational

adequacy. An active discussion on the papers of NP Muhammed and Dr A

P Andrewskutty followed.

At 3 on the same day Mr P Govinda Pillai, A K G Research Centre

Trivandrum, presented a paper on Gundert’ s Contribution to Linguistics and

Cultural Research. Quoting Marxian principles of social and historical

analysis he established the pioneering role of Gundert in these fields and

described him as a master of renaissance in Kerala. According to Mr Govinda

Pillai, Gundert was the first to recognise the primacy of people’s knowledge

and local knowledge in scientific research.

On the second day (15.1.93) from 10 am to 1 pm there was a special

sessionon Gundert’ s Contribution to Kerala History. Dr M G S Narayanan,

%

one of the leading historians of India, spoke at length about Gundert’s works

on Kerala history. He emphasised the methodology of historical research

introduced by Gundert. He valued myths and folklore very much. Most of his

conclusions are still held valid. Dr Rajan Gurukkal, Director, School of

223

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Social Sciences, Mahatma Gandhi University, spoke on Different Ap-

proaches in Kerala Studies. Dr P K Michael Tharakan, a well known

researcher and research associate of Centre for Development Studies, Ulloor,

Trivandrum, presented a paper on Evolution of Modern Historical Works in

Kerala.

In the afternoon at 2.30 p m Dr Hermann Gundert Commemoration

Lecture was delivered by Prof Dr Sukumar Azhikodu, the best authority on

Gundert and his works. He made an attempt to analyse and interpret the

strange fact that Gundert is loved more and more by the people of Kerala as

time passes. The new generation also accepts Gundert as a guru of Indian

tradition. They call him most respectfully Gundert Pandither, a title which

has never been granted to a foreigner by the natives. Dr Azhikodu described

Gundert as a model for modern researchers in our universities. D C

Kizhakkemuri presided over this session and spoke on Hermann Gundert

Series published recently.

On the third day (16.1.93) Prof S Guptan Nair, well known literary

critic and scholar, spoke on Gundert’ s Dictionary. He pointed out the salient

features of this work which remains unsurpassed in many ways even after 100

years.

Prof Guptan Nair gave away prizes to the winners in intercollegiate

3

literary competitions.

This seminar attracted the attention of scholars, teachers and students.

This gave them an opportunity to reassess the contributions of Dr Hermann

Gundert. It is really interesting to note that H Gundert remains a source of

inspiration and role model in many fields of Kerala studies. One must feel

gratified thatour scholars openly acknowledged theirindebtedness to a great

missionary scholar without subscribing to petty sectarian feelings. During

the seminar an attempt was made to evaluate the developments of Kerala

studies and to identify areas of future research. We are confident that this

seminar will encourage researchers and students in Kerala studies to emulate

the noble ideals and patterns provided by Dr Hermann Gundert.

Above all, this provided an opportunity for the academic community

to express its noble sentiments of gratitude to Dr Hermann Gundert who was

described by Dr M G S Narayanan as the foster father of Malayalam Lan-

guage. All the meetings were held in the Research Centre from 10 am to 5

pm every day. The Postgraduate Department of Malayalam and the Centre

for Kerala Studies were responsible for the successful conduct of this

seminar.

224

Meetings and Seminars

SEMINAR ON DR HERMANN GUNDERT AND

MALAYALAM PUBLICATIONS, 22-1-1993

MAHATMA GANDHI UNIVERSITY

James V

Dr Hermann Gundert is a pioneer in Malayalam publications. He

improved the graphic system of Malayalam by introducing separate allographs

for short and long varieties of /o/ and /e/ and an independent allograph for

word-ending half /u/. He adopted scientific principles of textual criticism and

made use of them in the editing of many classical texts of Malayalam. He

edited and published classics like Keralolpatti ‘Origin of Kerala’ and

Nalacharitham Kilippaattu. He also compiled and published two important

textbooks of Malayalam comprising excerpts from most of the classics in this

language and they were pioneering works in Kerala. The design and execu-

tion of these books are excellent and they bear testimony to Gundert’s

pioneering role as an editor, compiler, bookdesigner and publisher. These

facts were presented in the form of a paper by Prof Dr Scaria Zacharia at

a seminar organized by Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam, Kerala, to

commemorate Dr Hermann Gundert. The venue of the seminar was Jawahar

Balabhavan, Kottayam. At9.30 am on 22nd January 1993 Dr A Sukumaran

Nair Vice-Chancellor of the University, inaugurated the seminar. He evaluated

the impact of Gundert’s works on contemporary Kerala society. Mr D C

Kizhakkemury, who presided over the inaugural session, traced the growth

of book industry in Kerala from the time of Gundert.

Dr MGS Narayanan, noted historian and UGC Professor in the

School of Social Sciences,

described Gundert as a symbol of the

multiculturalism of Kerala. He spoke at length about the work done by

Gundert in the editing of Keraloolpatti. Four parallel texts are carefully

introduced in the text using different kinds of brackets. While evaluating

é

Gundert’s total contribution to Kerala studies one is tempted to describe him

as the father of modern Kerala studies.

Mr Gopikrishnan, newseditor of Mangalam, who spoke on periodi-

cals in Malayalam traced the origin of Malayalam journalism to two

periodicals published from Thalassery. Rajya Samaachaaram (1847) and

Paschimoodayam (1847) were the products of Dr Hermann Gundert's vision,

e

planning and execution. Today Malayalam journalism parallel to the de-

velopments in other parts of the world takes its inspiration from industrial and

business motives. The use of modern sophisticated technology and emotional

225

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

dependence of Keralites on newspapers has affected the human content and

values of periodicals.

Mr Pavanan, noted journalist and writer, spoke of the ideological

contents of publications and pointed out how publications are used for

propaganda. Prof Dr Ayappa Panikkar, well known Malayalam poet and

noted literary scholar , presented a paper on the editing of books.

Miss O V Usha (Director of Publications, Mahatma Gandhi

University), Mr V K Unnikrishnan and Mr Radhakrishna Variar were

responsible for the successful conduct of this seminar.

226

Bibliography

Dr Hermann Gundert's Works

Abbreviations used:

AB

Basel Mission Archives

Bd

Volume

Bl

Palmleaf

JB

Jugendblaetter

MM

Missions Magazin

Mspt

Manuscript

Pages

SB

Schriften und Berichte aus Malabar

™

Tagebuch Malabar

§

See abbreviations at the end of the biography p 15

German

Briefe, Tagebuecher, Zeitschriften und Sammelwerke

Aus dem Briefnachlass von Dr.Hermann Gundert (hg.v.Johannes Hesse/Calwer

Verlagsverein), Calw & Stuttgart 1907, 560S; vgl. Aus Dr.Hermann Gundert’s

BriefnachlaB, Als Manuskript gedruckt, Stuttgart 1900, 423 S.

Briefe an Paul (hg.v.David Gundert), Stuttgart 1930, 125 S.

Briefe von Hermann Gundert 1839-1893, Archiv der Basler Mission, Basel.

Briefe von Hermann Gundert und Julie Gundert-Dubois 1833-1893, Deutsches

Literaturarchiv/Schiller-Nationalmuseum Marbach am Neckar, erfafBt

v.Albrecht Frenz, Jg. 1833-1870, Marbach & Stuttgart 1986 ff., rd. 12200 S.

Das Calwer Missionsblatt, 1828-1918 hg. v. Hermann Gundert 1863-1883, Calw.

Calwer Missionsblatt, fuer Kinder, 1842-1918, hg. v. Hermann Gundert 1863-1892,

Calw & Stuttgart.

Calwer Tagebuch 1859-1893, hg. v. Albrecht Frenz, Stuttgart 1886, 671 S.

Evangelisches Missions-Magazin, 1816-1974, hg. v. Hermann Gundert 1865-1874,

Basel.

Jugendblaetter, 1836-1916, hg. v. Hermann Gundert 1862-1881, Stuttgart.

Monatsblaetter fuer oeffentliche Missionsstunden, 1839-1917, hg. v. Hermann

Gundert 1863-1888, Calw & Stuttgart.

Schriften und Berichte aus Malabar, hg. v. Albrecht Frenz, Stuttgart 1983, X VI+263.

s o L P s i i

Schriftgedanken auf alle Tage des Jahres, hg. v. Th. Haering/Calwer Verlagsverein,

3. durchges. Aufl., Calw & Stuttgart 1906, 376 S.

Tagebuch aus Malabar 1837-1859, hg. v. Albrecht Frenz, Stuttgart 1983, XXIV+399.

Abhandlungen

Obwohl die Verfasser in den Zeitschriften—vor allem ab Mitte der sechziger Jahre—

227

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

ueblicherweise genannt werden, vermeidet Gundert, sich selbst als Verfasser

anzugeben. Inden meisten Faellen jedoch findensich entsprechende Hinweise

in Gunderts Briefen oderim Tagebuch, die seine Autorenschaft sicherstellen

bzw. als sehr wahrscheinlich nahelegen

Abriss der Geschichte der Station Tellitscherry, MM 1846, 2, S. 96—124

Alphonse Francois Lacroix, MM 1862, S. 325-366; 453-506; 510-527

Amritsar, JB 1874, 1, Sp. 115-122

Aneaso, der Neger aus dem Ibo-Lande, Basel 1865, 55 S.; 2. Aufl., Aneaso, oder

Durch Sklaverei Zur Freiheit, Basel 1883, 48 S.; vgl. MM 1864

Arbeiter in der Tamil-Mission (Einleitung), MM 1868, S. 31-34

1. Franz Xavier, S. 34-45

2. Robert dei Nobili, S. 49-70

3. Joseph Beschi, S.97-114

4. Bartholomaeus Ziegenbalg, S. 129-153

5. Johann Philipp Fabricius, S. 177-195

6. Chr. F. Schwartz, S. 225-242

7. Karl T.E.Rhenius, S.257-289

8. John Anderson, S. 305-325

9. Dr. Karl Graul und die Kaste in der Tamil-Mission, S.353-371

10. Dr. Karl Graul, S. 385-396

Die Asante (Aschante), MM 1873, S. 353-373

Auf der Suedspitze Indiens, JB 1876, 2, Sp. 355-370

Aus dem Leben von Christian Martig, Weiland Missionar in China, Basel 1864, 100

S.; 21. Aufl., Basel 1872, 75 S.; vgl. MM 1863

Aus dem Nayerleben

1. Der junge Tschandu von Njalikara, JB 1868, 2, Sp. 225-236

2. Kannen von Kaideri, JB 1868, 2, Sp. 297-312

3. Kelappen vom Garten, JB 1868, 2, Sp. 369-384.

4. Dairu von Ebereck, JB 1869, 1, Sp. 61-66.

Aus einem Moenchsleben, JB 1870, 2, Sp. 85-104; 161-188.

Aussicht der Mission in Persien, MM 1873, S. 3-22.

Barth, Dr. Christian Gottlob, in: Real-Encyklopaedie fuer protestantische Theologie

und Kirche, 2. Aufl., Bd. 2, Leipzig 1878, S. 108-111; 3. Aufl., Bd. 2, LeipZig

1897, S. 418420

Der Bauernaufstand in Bengalen, MM 1860, S. 385-418

Bericht uber die Reise nach Manantodi, MM 1844; 4, S. 142-145

Beschreibung des Sahya-Gebirges, SB, S. 119

Bilder-Tafeln zur Laender-und Voelker-Kunde mit besonderer Beruecksichtigung

der evangelischen Missions-arbeit, Calw & Stuttgart 1883, 178 Tafeln und

Register; 2. Aufl, Faks.d. Ausg. 1883, Stuttgart 1987. Ein Blick nach Persien

MM 1872, S. 3-56

Blumbhardt, Christian Gottlieb, in: Real-Encyklopaedie fuer protestantische Theologie

und Kirche, 2. Aufl,, Bd. 2, Leipzig 1878, S. 501-505; 3. Aufl., Bd. 3, Leipzig

1897, S. 262-264

228

Bibliography

Calwer Bibellexikon, redig. v. P. Zeller, hg. v. Calwer Verlagsverein (Hermann

Gundert), Calw & Stuttgart 1885, 1036 S.; vgl. MM 1885, S. 47.

Die central-afrikanische Mission MM 1865, S. 279-297; 305-343.

Christliche Kirchengeschichte fuer Schulen und Familien, begr. v. Christian Gottlob

Barth, fortgef. durch Hermann Gundert, 18. Aufl., Stuttgart 1866,1V+264 S.;

neu bearb., 21. verm. Aufl., Calw & Stuttgart 1882, 304 S., 23. verb. Aufl.,

Stuttgart 1892, 315 S.

Christianens Denkmal, Ein Stueck Familienchronik aus dem ersten Drittheil unseres

Jahrhunderts. Als Manuskript gedruckt, Calw & Stuttgart 1868, 416 S.;

Christianens Denkmal, Ein Stuck Familienchronik, aus dem ersten Dritteil unseres

Jahrhunderts, Calw & Stuttgart 1894, 304 S.

Circular, monatl., an » Bruder« in Indien, Calw, April 1860 ff., jeweils ca. 4 S.

David Tappan Stoddard, MM 1867, S. 129-159; 177-210; 225-272.

Die Denomination und die Missionskirche, MM 1869, S. 385-399.

Die dravidischen Elemente im Sanskrit, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlaendischen

Gesellschaft, 23. Bd., Leipzig 1869, S. 517-530.

Der Elephantenfuehrer Gowinda, Ein Lebensbild aus Malabar, Basel 1860, 48 S.;

1877; 1894; 1899; 1909; 1913; vgl. MM 1857, S. 321-381.

Die englisch-presbyterianische Kirche in China, MM 1867, S. 115-121; 159-171.

Eine Episode aus dem indischen Feldzug, JB 1873, 1, Sp. 323-332.

Erinnerungen an Missionar Isenberg, MM 1866, S. 129-145; 177-190; 225-235;

257-279.

Die Evangelische Mission, ihre Laender, Voelker und Arbeiten, Calw & Stuttgart

1881, V4359 S.; 3. verm. Aufl,, Calw & Stuttgart 1894, VIII+531 S.

Die Fortschritte der indischen Mission in den letzten zwoelf Jahren, MM 1864, S.

145-1904.

Fuenfzehn Vortraege Samuel Hebichs, Hg., Stuttgart (7) 1861.

Die Gefangenschaft der Missionare Ramseyer und Kuehne in Asante und ihre

Befreiung, Basel 1§75, 32 S.

Georg Adam Kissling, ein Missionsleben in Afrika und Neuseeland, Basel 1871, 55

S.; vgl. MM 1867, S. 305-323; 353-360; 390-400; 443-461.

Georg Mueller, JB 1871, 1, Sp. 329-342.

Die Geschichte der Neuesten Zeit 1815-1877, 2, Aufl., Calw & Stuttgart 1878,

VI+354 S.=Lesebuch der Weltgeschichte oder die Geschichte der Menschheit,

allgemein fasslich erzaehlt von Wilhelm Redenbacher, Bd. 4; Bd. 1-3 von

Hermann Gundert bearbeitet, Bd. 4 von ihm verfaBt.

Geschichte von Wuerttemberg, begr.v.C.G. Barth, neu bearb.v.Hermann Gundert, 5.

verm. Ausg., Calw & Stuttgart 1884, VI+339 S.

Die Gossner’sche Mission unter den Kols, MM 1874, S. 330-363.

Handbuch der Bibelerklaerung, Bd.II, Das Neue Testament, neu bearb.v.Hermann

Gundert, 5. umgearb. Aufl., Calw & Stuttgart 1878, 2 Karten, VIII+628 S.

Hanna Thoma, JB 1869, 1, Sp. 361-390.

Hebich in Canara, MM 1869, S. 24-47; 97-113; 129-139.

Hebichs letzte Zeit, MM 1870, S. 481-500.

229

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Hermann Moegling, ein Missionsleben in der Mitte des Jahrhunderts, Calw &

Stuttgart 1882, VI+391 S

Ein Hilferuf fur Madagaskar, MM 1872, S. 239-258

Hochlande Indiens, JB 1868, 1, Sp. 421-428

Imadeddin, Ein bekehrter Muhammedaner, Basel 1881, 16 S.; vgl. MM 1871, S

397-412; MB 1876, 5, S. 1-16

Der indische Aufstand, JB 1867, 2, Sp. 214-226; 303-314.

Jamaika einst und jetzt, MM 1864, S. 99-104; 284-291; 463-480; 529-568 (Aneaso)

Jamaika seit dem letzten Aufstand, MM 1870, 329-336.

Jesus Christus, Europa und Asien, MM 1867, S. 3-24.

Johannes Evangelist Goiner, MM 1874, S.289-301

Die Kaders der Anamalai-Berge, JB 1862, 2, Sp. 37-40

Keral’-achara samcshepam, SB, S. 120-126

The Kerala Mahatmya or Keral'olpti, Zusammenfassung in Englisch, SB, S. 115-

118

Die Kirche der Thomaschristen von Dr. W. Germann, Gutersloh 1877, Rezension,

MM 1877, S. 88-96; vgl. ebd., S.97-112

Koenigin Luise, JB 1874, 1, Sp. 147-158; 185-204

Die Lebensgeschichte Nanaks, des Religionsstifters der Sikhs (Nach Originalquellen)

JB 1875, 1, Sp. 337-348; 431442

Leichte und schwere Garben vom Missionsfeld, Basel 1878; 2. Aufl., Basel 1888

16 S

Licht und chatten in der Madagassischen Mission, MM 1876, S. 481-509

Livingstones Entdeckungsreisen am Zambesi, MM 1866, S. 3-37; 48-90; 97-103

Dr. Livingstone’s Wirksamkeit, MM 1872, S. 387-400

Lord Lawrence, JB 1872, 1, Sp. 57-68

Die Macht des Evangeliums, urspr. Ein Sonntag bei Capt. Robert, Stuttgart (?) 1863

Malabar und die Nilagiri od. blaue Berge, in: Atlas der Evangelischen

Missionsgesellschaft ZU Basel, bearb. von J. Josenhans, Basel 1857, 1 S

Missionar Hebich in: Kannanur, MM 1870, S. 14-36; 69-92; 113-127; 143-166

200-223; 240-255; 257-278; 305-329; 367-383; 397-432; 454478

Der Missionar und der Saktipriester, JB 1875, 2, Sp. 241-248

Missions-Bilder, Calw & Stuttgart 1864-1879

1. Heft, Neuseeland, 1864, 112 S

2. und 3. Heft, Polynesien, 1864, 224 S.; Die Suedsee, 2. umgearb. aufl., 1875

2128

4. Heft, Nordamerikanische Indianer, 1866, 132 S.; 2. umgearb. Aufl., 1877, 104 §

5. Heft, Die Mission in den Polarlandern, 1867, 120 S.; 2. umgearb. Aufl., 1880

96 S.

6. Heft, Die evangelischen Mlssmnen in Mittel-und Sud-Amerika, 1868, 128 S.

7. Heft, Jamaika und die Bahama'’s, 1869, 112 S.

8. Heft, Sierra Leone und Yoruba, 1870, 146 S

9. Heft, West-Afrika, 1870, 112 S

10. Heft, Madagaskar, 1871, 112 S

230

Bibliography

11. Heft, Das Kapland, 1873, 120 S.

12. Heft, Suedost-Afrika, 1874, 112 S.

13. Heft, Ost-Afrika, 1875, 128 S.

Neue Serie: Asien:

1. Heft, Syrien und Palaestina, 1876, 120 S.

2. Heft, Vorderasien, 1876, 112 S.

3. Heft, Die Induslaender, 1878, 112 S.

4. Heft, Die Gangeslaender, 1878, 112 S.

]

5. Heft, Malabar, 1878, 112 S. ( 8 Das Malajalamland, S. 94-111.)

6. Heft, Die Tamil-und Telugulaender, 1878, 112 S. (I. Das Tamilland, S. 3-86.)

7. Heft, Ceylon und Hinterindien, 1879, 112 S.

8. Heft, Die ostasiatische Inselwelt, 1879, 112 S.

9. Heft, China’s Millionen, 1879, 112 S.

10. Heft, China’s Missionsgemeinden, 1879, 112 S.

Missionsanfaenge in Bengalen, MM 1865, S. 300-355; 379-399; 432-442; 485-528.

Missionsgedanken eines Vermittlungstheologen, MM 1876, S. 257-290.

Die Mission und der » Tempel«, MM 1876, S. 49-66.

Die Mission vor dem Richterstuhl der Inmanenz, Entgegnung auf: J.F. Langhans,

Pietismus und Christenthum im Spiegel der au8eren Mission, Erster Theil,

Leipzig 1864, MM 1865, S. 14-50; 90-100; 123-132; 152-196.

Nachruf auf Missionar J. M. Buehler, HB 1854, 10, S. 92-94.

Nala Charita Saram, Erster Theil, Hauptinhalt der Nala-Geschichte = Beitrage zur

Kenntniss des religioesen Lebens er Hindus, MM 1853, 1, S. 49-65;

Die Nala-Geschichte, Zweiter Theil und Dritter Theil = Beitraege Zur Kenntniss des

religioesen Lebens der Hindu’s MM 1854, 1, S. 66-93.

Die Nestorianer, JB 1865, 1, Sp. 411-420.

Neues aus Centralafrika, MM 1876, S. 200-210.

Die Nilagiri und die Basler Mission, MM 1861, S. 57-106; 109-137; 189-242 (mit

»handschriftlichen Mitteilungen von Missionar Dr. Gundert«).

Noch einmal Freretown MM 1876, S. 226-236.

Noch einmal Sir Henry Lawrence, JB 1875, 1, Sp. 37-54.

Ostafrika, MM 1866, S. 481-512.

Peter Sidotti, MM 1883, S. 283-285.

Philipp Tschandran und sein Vaterhaus, Basel 1866, 56 S.

Reisebericht (auf die Nilagiri) von Missionar Gundert in Tellitscherry, MM 1842, 2,

S. 248-258.

:

Reise des Missionars Gundert nach Antscharkandi, eine Plantage bei Tellitscherry,

MM 1839, 3, S. 477-485.

Robert Noble, MM 1869, S. 232-254; 257-283.

Rosette Schrumpf, MM 1863, S. 237-265; 313-338; 369-392.

Samuel Hebich, Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der indischen Mission, von zwei

Mitarbeitern des Verewigten (Hermann Gundert und Herrmann Moegling),

Basel 1872, 320 S.

Samuel Hebichs Anfange, MM 1868, S. 433-447; 481-495.

231

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malfzyalam Language

Savanarola, JB 1875, 1, Sp. 371-380.

Sir Henry Lawrence, JB 1868, 1, Sp. 23-39.

Sir Herbert Edwardes, JB 1873, 1, Sp. 117-132.

Skizzen aus der Mission in Urumia, MM 1867, S. 24-31; 49-75.

Skizzen aus Persien, JB 1872, 1, Sp. 21-36.

Stephan Grellet, der franzoesische Quaeker-Missionar, JB 1868, 2, Sp. 25-50; 97-

108.

Stephan Hislop, MM 1870, S. 3-14.

Ein Sterbebett ohne Hoffnung Uebersetzung und Zusammenfassung von»Der

Ausbruch (oder Anfang) des Weltekels«von Cottajagattu Radscha, Kerala

Varma, MM 1853, 1, S. 76-79.

Stimmen aus der Mission ueber den Aufstand in Jamaika, MM 1866, S. 145-158.

Thomas Gajetan Ragland, Missionar in Sued-Indien, MM 1859, S. 257-292.

Tijo Soga, MM 1872, S. 57-76.

Die Tinnewely-Mission, MM 1866, S. 190-216; vgl. MB 1876, 6, S. 1-16.

Tod des Bischofs von Calcutta, MM 1867 S. 109-115.

Der Ursprung des deutschen Kriegs, JB 1866, 2, Sp. 193-220; JB 1867, 2, Sp. 55-80.

Ein vergessener Grosskoenig von Madagaskar, JB 1865, 1, Sp. 387-400; 421-424.

Vierhundert Millionen, MM 1871, S. 244-257; 284-293; S. 293-298.

Vier Jahre in Asante, Tagebuecher der Missionare Ramseyer und Kuehne aus der Zeit

ihrer Gefangenschaft, Basel 1875; 2. Aufl.,, Basel 1875, IV+256 S.

Eine Visitationsreise nach Madagaskar, MM 1875, S. 49-67.

Vor zwei Menschenaltern, JB 1871, 2, Sp. 207-220; 307-314; 359-368; JB 1872, 1,

Sp. 51-58; 121-132; 299-310; 385-394; JB 1872, 2, Sp. 69-78; 181-190;

243-254.

Warren Hastings, JB 1876, 2, Sp. 33-42.

Ein wiedergewonnener Straefling JB 1876, 2, Sp. 83-92.

Wie gelangt man zu einer Bibeluebersetzung in der Mission?, in: Verhandlungen der

zu Bremen gehaltenen vierten allgemeinen Missions-Conferenz in der

Himmelfahrtswoche 1876, Gutersloh 1876, S. 19-26.

William Chalmers Burns, MM 1871, S. 3-29; 72-98; 117-128; 147-174; 179-190.

Die Zaubereisuenden, Bericht, HB 1858, 5, S. 40-42.

Zur Erinnerung an Christian Martig, MM 1863, S. 401-428; 449-492.

Zur Erinnerung an Gottfried Weigle und Pauline Bacmeister, Basel 1884, 32 S. =

Auszuge aus »Herrmann Moegling, s.o.

Zwolf Monate in Madagaskar, MM 1875, S. 433-461; 481-491.

Malayalam Works

Bible HGS Vol VI, 1992 DC Books Kottayam

Pazhayaniyamam Old Testament:

Pavitralekhakal; Thalassery 1857, 423 S.: Mangalore 1881, 364 S.; 1886, 468 S.

Pravaacakalekhakal, Mangalore 1886, 468 S.

Sankiirttanangal; Mangalore 1880, 288 S.; 1886; 1893; 1897*, 196 S.

Putiyaniyamam New Testament, Thalassery 1852-54, 443+335 S.; Mangalore

1868, 629 S.; Mangalore 1887, 632 S.

232

1§

Bibliography

Putiyaniyamattile lekhanangal, Thalassery 1852-54, 335 S.

Satyaveda Itihaasam a Summary of Genesis to 2 Kings, Kottayam/Thalassery

1841-1845,44+108+112S.Kannada Translation of Genesis 1-11 by Hermann

Moegling, Mangalore 1842, 24 S.).

Satyavedakathaka] Bible stories, Thalassery 1849-50, 96+92 S.: Mangalore

1868-69, 159+134 S.; Mangalore 1904-05, 222+186 S.

Suvisegakathaka], Thalassery 1847, 108 S.

Suvisesasamgraham, Thalassery 1849, 279 S.; revised edition, Mangalore 1876,

339 S.

Deva vicaarana, translation from K annada, Thalassery 1845,54 S.; Mangalore 1864,

94 S.; 1865.

Garmmannyarajayattile kristusabaanaviikarax_lam, Thalassery 1847,828S.; Mangalore

1866, 103 S.

Hymns

Giitangal, Mangalore 1842, 112 S.; 1844*; Thalassery 1847

HGS Vol V Kottayam 1992

B

Kristiiyagiitangal, Thalassery 1850; 1854; 1861; Mangalore 1867, 296 S.; 1883

Grammar

Malayaalabhaasaa vyaakaranam, Thalassery 1851,95S. (incomplete); Maingalore

1868, 278 S.; Kottayam 1962; HGS Vol IT 1991

Grammar of the Malayalam, Manuscript in Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen,

Thalassery 1839, 104 S.; revised, 228 S.

Malayaala vyaakarana codyottaram, 1860*; revised by L. Garthwaite, Mangalore

1867, 140 S.; 1870; 1882; 1883; 1887; 1889; 1890; 1892; 1903; 1905; with

English translation by L. Garthwaite, Mangalore 1867, 320 S.;1870; Madras

1881; Mangalore 1892.

Kerala utpatti, Mangalore 1843, 54 S.; 1868; 1874; 1880: 1890. HGS Vol IV

Kottayam 1992

Kerala pazhama, or the History of Malabar A.D. 1498-1631, Mangalore 1868, 1958S.;

1869; Kottayam 1983; Kozhikode 1988 (with critical introduction by

N.M.Namputiri); Paschimodayam 1847, Vol. 1, Nr. 1 ff.). HGS Vol IV

Kottayam 1992

Kristiiya visvaasam, Mangalore 1843, 55 S.

Kristusabhaa caritram, Thalassery 1847/48,4748S.: revised edition, Mangalore 1871.

HGS Vol V Kottayam 1992

Lokacaritra saastram, Thalassery 1849-1851, 407 S. HGS Vol IV, Ko'ttayam 1992

Lokacaritra samkshepam, Madras 1859, 158 S.

Lutharinre ceriyacodyottaram (First Catechism), M angalore 1869, 29 S.; 1899;1908.

HGS Vol V, Kottayam 1992

A Malayalam and English Dictionary, Mangalore 1872, XVIII+1116.S; Kottayam

1962; Osnabruck 1970; Kottayam 1972; Tiruvananthapuram 1985; New

Delhi 1982; 1989. HGS Vol I, Kottayam 1991.

Matapariiksa-Kerala giitam (translation of John Muir's Matapariiksa), Thalassery

1855, 133 S: HGS Vol V Kottayam 1992

233

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Manusya codyangalkkadaivam kalpiccauttarangal (Zellers Katechismus), Mangalore

1842*, 73 S.; Thalassery 1845/46*; 1847,138 S.; 1853, 147 S. HGS Vol V,

Kottayam 1992

Malayaalaraajyam Malayalam-Land, Mangalore 1869; 1877, 80 S.; 1887. HGS Vol

IV, Kottayam 1992

Mahammada caritram, Mangalore 1844*, 30 S.; 1862 1869; 1883.

Maanusa hrudayam (J.E. GoBner’s »Herzbuchlem«) Thalassery 1848, 28 S.; 1849

1851; 1852*, Mangalore 1867; 1877; 1897*. HGS Vol V Kottayam 1992

Nalacarita saarasoodhana, Part], 34 S.; PartII, 29 S., PartIII, 37 S., Thalassery 1851

1853; 1855; 1864*, Mangalore 1867; 1889; 1897. HGS Vol V Kottayam

1992

Ora aayiram pazhancol, Thalassery 1850, 81 S.; 1857*; Mangalore 1868;

enlarged edition: Aayirattirunnuuru pazhancol Mangalore 1904. HGS Vol

IV Kottayam 1992

Pancatantram, Thalassery 1850/51, 133 S.; 1857*; Mangalore 1891*. HGS Vo IV

Kottayam 1992

School-Pancatantram, Mangalore 1866,207 S.; 1868; 1884; 1891; 1897; 1900; 1903

1910; 1916

Pazhancolmaala, Thalassery 1845, 133 S.; Mangalore 1896. HGS Vol V. Kottayam

1992

600 Malayalam Proverbs, Thalassery 1846*.

Paathamaala Malayalam Reader, Madras 1860*. HGS Vol IV Kottayam 1992

Paathaarambam, Thalassery 1845%; 1851, 43 S.; enlarged new edition: Valiya

Paathaarambam, Mangalore 1873; 1882; 1897 HGS Vol IV Kottayam 1992

Polukarppa caritram, Thalassery 1847,32 S.; 1855. HGS Vol V Kottayam 1992

Praarttanaacaarangal, Thalassery 1847, 72 S

Praarttanaasamgraham Malayalam-Liturgy, Thalassery 1857, 200 S.

Sanmaranavidya, Thalassery 1847*; 1850*%; 1851, 34 S.; 1852; Mangalore 1864;

1869; 1894; 1897; 1929. HGS Vol V Kottayam 1992

Sancariyute prayaanam Pilgrim’s Progress, Thalassery 1849, 154 S.; Mangalore

1869; new edition, Mangalore 1929. HGS Vol V Kottayam 1992

Satyaveda caritram, Thalassery 1854, 65 S.; Mangalore.

Sriiyesukristamaahaatmyam (translation from John Muir's Sanskrit-Work), Thalassery

1851/52, 100 S. HGS Vol V Kottayam 1992

Sthiriikaranattinulla upadesam, Second Catechism, Thalassery 1853,Mangalore

1869, 21 S.; 1892; 1907

Vajrasuuci (translation from Asvaghosha's Sanskrit Work), Thalassery 1851,24 §

1853; Mangalore 1868; 1892. HGS Vol V Kottayam 1992

éi

Malayalam Manuscripts

Dr. Hermann Gundert collected and analysed most of the classical works in Malayalam

Besides literary works his collection included judicial and administrative

records and scientific treatises. A list of these manuscripts is available at the

beginning of A Malayalam and English Dictionary, Mangalore (1872), HGS

Vol I, Kottayam 1991. The major portion of this collection was identified in

;g

Tuebingen university Library. The rest are found in libraries, archives and

private collections in Germany and Switzerland

234

Bibliography

Adhyaatma Raamaayanam Kilippaattu, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, Mspt

Nr. 1,290 S; Nr. 2, 302 S.

Advaita satakam, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 45 Bl.

|

Ancati, Note book 5

+Astaangahrudayam Sanskrit and Malayalam, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen,

59 Bl

;

An astrological treatise in Malayalam, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 28 S.

;

Bhaagavatam Kilippaattu, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 546 S.

Bhadradiipam, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 50 S.

Brahmaanda puraanam paattu, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 278 S.

Candrasamgamkatha, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 6 S.

|

Candrasamgamkatha Paattu , Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 28 BI.

Caturddasa vruttam, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 42 S.

Christian Poem on Salvation, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 7 BI.

Devimaahaatmyam, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 48 BI.

5

Devimaahaatmyam, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 27 S.

Dushiparvam, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 10 S.

Ekaadasi Maahaatmyam, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 28 S.

Grammar of the Malayalam, draft Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 40 s.

Hora vyaakhyaanam, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 58 BI.

ya

Irupattiranta vruttam, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 52 S.

Jenovaparvam of Emnst Hanxleden, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 16 Bl.

)1

Jnaanappaana, Sammlung Gundert Stuttgart, 7 S.;

Judicial Records, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 22 S.

Kaivalya navaniitam Kilippaattu, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 78 Bl.

A

Keralaacaara samksepam, Sammlung Gundert Stuttgart, 20 S.

Kerala Mahatmyam, Sanskrit in Malayalam script, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebin gen,

(4

160 Bl.

Kerala Mahatmyam, Sammlung Gundert Stuttgart, 24 S.

Kerala Naatakam Keraladrama, Sammlung Gundert Stuttgart, 54 S.

1y

Kerala Utpatti (Keralolpatti), Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 87 Bl.

Kerala Utpatti (Keralolpatti), Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 72 BI.

(7

Kerala Utpatti (Keralolpatti), Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 35 Bl.

S

Kerala Utpatti (Keralolpatti), Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 24 S.

Kerala vilaasam, Sanskrit in Malayalam-Script, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen,

86 S.

Krishnagaata, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 448 S.

Krishnappaattu, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 25 BI.

ve

Krishna stuti, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 7 B1L.K

the

Kristu caritram, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 37 Bl.

(S

Laksmii Paarvati Samvaadam, Sammlung Gundert Stuttgart, 4 S.

jin

Mahaabhaaratam Kilippaattu, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, Mspt. Nr. 1, 998

S.;Nr. 2, 5608S.

Mahaabhaaratampaattu, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 168 BI.

235

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Malayalam-English Dictionary, draft Vol. 1, 768 S.; Vol. 2, 674 S. Vol 3772 8.

Malayalam- Portuguese Dictionary, 3 Volumes Verapoly 1745, Universitaetsbibliothek

Tuebingen, 8§90 S.

Malayalam Stories, Sammlung Gundert Stuttgart, 6 S.

Maappila song, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 34 S.

Megasandesa kaavyam, 106 Sloka, Wuerttembergische Landesbibliothek Stuttgart.

Muukaambi Maahaatmyam, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 20 Bl.

Mudraaraakshasam bhaashaagaanam, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, Mspt. Nr.

1,152 S.; Nr. 2, 159 S.

Nalacaritam, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 228 S.

Nalodaya kaavyam, 222 Sloka, Wuerttembergische Landesbibliothek Stuttgart.

Naasiketu Puraana, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 16 S.

Nasraanikalute pazhama, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 40 S.

Notebook, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 36 S.

Notebook, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 134 S.

Notebook 3 Sahadeva vaakyam, Prapancahrudayam, Universitaetsbibliothek

Tuebingen, 209 S.

Notebook 4, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 64 S.

Notebook 5, Tiruvannaattancati, Ponmeri ancati, Kannipparampancati,

Kaanjirangaattancati, Jilaanappaana, Vijnaanappaattu, Sammlung Gundert

Stuttgart, 52 S.

Oonappaattu, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 10 Bl

Oonappaatty, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 6 S.

;

Payyannur paattu, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 36 Bl

Pancatantram, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaeus Calw, 112 Bl

Pancatantram paattu, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 84 S.

Portuguese-Malayalam Dictionary, Verapoly 1745, Universitaetsbibliothek

Tuebingen, 290 S.

Prasnariiti, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 14 Bl.

Raamacaritam, oldest Malayalam Poem, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 186 S.

Raamaayanakatha, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 6 S.

Santaana gopaalam kilippaattu, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 13 S.

Siilaavati paattu, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 18 S.

Siitaavruttantam, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 6 S.

Sriikrishnacaritam manipravaalam, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 86 S.

Sriiraamodantakaavyam, 151 Sloka, Wuerttembergische Landesbibliothek Stuttgart.

Stuti: Suurya stuti, Krishna stuti, Gurunaatha stuti, Raamapaahima, Sammlung

Gundert Stuttgart, 12 S.

Taccoljppaaggukal, Sammlung Gundert Stuttgart, 226 S.

Taliparambu maahaatmyam, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 2 S.

Tantra samgraham, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 295 S.

Tantra saastram, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 54 S.

Tellicherry Records, Vol. I-XII, 1796-1800, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen,

4448 S.

236

Bibliography

Tripuradahanakaavyam, 197 Sloka, Wuerttembergische Landesbibliothek S tuttgart

Trussambaram stuti, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 7 Bl.

Uttararaamaayanam Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 66 S.

Vaalmiiki Raamaayanam, Malayalam translation of Kerala Varma,

Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 868 S.

Vairaagya candrodayam, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 33 S.

Vetaalacaritam, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 109 S.

Vedanta darsanam, Sammlung Gundert Steinhaus Calw, 50 S.

Vivekaratnam, Universitaetsbibliothek Tuebingen, 65 S.

Vyavahaaramaala, Universitatsbibliothek Tuebingen, 628 S.

Vyavahaaramaala kanakkasaaram, Sammlung Gundert Stuttgart 7 S.

Yudhisthiravijaya kaavyam, 939 Sloka, Wuerttembergische Landesbibliothek

Stuttgart.

Tamil

These Works were given for printing on'3 .10.1838 in Nagercoil by Hermann Gundert

(GM 18.11.38):

Church History till Gregory VII.

Greek and Tamil Dictionary for the N.T. (GM 7.10.36).

l,

Hebrew Grammar

Hebrew and Tamil Dictionary

Madagaskar Mission.

English

Amendments to Robert Caldwell’s Comparative Grammar of Dravidian languages

(London 1856), Sammlung Gundert Stuttgart, 80 S.

The Legend of Payyanur, Madras Journal of Literature and Science, April 1844,

Translation and Analysis of the ancient documents engraved on copper in possession

of the Syrian Christians and Jews of the Malabar; Madras Journal of

Literature and Science, Vol XII Parts I, IT 1844/45, Madras S 115-146

%

1,

237

DR HERMANN GUNDERT

AND

THE MALAYALAM LANGUAGE

PART III

CIRCLE OF UNDERSTANDING

Reflections on Mappila Heritage

N P Muhammed

Printing and Publishing in Kerala

D C Kizhakkemuri

Judicial System of Kerala in the Nineteenth Century

Babu Varghese

Divergent Systems of Medicine in Traditional Kerala

Sunny P Orathel

s

REFLECTIONS ON MAPPILA HERITAGE

N P Muhammed

The Kerala Muslims cannot claim racial purity like the Jewish people.

The Muslims of Kerala are not a ghetto community. They are scattered all

over the region and intermingled with other religious people in their daily

endeavour. There are few signs to distinguish them from other communities

even though on the surface one could see certain features in food habits,

dress and customs, and manners. But the similarities are many. It is quite

evident that these factors are evolved from topographical conditions of this

terrain. The navigators and tradesmen came from the Arabian shores in the

7th century AD and some of them settled in the coastal areas marrying local

Hindu wemen. They never brought women folk from Arabia. What I am

suggesting is that the Kerala Muslims are the inheritors of two different

traditions though their faith remains Islamic. On the maternal side they

imbibed Hindu customs and manners making certain variations to accommo-

date the newly accepted religious faith and on the paternal side the muslim

faith, predominantly alocal variation of it. Even now the majority of thelocal

Muslims do not know the Arabic language. But the believers are taught to

read the Quaran without knowing the meaning of it. Naturally there were

conflicts between these two ways of life, Hindu and Muslim traditions, but

in course of time the system integrated itself, a system which one cannot call

fully Islamic as practised in the Arabian countries. Nor has it any dominant

Hindu traits. This integration set a pattern of culture at least a cultural

synthesis in the level of collective consciousness, embracing both Muslim

and Hindu customs and manners. So I would prefer to name the community

Muslim Malayalees rather than Malayalee Muslims emphasizing the point

of regionalism as a salient feature.

This was a natural evolution which took many a century, surfacing

conflicts and consternations occasionally and accommodation and co-

operation often. This essay is an attempt to find out these peculiarities in the

light of socio-cultural history.

241

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

The Muslim Malayalees are concentrated in Malabar, the northern

part of Kerala, though there are Muslims in the South as well, but not a

significant number as in Malabar. They are popularly known as Mappilas.

They are influenced in their daily lives by the habits of the common folks of

Kerala. For example Muslim settlers of Malappuram district are agricultural

labourers. There are only a few landlords among them. Their livelihood is

mainly derived from soil. There were revolts between the land owners and

the landless labourers. The many conflicts which turned to violence between

the haves and the have-nots were given a religious colour by the colonial

historians and the vested interests of both communities. The imperialist

policy of “divide and rule’ was wilfully and cleverly exploited by the British

rulers to widen the gap of religious differences.

On the other hand, the settlers of the coastal and urban areas, such as

Kannur, Kozhikode and Ponnani were mainly trade people. They evolved a

policy of give and take to promote their business despite the religious

differences, cherishing somewhat a secular outlook in life. They were the

loyalists of the Zamorins, the local princes. In order to boost their business

with the Arabian shores it was necessitated historically to align themselves

with the local prince. They fought valiantly against their common foreigner

foes the Portuguese, Dutch, French and British, who were locked in a fierce

struggle to gain supremacy over the Arabs on spice trade from 15th to 18th

centuries. Itis interesting to know that the urban Muslim settlers adopted the

matrilineal system, which was practised by the higher caste Hindus and was

totally unknown to Muslim societies in the middle east.

The Muslims of Travancore and Cochin were under the rule of native

princestill the advent of political freedom and they en joyed relatively greater

freedom, especially in the field of education. It can thus be seen that though

the Muslim population can be branded Muslim Malayalees, the cultural

habits were moulded in regional peculiarities of different terrains forming

different communities. The regional demography substantiates this fact. Till

the end of 19th century no large-scale attempt was made by the Muslims of

Malabar to learn Malayalam, the mother tongue, whereas such attempts were

made in Travancore and Cochin.

Unlike the Muslims of Northern India they were not the inheritors of

the Muslim empire, nor such a legacy. The Muslim Malayalees never tasted

political power like North Indian Muslims except in Kannur where there was

a petty kingdom ruled by Arakkal family for a period of 7 centuries. On the

whole Arakkal family did not make any substantial impact on the outlook of

Muslim Malayalees. They were the subjects of British rulers in Malabar till

1947 and the subjects of local princes in Tranvancore and Cochin till the

242

Reflections on Mappila Heritage

second half of the 20th century.

The conflicts and batiles for commercial supremacy in the pepper

trade between the Arabs and Europeans actually formed the style and

character of Muslim Malayalees. The foreign traders challenged the Arabs

in the 15th century. Vasco da Gama came to Kappad, a neighbourhood of

Calicut, the capital of Zamorins in AD 1498. To foster the trade in his domain

the zamorin encouraged Muslim settlers even going to the extreme of

decreeing that all those born on Friday on the coastal areas would be of

Islamic faith. This Muslim friendship and bondage with the Zamorins

continued till the arrival of the Portuguese on the scene. Arabs fought many

a battle on sea and land for the Zamorin, whose naval commanders came

from the Marakkar family of Muslims. The wars for supremacy in the spice

trade resulted in the seizure of political power by the East India Company,

a colonial outfit. India came under the umbrella of the British King in 1857.

~ The Muslim settlers are from different strata of society. Kerala, being

acaste-ridden society, the upper classrefused to enter into marriage alliances

with the new Muslim converts of the sea-shore who belonged to fisherman

caste. Caste system prevailed, however feeble it may be, amongst the

Muslims as well, defying one of the greatest tenets of Islam, the brotherhood

of man which denies the superiority of status of birth, race and creed. But

this aspect of an ideal Islamic society was not put into practice. At present

there are certain healthy trends to eradicate this evil, thanks to widespread

education, job opportunities both inside and outside India. In a similar way,

the Muslim Malayalees adopted the architectural style of temples in

structure in building mosques. Now there is a tendency to build mosques in

the Indo-saracen style of architecture to keep the separate identity of prayer

halls. Processions to mosques and mausoleums were definitely in the style

of Hindu festivals. This shows that there was an active trend for integration

of the Kerala society until the 14h century. But this was lost and was

shattered by the arrival of colonial powers especially Portugal. The real aim

of the Portuguese navigators was in dispute—were they interested only in

obtaining the monopoly of overseas trade of hill produces? Were they

interested in spreading Christianity? or in both? The past animosity between

Muslim and Christian rulers nourished by the crusades was a motive that can

fairly be attributed to the demolition of mosques and massacre of Muslims

in the Malabar area in the early decades of the 15th century, by Portuguese

invaders. These factors threatened their very existence. As a consequence of

the clarion call of Mullahs to defend themselves in the way of God had struck

in the minds of believers. It was found necessary that the solidarity of the

faithful was a matter of paramount importance. To cement the faith, a solid

243

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Maiayalam Language

foundation of Islamic theology was made use of.

The philosophical integration has become a necessity for survival.

This gap was soon bridged by Khazi Mohamed, who authored ‘Muhiyuddeen

Mala’ in AD 1607. It is a devotional song written in Arabi-Malayalam, a

dialect the Muslim intelligentsia invented for the purpose of communication

among themselves. It was neither Arabic nor Malayalam in the purest sense,

but an admixture of both. The Arabic letters used as the script were very

familiar to the Muslims from the Quran. The language they used for

expression was nothing but Malayalam, liberally using a large number of

Arab, Persian and Urdu words. The very idea of this device of using the

Arabic script for Malayalam communication was the foremost achievement

of genius. It soon became so popular and the emotional life of Muslims was

depicted in Mappila Pattu (Mappila Songs). The quality rhythm and musical

harmony of these songs have been in due course recognized by other

communities.

Muhiyuddeen Mala by Khazi Mohamed is in the same literary genre

of devotional song, a literary form enriched by Thunchath Ezhuthachen, the

father of the Malayalam language. The heroic life and adventure of Shaikh

Abdul Khader Jilani, a Muslim savant (died in 1574 AD) was depicted in the

Muhiyuddeen Mala. The enthusiasm it generated and the spirit of solidarity

itachieved amongst Muslims could notbe ignored. Itis greatand unique. The

poetry became the source of integration, the emotional manifestation of

Muslim mind. Before the appearance of ‘Muhiyudden Mala’ the Shaikh

Makdoom Zainuddeen (AD 1467 - 1521) wrote “Tuhfatual Mujahideen” a

theological discourse blended with a chronicle of events. It portrayed the life

and struggles of Muslims in the days of Portuguese domination. Predomi-

nantly its appeal is with the intelligentia and so it is very useful to scholars,

but the lack of emotional appeal made it a textbook. The common folk found

solace in Muhiyuddeen Mala. It was sung on all important religious

occasions by Muslims but recently its popularity has declined. The threat to

Muslim life raised by the Portuguese invaders gave birth to two great works,

one on the intellectual plane and the other one on the emotional level.

In the context of the mutual strain of the communities the British rule

came into being. The harmony between the Zamorins and the Marakkars was

ruptured in the last days of the Zamorins. In the absence of loyalty during this

period of political uncertainty, Hyder Ali, the Sultan of the neighbouring

kingdom of Mysore, attacked Malabar. It happened in AD 1768. His son

Tippu Sultan had suzerainty over Malabar for a short period. It was the first

time in the history of Malabar that a Muslim prince ruled the country. But it

should be stressed that he was not a Muslim Malayalee. Malabar became the

244

Reflections on Mappila Heritage

serfdom of the Mysore Kingdom in AD 1792. Tippu’s conquest and reforms

had an adverse effect on the local Hindu population. Many cheiftains of the

Hindu community — they were in fact, local rulers — fled to Travancore and

elsewhere. The victory of Tippu gave undoubtedly, a sense of pride to local

Muslims. They felt it was their own rule. But the tax-policy of Tippu had

serious repercussions on some Muslim gentry. They rose inrevoltand Athan

Kurikkal of Manjeri joined hands with the Raja of Travancore against

Tippu.

Evidently the greatest radical change that transformed the Malabar

society was Tippu's land reforms. Up to that time no Muslim had ‘Jenm

Rights’ on the land. They were only ‘Pattakkars’ serfs. Tippu gave Jenm right

to Muslims when the feudal lords fled to Travancore fearing Tippu’s

onslaught on them. When we look back it can be argued that this was the root

of the hostility between the majority and minority communities. The sympa-

thetic Hindu attitude to Muslims was seriously hampered. After the defeat

of Tippu the policy of East India Company of giving back the Jenm rights

to Hindu landlords added fuel to the fire of communal envy.

The result was the conflict between land owner and the landless. The

imperialists gave a twist to this conflict by giving it the shade of religious

differences and branded it a conflict between Hindus and Muslims. The

Britishers also introduced Death Tax on Muslims.

The clever exploitation of religious differences by the foreign rulers

and the tillers' basic urge to have ownership of the land resulted in a series of

outbreaks. The policy of ‘Divide and Rule’ became the order of the day. The

grand design of the imperialists to keep the identity of Muslims and Hindus

separate cannot be taken lightly. The report of the then Collector of Malabar

proves this allegation. Mr T L Strange was appointed commissioner of

enquiry to report on the outbreaks. In the direction given to him by the

Collector of Malabar in 1801 thercal objective of therulers was made amply

clear. He was asked to bear in mind the policies of giving protection to

Brahmins and Nairs against Moplah fanatics. But the real cause of conflicts

was the right of tenancy of land. In his history of Malabar, Mr Logan, the

Collector of Malabar, traces the agrarian nature of the conflict as one of the

roots of disharmonies between Hindus and Muslims.

The tension, whatever be its real causes, prevailed from 1791 t01921.

During this period there were altogether 83 riots. In the 19th century alone

there were 30 riots. In 1816, Umarkhasi of Veliyankod was imprisoned for

refusing to pay taxes. The Moplah rebels had been transported to Botany Bay

in Australia and the Andaman Islands, the malaria infected areas. Mr T L

Strange details out five causes for these outbreaks. They are:

245

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

1. Fanaticism of the Moplahs.

2. Illiteracy among them.

3. Faulty character.

4. Anti-British attitude.

5. The insufficiency of land reform.

Butanother historian of the period, Fawcetts, says that fanaticism was

added to give colour to the report. It may also be said that to brand an entire

community as faulty characters was a trumped up charge. Strange's report

was rather strange. But on his recommendation that Moplah Outrages Act

which was nothing short of a black law and which alienated the community

further from the mainstream of life was passed by the government. The

enactmentof this Act produced the opposite result culminating in the murder

of Conolley, the then Collector of Malabar. Of all these rebellions the

bloodiest was the outbreak of 1921. One of the main reasons for this fierce

fighting was no doubt the inspiration given by the Indian National Congress

to fight against foreign domination the policy of which was adopting non-

violence, non-cooperative method. The British abolished Caliphate, the

supreme religious authority of Muslims the status of which was enjoyed by

Turkey after the victory in World War 1. The national movement supported

the move for the restoration of Caliphate to Turkey. The Indian Moulavis

under the leadership of Moulana Mohamed Ali organized the Khillafat

movement demanding the restoration of Caliphate to Turkey. Coupled with

the anti-British attitude, the muslims became politically conscious and

restless and rose in revolt not in the manner of nonviolence but in the way of

violence. The outbreak started with the demand for the release of a Khilafat

worker and the rumour spread of the destruction of Tirurangadi Mosque by

the armed force. The Moplahs of Ernad revolted under the leadership of Ali

Musaliar and the efforts of national leaders like Kesava Menon and Mohamed

Abdurahiman were in vain. The British administration was paralysed for

almost six months. Ali Musaliar was courtmartialled and hanged with his

followers.

Even before these revolts, Mampuram Thangal, a spiritual head who

was very popular with the masses was spreading the message of anti-

imperialism even before the establishment of the Indian National Congress

in Malabar. He was deported to Arabia by the British and this was resented

by the community. When we analyse those tragic days it can be seen that

Muslims were much influenced by the doctrine of FEEZABEEL, martyr-

dom in God's way.

It was not the only school of thought amongst the Muslims of that

period. The founder of the other school wag Kondotty Thangal. In the 18th

:

246

Reflections or; Mappila Heritage

century Sheikh Mohamed Shah came to Kondotty and settled there. He had

no anti-British leanings. He was a shiate unlike the Mampuram Thangals

who were sunnis. He was a Persian scholar and not of Arabic origin. He had

sufi leanings. His influence on the Muslim masses was also immense. Thus

the Muslims were following two different paths. In short Muslim life derived

its strength and weakness from these two different schools of thought which

can still be found in a subtle way in the destiny of Muslim Malayalees. This

conclusion needs elaboration and indepth study.

But suffice it to say the Muslims were under the stress and strain of

opposite views. There was no emotional integration. There was a vacuum.

This was soon filled up by the Moplah poet Moyinkutty Vaidyar (1851-

1891). His poems were actually parts of a grand design of integration.

Looking back to his period one can safely say that Vaidyar found that the

inherent weakness of the Muslim community was its lack of emotional

integration. With rare insight he depicted the emotional manifestation of

Muslims, cleverly using literary forms such as romanticism, devotionalism

and social realism. His 'Badarul Munir' is highly romantic; on the other hand,

his 'Malappuram Pattu' reflects the undercurrents of peasant life - say the

realistic approach to his times. Inthestrict sense his 'Badrand Uhd' Patappatt

(war songs) are heroic in nature. Bravery and dedication are rewarded in the

end in all these songs. They are devotional too because, except in the

romantic poem, the main characters in his works are the prophet or prophet's

companions. In adopting these three literary forms Vaidyar developed a

theory that the real cause of the fall of Muslims was conspiracy and

deception. The community felt that they were deceived by the foreign rulers

and Hindus alike. The real salvation of the society rests with the strict

adherence to religious faith. In a way he was solving the riddle of two schools

of thought. All these conflicts and agony centered around Malappuram

District, where the Muslim populatian is still dominant.

Those who were living in the urban areas of Kozhikode, Kannur, etc.

developed a way of life of commerce and trade. They never participated in

rebellions. By virtue of their position they were open to all constructive ideas.

It was they who brought all the reformists from religion to politics, to the

scene and patronized them with their wealth and support. Mohamed

Abdurahiman, a fierce politician from Cochin, settled at Calicut and started

'Al Ameen', the first malayalam daily owned by Muslims, in 1925; so also

all religious teachers who heralded reformation of society were under the

patronage of these trade people. Even today this trait can be found. The

Muslim Education Society, which is doing great service to spread modern

education by starting collegesetc., originated in Kozhikode and later spread

247

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

to the other places though its leader hailed from Cochin.

¢l

H

In Travancore and Cochin area the phase of development had started

earlier. The anti-British attitude was not prominent there, as they were under

l

the rule of local princes. Even the Hindus found their consolidation a strength

he

for the kingdom. C V Raman Pillai (1858-1922), the great novelist of

Jul

historical romances, treated Muslims as patriots who fought for the princely

Cl

W

rule, depicting their patriotism in glowing terms. But O Chandu Menon

(1847-1900) another great novelist of the time in his novel 'Indulekha’ depicts

1§

a Muslim characteras a pickpocket, though he was nota Malayalee. But these

two different approaches towards Muslims shed much light on the common

attitudes of the majority community of Travancore and Malabarrespectively.

m

The contribution of Travancore Muslims towards an integrated

(0

W

society is great. The efforts of Sana Ulla Makhi Thangal (1847-1922) tomake

Muslims learn Malayalam was positively responded to by Travancore and

118

Cochin Muslims while he faced stiff opposition in Malabar. Even though he

announced a prize of a wrist watch by lottery to one of the subscribers of a

Sl

proposed periodical he could not get 125 subscribers, a condition for starting

1§

the periodical. This is a sufficient indication of the attitude of Muslim

ha

Malayalees towards their mother tongue at that time.

The vigorous attempts of Vakkom Abdul Khader Moulavi (1873-

(0

1932) to reform the Muslim communities deserve special mention. He was

(0

apioneer Muslim social and religious reformer. The 'Swadeshabhimani', his

journal came outin 1905. The editor was a fierey journalist K. Ramakrishna

il

Pillai. In a way it was Moulavi who took the challenge of the transformation

of a composite community by giving full freedom to the editor of his journal

!I'I

who was a Hindu. The journal fought relentlessly against bureaucracy,

th

nepotim and corruption in society and Government. His paper and the press

were confiscated by the Travancore Government in 1910. But the attitude

n

(0

of Muslims in general remained conservative.

In course of time the attitude of the masses changed. Modern educa-

D)

tion came to stay. Now there are large numbers of professionals, civil

I

servants and technicians. They have mastered the language. Now different

sects of Muslims are running publishing houses. There are two full-fledged

dailies, the Chandrika and Madhyamam run by Muslims from the Malabar

E

area. A group of writers have sprung up. Vaikkom Mohamed Basheer has

been evaluated as the Granddad of Malayalam literature; like Thakazhi

Sivasankara Pillai, he started his career as a fiction writer, and his influence

on the literary scene is stupendous. He is revered very much by Malayalam-

speaking people all over the world. His re-interpretation of Muslim mythol-

ogy in. Ntu Uppupakku Oranandarnu (My Granddad had an Elephant) is a

248

Reflections on Mappila Heritage

claésic though his magnum opus is Pathummayude Ade (Pathumma's Goat).

He is the adored guru of the younger writers. K T Mohamed is a top

playwright. Yousuf Ali Kechery is in the field of Malayalam poetry which

had never been attempted before. There are lots of writers of recognition. A

group of younger writers are making their presence felt. Similarly in other

cultural fields such as film and music there are artists and even in Kathakali

which was viewed by conservative Muslims as a Hindu performance, there

is one artist of repute Hyder Ali. Since Independence 1947 the Muslim

Malayalees have been serving in various spheres of life with distinction.

The contemporary political movement in Kerala also deserves special

mention. By and large the Muslim League enjoys the massive support of the

community and they have been sharing the power in the democratic set-up

with other parties big and small for the last three decades. The League draws

its strength from the Malappuram District.

Allthese trends show that the Muslim Malayalees are passing through

stages towards integration. The old attitudes and valucs are gone. Now there

is no communication gap between the Muslims and other communities. They

have considerable facility for expression in Malayalam.

To sum up, I should say that I was not recording the evolution of a

community in its historical perspective. The cultural reflections of the

community are highlighted in this short essay.

The cultural integration with other communities, begun in early

times, though often baffled, is now coming into its own.

Asrightly pointed out by Monis Raza and others in Muslims in India,

"The Muslims of Kerala and the Islands hardly show any sharp contrasts in

their rural-urban proportions with their non-Muslim neighbours.” The dis-

integration of the wall of difference is at work. But at the same time the

community without sacrificing the Islamic framework is in the process of a

synthesis of Malayalee society, a linguistic community. In this process the

main source of inspiration, I think, will be the Malayalam language.

Selected Readings

ENGLISH

Logan W

1951 Maiabar vol. 1 &II Madras. Super-

intendent, Govt Press Madras (Re-

print)

Miller,R E

1976

Mappila Muslims Of Kerala Madras

Orient Longmans

Dale, Stephen F

1980

Mappilas Of Malabar 1498-1922

Oxford University Press

249

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Kunju Ibrahim A P

1989

Mappila Muslims Of Kerala

Sandhya Publications, Trivandrum

MALAYALAM

Ahamed Moulvai, C N

And Abdul Kareem, KK

1978

Glorious MappilaLiterary Herita

Kozhikode

ge.

S K Pottakkad, N P Mohamed,

Mohamed Abdurahman (A Political

PP Ummer Koya, and

1971

K A Kodungallore

Biography)

Madhavan Nair, K

1971

Malabar Kalapam (Malabar Revolts)

Manjeri

1971

Khilafat Reminiscences, Kozhikode

Brahmadattan Nampoodiripad

Koyatty Moulavi, K

1969

Malabar Lahala (Malabar Riots)

Thirurangadi

D

I

a\

ll

o

0

Sl

[\

|

§l

|

P

:

§t

Iy

(

250

J

)

PRINTING AND PUBLISHING IN KERALA

D C Kizhakkemuri

fe

Printing technology reached India in 1556 and the first printing press

was set up at Goa. So India became the first Asian country to have modern

printing technology. Even before this there were attempts to start printing in

India. For example the great missionary St. Francis Xavier (1506-1552) had

made persistent demands for installing printing presses in India as he was

aware of the necessity of Christian literature in Indian languages. Even in

1556, it was by chance that printing started at Goa. A letter press and a group

of technicians despatched to Abyssinia by the King of Portugal reached Goa

en route. Even as preparations were being made at Goa for going to

Abyssinia, news came that the emperor of Abyssinia had changed his mind

and would not accept Portuguese missionaries. So the press and technicians

stayed atGoaand thefirst printing pressinIndia was established at the College

of St. Paul, Goa. The religious establishment in Coimbra, Portugual, was

interested indeveloping St.Paul’s College asan important centre of theological

studies. Public disputations of a religious theme, which a person presenting

a thesis had to defend at a scholarly assembly, were the order of the day at St.

Paul’s.

Therefore, as soon as the press was established, the first assignment

was to print the summary of a theological discussion called conclusoes

(1556). These were loose sheets to be distributed among the participants of

the seminar. No copy of this document is available. One of the first books to

be printed in Goa was in Portuguese—Doctrina Christao (1557) by St Francis

Xavier. No copy of the first edition of this book is available. At the initial

stage, a Spaniard named Joao de Bustamante was in charge of the press and

he had an Indian assistant trained in printing in Lisbon.

Printing in Kerala

According to the documentary evidence available today the next

centre of printing in India was in Kerala—Kollam (Quilon), an ancient

251

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

seaport in Southern Kerala. A book of 16 pages translated into Tamil from

S

Portuguese by Henriques and Manoel do Sao Pedro was printed here in 1578.

The only available copy of this work, is now in Harvard University Library.

di

“Tampiraan Vanakkam’ is given asthe Tamil version of the title. The printery

is mentioned as the college of the Saviour in Quilon.

by

Another Doctrina Christianaof 116 pages translated from Portuguese

to Tamil and printed at Kochi, (Cochin), another port town of Central Kerala,

r

in 1579, was noticed in the library of Sorbonne University by DrPJ Thomas.

W

But now this has disappeared from the library. Another copy of the book was

o

discovered at Bodlein Library along with another Tamil book printed at the

same place in 1580. The second book is of 214 pages and deals with

§)

confession. This press at Kochi also was attached to a college of religion. It

11§

may be recalled that all the early centres of printing in India were along the

western sea coast from Goa to Kannyakumari (Cape Comerin) and all of them

were attached to missionary colleges. The earliest printing on the Kerala

D

coast was in Tamil. The antiquity and development of the Tamil language

might have attracted the missionaries. For many early missionaries the

)

‘Malabar Language’ was Tamil. Moreover when compared to Tamil,

)

Malayalam has a larger number of scripts as it accommodates all Sanskrit

|/

phonemes in its sound system. It is an irony the language of Kerala, which

had two or three printing presses in the sixteenth century had to wait till the

nineteenth century to have a centre of Malayalam printing. Some scholars

believe that there was a printing press in Vaipicotta near Kochi, in the

sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, where printing in Malayalamand Syriac

was undertaken. But this has yet to be proved. Ambazhakkadu near Kochi

[ e T e ey <

was another early centre of printing in Kerala. Of course, there also printing

was in Tamil.

Malayalam Printing

Malayalam was first printed at Amsterdam in a 12 -volume reference

work called Hortus Malabaricus (1678-1703). This book on plants of Kerala

gives names of plants in Malayalam script too below each drawing. The

printers were using wood cut blocks for printing Malayalam names. We

cannot treat this as the beginning of Malayalam printing. So the title “Father

of Malayalam Printing’ goes to Clement Pianius, an Italian Carmelite

SR . Gt A S NP i i R S O WD}

missionary. He prepared SAMKSHEPAVEDARTAM, the first printed book

in Malayalam, and got it printed at the polyglot press, Rome in 1772. This

book of 276 pages of 21 X13 cm. size is written in dialogue form dealing with

the teachings of the Catholic church. It was reprinted in 1980 (DC Books)

with modern transliterations.

A Latin book tilted “Alphabetum Grandonico—Malabaricum Sive

w2

Printing and Publishing

Samscrudonicum” was also printed at the polyglot press, Rome, in 1712

This book deals with Malayalam script system and explains the initial

difficulties of introducing Malayalam to printing.

It gives charts of

?,I:

Malayalam scripts in several pages. The book hasanintroduction of 28 pages

by Johannes Christophorus Amadatius, the printer of the book. Both Pianius

5

and Amadatius trace the evolution of the Malayalam writing system. For the

)

printing of these two books they had made 1128 types. This shows the

S

variety of Malayalam scripts. They easily change shapes in the company of

e

other scripts. There are several subscripts (allographs) for most of the scripts.

This may be partly due to the syllabic system of writing. In the alphabetical

system, as we find in European languages, aminimum number of scripts are

It

used to represent all types of sounds. At polyglot press of Rome, Malayalam

e

scripts had square shapes; perhaps, they adopted it from the writing system

[a

prevalent in Kerala at that time. The Malayalam types made in Rome and

Milan were used in many works of the famous missionary scholar, Paulinos

iy

Barthelomeus to quote Sanskrit verses. Most of these Latin works were

10

printed in Rome. In 1791 the first collection of Malayalam proverbs was

i,

published from Rome—Centum Adagia Malabaricum cum textu originali et

1l

versione Latina.

Vh

There is documentary evidence available today that Malayalam

e

printing wasdoncin Bombay in 1799. Grammar of the Malayalam Language

IS

by Robert Drummond was printed at Courier Press Bombay in 1799. The first

e

Malayalam Bible (four gospels only) also was printed in the same press in

It

1811.

hi

Bailey and Gundert

18

The first Malayalam printing press in Kerala was established at

Kottayam by CMS missionaries. Benjamin Bailey was the pioneer in this

field. According to the Bible Society records, in 1821 a printing press was

(6

sent to Kottayam from England. Another report speaks of a printing press

a

despatched to Kottayam from Calcutta in 1820. But, according to popular

e

belief in Kerala, Benjamin Bailey built a press at Kottayam making use of

3

the information in Encyclopaedia Britannica. A collection of stories for

et

children translated from English to Malayalam was printed at Kottayam in

7

1824. A copy of this book is available in the British Museum Library. There

ok

are indirect evidences to show that a good number of Malayalam books were

IS

printed at Kottayam between 1820 and 1829.

th

When the New Testament tranlsated under the supervision of Benjamin

5)

Bailey was printed at Kottayam he discarded the square shapes of Malayalm

script and adopted the modern circular form. The arbitrary script reform

Vo

253

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

introduced by this pioneer in Malayalam printing brought down the number

of scripts from 1128 to 500. (Today many scholars regret that Bailey could

have cut down the number of scripts still further! For many years all the

of

presses in Kerala used 400 types to print Malayalam. Then a committee was

Il

4

appointed to suggest script reforms and on their recommendation in 1968

the number of scripts has been brought down to 90). The complete Bible was

pr

printed at Kottayam using these 500 types specially cast for this purpose in

silver. Benjamin Bailey composed an English-Malayalam Dictionary (1849)

and Malayalam-English Dictionary (1846). Both these volumes were printed

at Kottayam. Benjamin Bailey may be rightly described as the father of

modemn Malayalam printing.

In 1840 there was a lithographic press at Mangalore. In 1843 the

famous Keralolpatti edited by Hermann Gundert was lithographed here. In

1845 lithography started at Thalasseri under the inspirational leadership of

(

H Gundert. The first two journals in Malayalam (1847) were printed and

published from Thalasseri press. Many religious tracts and textbooks were

printed here. Church History (1847) and World History are two voluminous

|l

o

books ligthographed at Thalasseri. Blocks were used to print the beautiful

F

pictures of heart booklet of E G Gossner. The first part of Malayalam

Grammar (1851),New Testament (1854) and poctical books—Old Testament

D

(1857) are some of the important books lithographed at Thalasseri. The

sophisticated German Printing Press established (1862) at Mangalore and

manned by German missionaries in the second half of the nineteenth century

b

was hailed as the best printing establishment in south India till it was closed

I

i

down during the Second World War. The CMS Press at Kottayam and Basel

Mission Press at Mangalore produced top quality books which were widely

used as textbooks, religious literature, and standard reference works like

dictionaries, grammars etc. For example, H Gundert’s dictionary printed at

i

Mangalore in 1872 is still unsurpassed in quality of printing! The best

d

specimens of their printing are the Malayalam Bibles printed in these

stations. The press act of 1835 which permitted Indians to start printeries

signalled the starting of new presses at places like Kozhikode and Kochi.

Taking the inspiration from CMS missionaries the Governmentof Travancore

under theleadership of Swathi Thirunal started a press at Thiruvananthapuram

in 1835.Roman Catholicsalsostarted printeries at Mannanam and Varapuzha.

All these together gave birth toanew erain Malayalam printing in the second

half of the nineteenth century. It may be noted here that almost all the

monumental works in the history of Malayalam printing described here are

available in Tuebingen University in its unique collection of rare Malayalam

|

books. Of course, all of them reached Tuebingen through Dr Hermann

Gundert.

&

254

Printing and Publishing

i

d

Malayalam books

According to Malayalam Grantha Soochi (aretrospective bibliography

I

of Malayalam books published in 1970 by Kerala Sahitya Akademi the total

number of books printed and published in Malayalam before 1850 was just

8

42. During the next five decades there was considerable progress in book

production.

i;

Period

Volumes

1851-1860

34

1861-1870

147

f

1871-1880

297

1881-1890

265

1891-1900

392

These figures may go up in the light of the discovery of Malayalam

E

collections in Tuebingen University Library. At least 15-20 Malayalam

books of the nineteenth century hitherto unnoticed have come to public

notuce through the writings of Prof Scaria Zacharia who noticed this

collection in 1986. Dr Hermann Gundert Series (HGS) edited by Albrecht

Frenz and Scaria Zacharia have brought out some of these rare books for

:%

public scrutiny. Of course, there remains the need to prepare an exhaustive

catalogue of Malayalam works in Tuebingen University Library after the

model of the Catalogue of Malayalam Books in the British Museum cdited

by Albertine Gaur (1971). From the indications available now it seems

Tuebingen Malayalam collection excels the British Museum collection in the

number of palm-leaf manuscripts, paper manuscripts and rare books

;:

Malayalam publishing

There was rapid progress in Malayalam printing and publishing at the

turn of this century. Let us consider the number of books in the first six

decades of this century

1901-1910

665

1911-1920

1552

1921-1930

2064

1931-1940

3170

1941-1950

3167

1951-1960

7462

Any careful reader will immediately notice the sudden increase in the

number of books during 1950-60. It was during this period that all the

Malayalam-speaking areas in Kerala became one political unit and the full

impact of independence and democracy was felt. During this period the

writers co-operative society (SPCS)established in 1945 became very active

and occupied the topmost position among all the publishers in Kerala. It may

255

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

be recalled that this was the publishing house offering the highest percentage

of royalty to writers. They adopted the publication policy ‘one book every

day'. In the next few decades government agencies and private entrepreneurs

entered the field of publication and increased the number and quality of

Malayalam books. Reference works like the encyclopaedia, lexicon, different

types of monolingual and multilingual dictionaries and glossaries were

printed. The

Gundert’s Dictionary and Grammar were reprinted and

published by SPCS in 1962. Greater emphasis was given to science books

and children’s literature. However, literary works like poems, novels, short

stories, essays and biographies still dominate the publication scene.

New trends and challenges

During the last ten years Malayalam printing advanced very fast.

Computerised typesetting and modern printing devices came in through

news paper houses and major publishing houses. Most of the news papers

and periodicals have adopted the new technology very quickly. But only

very few publishing houses could afford this modern technology as it was

beyond their means. Among ten thousand printeries in Kerala, only one

hundred have adopted the new script system

Today onanaverage more than two books are published in Malayalam

every day. However it must be admitted that radio, television and popular

periodicals, have affected the sale of books. The absence of a strong library

movement and the popularity of an education system which does not

promote reading have cutinto thereading habitsof Keralites. Major publishing

houses have cut down at least one third of their titles and reduced the number

of copies. Today Malayalam readers have limited their choice to about

hundred among thousand authors. In former times their choice was widely

distributed. When compared to their counterparts in other countries, Indian

publishers have one major disadvantage — they are bound to purchase low

quality paperata very high price. This hascaused a steepincrease in the price

of books. Of the major consumers of books in Kerala about 75% are

individuals and this is a conspicuous feature of the trade in Kerala. In former

times teachers were the forerunners but professionals like engineers and

doctors are now taking keen interest. Many government employees with a

limited income are ambitious to build a home library. The prepublication

scheme (giving books at concessional rates to those who pay in advance) and

the book-club system by which members enjoy special concessions have

given a boost to the reading habits of Keralites initiated by SPCS in 1950's

has helped the sale of books.

There is reason to believe that readers of Kerala are very choosy and

they love reference works most. Many dictionaries both monolingual and

256

Printing and Publishing

bilingual could be sold more than 10,000 copies. A four-volume desk

encyclopaedia and a twenty-volume macropaedia (only nine volumes have

been released so far) could be sold more than 12,000 copies.

In 1991-92, Hermann Gundert’s Malayalam-English Dictionary

(originally published in 1872) and Malayalam Grammar (originally published

E

in 1868) were reprinted twice as part of the Hermann Gundert Series. About

4000 copies of the dictionary and 3OQO copies of the grammar have been sold

out

The Malayalam language receives mémy works from other languages

through translation. Of all Indian languages, judged by the number of

translated books, Malayalam is the most open and receptive language. The

multiculturalism of Keralais neatly reflected in Malayalam publications too.

Many families have a growing interest in building up home libraries.

We hope this will save Malayalam book industry from the adverse effects of

government policies and examination-oriented education.

257

JUDICIAL SYSTEM OF KERALA

IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

Babu Varghese

Before the reorganization of Indian states, which took place on

1.11.1956, the land called Kerala consisted of three distinct politically

demarcated regions, the erstwhile princely State of Travancore in the South,

the British Indian District of Malabar in the North and the Native State of

Cochin in between. However, after Independence, ie 1947, the native states

of Travancore and Cochin formed a composite Travancore-Cochin State in

1949 and this position continued till the formation of the present Kerala State

in 1956. Since these three regions were at different stages of development,

aseparate analysis of the judicial system thatexisted ineach o f theseregions

during the 19th century, is called for.

Kerala's intense contact with the foreign powers began in the early

decades of the 16th and 17th centuries when the ships of the Portuguese and

the Dutch reached the Malabar coast in search of pepper and other spices. To

preserve their trade monopoly the British actively entered politics in the 18th

century in South Kerala. The British rendered military assistance to Prince

Marthanda Varma, the architect of the former Travancore State, who had

conquered and consolidated the whole territory south of Cochin. In the north,

they wrested the province of Malabar from Tipu Sultan in 1792, and

i

organized the whole region into a British Indian district, first under Bombay

Presidency and then from 1800 AD under the Madras Presidency. Both

Travancore and Cochin were trapped into the subsidiary system devised by

Lord Wellesly. While Malabar was administered by the District Collector,

invariably an Englishman belonging to the Indian Civil Service, the destinies

of Travancore and Cochin were controlled by the all powerful British

Residents.

The chief characteristic of the society as it then existed.in these

regions, was the deep chasm which separated the high castes from the low

castes. While the upper castes like Brahmins were exempted from the

payment of land tax and even exempted from death penalty, the low castes

258

Judicial System of Kerala in the Nineteenth Century

were subjected to all types of social discrimination. Agricultural labourers,

invariably drawn from the lowest strata of the society, were subjected to

compulsory labour which was known as Uzhiyam. In South Kerala, Shanas

and the Ezhava community who were extremely poor and backward, were

subjected to constant illtreatment, degradation and exploitation. Women of

lower castes including the Ezhava community were prohibited from cover-

ing their breasts by wearing upper garments such as blouse, bodice, etc.

Caste and communal barriers were predominant in the society.

Untouchability and unapproachability were so perfectly worked out that

each caste was completely segregated from the others. The practice of

avoiding pollution due to contact with or presence of outcastes was widely

and strictly observed; and slavery in the most primitive form prevailed in the

land

Jenmi system, Kudippaka, Devadasi system, etc existed in a dread-

fully atrocious form. Among the social institutions of the age, the

Marumakkathayam or Matrilineal system of inheritance and polyandry

marriage, deserve special mention.

Judicial Administration

The native system of judicial administration was not an organized

one. The King was regarded as the fountain of justice. Custom or Maryada

was the main source of law and it governed the relation between individuals.

The King and the officers appointed by him, gave the verdict in all cases.

The Maryada consisted of the codes instituted by Smritikaras such as Manu

and Yagnavalkya and the custom of the caste, locality and family, as declared

by the elders. The former were compiled and codified by Mahishamangalam

Narayanan Namboodiri in his Vyavaharamala* towards the close of the 16th

century. This was the basis of the Chattavari

yolas or regulations issued by

Dewan Thomas Munro (181 1-1814).

In civil and social disputes, the chief could intervene only at the

request of the aggrieved. The sanctity of contract was meticulously upheld

and no debtor was allowed to scale down his debt. Once the debt had been

proved before the King's Officers, the creditor had only to draw acircle round

the debtor, and say "In the name of God, King and Brahmins, you should not

* Vyavaharamala. This was the law book of the erstwhile princely states of Travancore

and Cochin nearly fortwo and a half centuries. It will be interesting toobserve in this connection

that copies of the "Vyavaharamala" published in Malayalam prose could still be found in some

of the Tharavads. Dr Hermann Gundent made use of this book while preparing his dictionary.

A manuscript copy of this work collected andused by Dr Gundert is available in the Tuebingen

University. The manuscript preserved in the Tuebingen University Library contains 628 pages.

259

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Languagg

leave the circle before paying me". If he stirred out of the circle before

satisfying the creditor, he would be killed.

Punishment: Death, mutilation, whipping, imprisonment, fine, reduction

to slavery and ex-communication were the recognised forms of punishment.

Capital punishment was awarded to persons convicted of heinous crimes,

such as sacrilege, treason, murder, slaying or wounding a Brahmin or cow,

and robbery. Capital punishment was carried out with the sword or by

impalement; great criminals were, however, at times caused to be torn

asunder by elephants. With regard to punishment, the law was not the same

for all classes, but varied according to the caste and status of the culprits.

Trial by ordeal (Satyapariksha): Trial by ordeal was very commonin both

civil and criminal cases. There were four kinds of ordeal—water ordeal, fire

ordeal, ordeal by poison and ordeal by balance.

People accused of crime including witchcraft, had to prove their

innocence by any one of the numerous forms of ordeal. The belief underlying

ordeal is that God, who knows everything would protect the innocent by

suspending the course of nature, for their benefit.

The most common form was the ordeal by fire, in which the accused

had to pick a coin out of a vessel containing boiling oil or ghee. The arm was

then immediately swathed in bandages and sealed up, and on the removal of

the bandages three days later, the man was declared guilty or not guilty

according as his arm was found ulcerated or not. The oil or ghee ordeal was

usually held in the Suchindrum temple in South Travancore and the iron and

lead ordeal in the Paliyat Acchan's Temple in Azhikal (Vaipin). In the ordeal

of the red hot iron the accused had to lick an axe or plough share heated red

hot. In the crocodile ordeal at Thrikadappalli at Kodungalloor, the accused

had to swim across the river which was infested by these terrible creatures.

In the ordeal of the poison a person was given three grains of arsenic in ghee

weighing 32 times the weight of the grains. If this did not produce any

untoward effect, the accused was deemed innocent. The ordeal of weighing

(The dhata or ordeal by balance) consisted in the accused being, after certain

ceremonies, weighed in a balance before some important temple and after a

bath, reweighed with his wet clothes on. If he was found to weigh less second

time, he was declared innocent. A very common method of settling disputes

was by means of oaths sworn before the deity the belief being that the perjurer

would be struck blind or die immediately.

Smartha Vicharam: This is an example of investigation by caste

tribunals into charges of miconduct against Nambudiri women. If the enquiry

proves the suspicion, the matter is reported to the Maharaja who sends a

260

Judicial System of Kerala in the Nineteenth Century

representative to conduct vicharam or enquiry. The enquiry is dragged on till

the woman confesses her guilt or the tribunal is convinced of her innocence.

If innocence is proved, the member goes through the ceremony of kshama

namaskaram seeking the pardon. If, however, the lady confesses her guilt

the resultisreported to Raja who issues orders excommunicating the woman

and all those accused of criminal intimacy with her. The woman is then

deprived of her umbrella and funeral rites are performed.

Impact of the British rule on the judicial system: With the ex-

tension of British administration of justice, there was a thorough change in

the situation. A written code of law and judiciary organized on western

principles brought great relief to the people of Kerala. Respect for law and

an abiding faith in an independent judiciary are the striking characteristics

of the English nation and, under British rule, Kerala, along with the rest of

India, benefited by the rule of law, which was an essentially British concept.

The Indian Penal Code of 1860 established the equality of all before law, and

the Evidence Actof 1872 not only putan end to ordeal but also insisted that

the accuser should prove the guilt of the accused by the sworn testimony of

at least two witnesses. Corresponding to these reforms there came into

existence also a judiciary. Villagers were grouped together and courts

presided over by paid judges were set up for each group at a central place.

Provision was made against possible mis-carriage of justice by a well-

defined system of appeals. The Indian High Courts Act, 1861 gave the final

shape to the judicial organisation in British India with the munsiff and

magistrate courts at the bottom, district and sessions courts over them and the

high court at the top. The Rajas of Travancore and Cochin gradually adopted

the laws and methods or British India. Corresponding to the Madras High

Court, a High Court was established in Travancore in 1882 AD, and a chief

court in 1901. English became the language of justice in the upper tiers and

professional lawyers well versed in the new laws and assisting judges, took

the place of Madyasthas, Mukhyasthas and Smritikaras.

With this background, it will be worthwhile going into the evolution

of the system of administration of justice in the 19th century in the three

regions of Travancore, Cochin and Malabar.

Travancore

The modern history of Travancore begins with the reign of Maharaja

Marthanda Varma (1729-1758) who strengthened his rule and established

complete order in the state. The king and his able minister Rama Aiyan

Dalawa were so pre-occupied with the suppression of rebellion and conquest

of adjoining territories, that they had little opportunity of placing judicial

261

————

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

administration on a sound basis. The illustrious Maharaja Rama Varma

(1758-1798) who succeeded Marthanda Varma with the able assistance of

Dewan Raja Kesavadas took steps to organize the judicial administration of

the state on a sound basis. The country was divided into two divisions, the

Vadakkumbhagom and Thekkumbhagom each under the control and su-

pervision of a Valia Sarvadhikariakkar, the chief revenue, military and

judicial officer. Under each Valia Sarvadhikariakkar, there were four

Sarvadhikariakkars who exercised supervision over four sub-alterns-

kariakkars, who had under them Praverthicars in charge of villages. The

duties of Praverthicars, in matters of administration of justice, were to call

together a Panchayat, in disputes concerning landed properties. If he failed,

the case would be enquired into by Thadastar's (Jury) in the presence of the

Kariyakkar.

A significant reform in the Judicial System was the framing of

Chattavariyolas or codes of rules and laws, for the guidance of various courts.

During the reign of Maharaja Bala Rama Varma (1798-1811), the

Dalawa used to move about on official tours from one district to another with

a select party of assistants, and administered public justice in a rough and

ready fashion.

Rani Gowri Lekshmi Bhai (1811-1815) who succeeded Maharaja

Bala Rama Varma in 1811 appointed the then British Resident Col. Munro

her Dewan. It was at the initiative of Col Munro that a series of reforms was

introduced in the field of administration of justice. Col Munro laid the

foundation for a modern judiciary by establishing Zillah Courts or District

Courts at 5 different centres of the state, namely Padmanabhapuram,

Trivandrum, Mavelikara, Vaikom and Alwaye. He also set up a court of

appeal at Trivandrum, the state capital. Trial by ordeal was abolished.

Zilla Courts were established for the trial of offences and adjudication

of civil claims. The courts consisted of two judges and a Sastri, and the

matters and disputes were determined according to the Dharma Sastras and

the customs of the land. All punishments except sentences for murder and

other heinous crimes and forfeiture of property, were executed under the

orders of the Zilla Courts. In cases of confiscation and banishment, the

Dewan issued orders. The year 1814, saw the establishment of Huzur Court

consisting of three judges and the Dewan for hearing the appeals from the

Zilla Courts.

During the reign of Gowri Parwathi Bhai, (1815-1829) a judge of the

Huzur Court, Raman Menon, was appointed Dewan. In 1817, Sirkar Vakils

styled Pandaravaka Vakils, were appointed in the Huzur and Zilla Courts to

conduct sirkar cases before them. Other reforms introduced in that year were

262

Judicial Sys(em of Keraia in the Nineteenth Century

(1) stamped cadjans for execution of documents relating to immovable

property (2) framing of rules for issuing of stamped cadjans (3) appoinment

of Pillamars (Notary Public) responsible for the custody of cadjans. (4) levy

of prescribed fees for instruments and writing of documents on the stamped

cadjans in their own hand, attesting the same along with witnesses.

A new appeal court was established in the capital in 1817 and the Zilla

Courts were placed under its supervision and jurisdiction. The old Huzur

Court with limited jurisdiction was transferred to Quilon. Another reform

was the power given to Tahsildars (Revenue Officers) to try petty police

Ccases.

The most notable achievement of His Highness Rama Varma (1829-

1847) was the establishment of Munsiff Courts under each Zilla Courts to try

petty police cases and civil cases upto Rs. 100/. In 1833 Huzur Courts were

abolished for ever. In 1835 Cunden Menon, a Tahsildar of Malabar was

appointed Dewan Peishcar and asked to frame a code of laws both criminal

and civil, founded upon British enactments. The code was drafted and passed

into law from 1836 AD and still forms the groundwork of present judicial

administration. A series of regulations was issued framing rules for the

jurisdiction, composition and procedure relating to the administration of

justice to be followed by the various courts. By regulation, one of the judges

of the appeal courts was required to proceed on circuit once in every six

months to different Zilla Courts to investigate and decide all cases requiring

higher punishment.

In 1854, during the reign of Maharaja, Uttram Thirunal Marthanda

Varma, Dewan Peishcars were appointed as intermediate class of officers

with power of general control and supervision in all magisterial and police

matters. By regulations of 1856 circuit courts were abolished and three

sessions courts were established defining the powers and duties of sessions

judges and prescribing rules for their guidance.

During the reign of His Highness Rama Varma Maharaja (Ayilyam

Tirunal) (1861-1880) Dewan Sir T Madhava Rao, abolished the then existing

three Zilla and three Sessions Courts and established four Zilla Courts with

joint civil and criminal jurisidiction. Each Zilla Court consisted of three

judges, two of whom were Hindus, and one, a Christian.

The Appeal Courts were renamed Sadar Courts. Criminal Procedure

was defined and the courts were directed to adopt the scale of punishments

prescribed in the Indian Penal Code. In 1861 the first code of Civil Procedure

was introduced and courts of small cases were also created. :The next year,

the Sadar Courts were remodelled consisting of two sides, civil and criminal,

each being presided over by two judges who biannually took their turn for

263

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

duty. Under the able leadership of Shri M Sadasiva Pillai, Chief Judge of the

Travancore Sadar Courts, a series of reforms was introduced; the salaries of

munsiffs were raised and their jurisdiction too. Rules were framed for testing

the qualifications of candidates for appointments in the judicial service

Regulations were passed for the appointment of duly qualified vakils to

appear and plead in the courts. Criminal cases were heard and disposed of

by single judge, thus reducing delay. Conduct of business in courts was

regulated by legislative enactments. A law of limitation of suits was intro-

duced. Distinction between Sirkar Adalum and private suits was dispensed

with. The practice of hearing parties orally on their respective cases either by

themselves or through their vakil and of pronouncing judgements on days

appointed and duly notified was introduced. J udgements were to be written

by the judges themselves.

In 1865, by a regulation, vakils were admitted for the first time for

pleading criminal cases. By a regulation of 1871 it was provided that when

a division occurred in the Sadar Courts, opinion of the senior judge would

prevail and be pronounced as the decree or order of the courts. The

regulations also provided that in cases of differences of opinion at the sitting

of an even number of judges short of the full bench, another judge of the court

was to be called in. By a subsequent regulation, Zilla and Sadar Courts were

invested with certain appellate and revisional powers over the proceedings

of the magistracy. The Dewan Peishcars were constituted magistrates, each

in his own division in the place of the Dewan and their powers and those of

the sub-magistrates were defined and laid down.

By aroyal proclamation of 1875 a ChristianJudge, being a European

British subject, was constituted as the Judge of Sadar Court. By a regulation

of 1879, the number of judges of Sadar courts was reduced to three, and the

power and duties of these courts were defined as well as of a single judge with

reference to civil and criminal cases and general supervision over subordi-

nate judiciaries. By the same regulations the powers of the Zilla Courts were

increased. Cases in which death or life imprisonment was to be awarded were

referred to the Sadar Courts. Appeals lay from all convictions, but the Govt

alone could appeal from acquittals. On questions of fact, only one appeal was

allowable.

During the reign of Maharaja Rama Varma (Visakham Thirunal)

(1880-1885) the police force was reorganised and separated from the

l

magistracy. The Indian Penal Code and the Criminal Procedure Code were

introduced into the criminal courts, which were till then working on the

models of these codes, though they were not binding on them as legal

enactments. A regulation passed in 1876 consolidated and amended the law

§

264

Judfcial System of Ke;ala in the Nineteenth Century

relating to the Zilla and Munsiff Courts. By the regulations issued in 1882,

the chief court of judicature was changed into High Court, and the number

of judges was raised from three to five, one Chief Justice and four puisne

judges, with a Pandit to advise on points of Hindu law. The regulation also

laid down in clear terms the jurisdiction of the single judge bench and

division consisting of two judges and also the procedure to be followed when

differences of opinion arise between two judges constituting the division

bench.

2

During the reign of Maha Raja Rama Varma (Srimoolam Thirunal)

reforms already introduced were pushed forward. By a regulation of 1886,

the decrees of the civil courts in British India and the Cochin state were

authorised to be executed in Travancore and a set of rules were framed for this

purpose. So also qualifications were prescribed for munsiffs and vakils and

the test approved by the British Govt. and the University being adopted for

this purpose. In 1889, the Law relating to the civil procedure was revised and

re-enacted on the lines of the British Indian Code. The only significant

change during the closing years of the 19th Century was that the Law college

was placed under the _High Court with the European Judge as the principal.

Cochin

The evolution of the judicial administration in Cochin was condi-

tioned and shaped by her frequent contacts with the outside world. Cochin

was initially introduced to the Portuguese in 1500, subjected to Dutch

supremacy in 1662 AD and formally brought under the British Paramountcy

on 6th May, 1809. It was under the British rule, that Cochin came to have a

well-organised, modern judicial administration.

Pre-British Cochin had a special system of justice. There were

Assemblies of Elders in each Tara, Desam and Nad, corresponding to village,

taluk and district, consisting of men of integrity, honesty and character. With

the coming of the Aryans administration of justice was conducted in

accordance with the Vedic laws. The maintenance of law and order in Cochin

was so standardised that it elicited the admiration of foreign travellers like

Sulaiman who had visited the land by 820 AD.Ibn Batuta who stayed in

Malabar from 1324 to 1354 expressed his appreciation of the honesty of the

people.

The administration of criminal justice was strict and severe. Criminal

cases after preliminary enquiry by the Elders, were forwarded to the kin g for

final disposal. Usually, a further enquiry by a court presided over by the

minister was held, and thiscourt in consultation with the Brahmins pronounced

the judgement. The decrees could be executed only with the approval of the

265

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

king. During the Portuguese and Dutch period, Assemblies of Elders gradu-

ally became extinct. Inspired by the bold action of Marthanda Varma in

Travancore. chieftains of Cochin were sacked and Kariakkars or Ministers

were appointed instead

In 1790, the East India company entered into a treaty with the Raja of

Cochin Raja Rama Varma popularly known as Sakthan Tampuran whereby

Cochin became a tributary of Britain. With the treaty in 1792, the company

was made suzerain over the native states of Cochin and Travancore. The

relationship was further confirmed and consolidated with the failure of the

evolt* of Velu Thampi and Paliyath Achan resulting in the latter's exit from

the political horizon of Cochin

The assumption of the office of Dewan by Col Munro was a turning

point. He assumed the office of Dewan in 1812 and continued till 1814. He

suppressed corruption and lawlessness with an iron hand. As the first step

Munro divested Kariakkaras, who were the collectors of revenue, of their

judicial function, and established instead regular courts of justice at important

places presided over by paid judges. Thus two suboridnate courts were

established at Trichur and Thrippunithura. Each Court was presided over by

three judges, viz a Hindu, a Christian and a Brahmin Sastri. A superior Court

called Huzur court was started at Cochin which ultimately became the High

Court of Kerala. The Huzur Court had four judges — a Dewan and three

judges, a Hindu, a Christian and a Brahmin Sastri. Dharmasastras and local

usages provided the law. If the parties belonged to different religious

practices, the personal law of the defendant and the Dharmasastras were

relied upon. Trial by ordeal was abolished

In 1816 Lt Blacker, the Asst Resident, introduced the following

reforms

1. Suits against white Jews and charges of murder were triable only

by Huzur Courts. 2. A proclamation or Hooknama of 1816 defined the

procedure applicable to the criminal cases. Though the subordinate courts

were competent to try all criminal complaints, the decisions were subjected

to confirmation by the Huzur Courts. 3. Court fees or Dasturipanam was

levied by the sale of stamped cadjan leaves or Achadiyola 4. For the first

time, authorised agents or Vakils, were recognised for conducting cases

In 1818, during the Dewanship of Nanjappayya, subordinate courts

* The first shot of anti-British revolt of Velu Thampi and Paliyath Achan was fired on

18 December 1808 with an attempt on the life of the Resident in Cochin. The attempt proved

to be a tragedy for the simple reason that Paliyath Achan conveniently crossed the floor and

surrendered to the English. Conseqently a new treaty was signed on 6th May, 1809 which made

Cochin Raja a vassal of the Company

266

Judicial System of Kerala in the Nineteenth Century

were converted into Zilla Courts, the Court at Tripunithura was shifted to

Erakulam and renamed Zilla Court of Anjikaimal. The Huzur Court was

converted into an appellate court, and it was the last court of appeal as far as

Cochin state was concerned.

f

During the Dewanship of Vankita Subbaya in 1835 AD regulations

were introduced for reforming judiciary on European lines. A périod of

b

limitation was prescribed for execution of decrees. The magisterial functions

separated from the revenue Officers during the time of Col Munro, were

b

again restored to them and the Dewan became the chief controllin g authority

of magistracy and the police. The Zilla courts became criminal courts of

respective Zilla with power to try all criminal cases except minor offences.

6

Circuit judges were appointed for the trial of sessions cases and the judges

of the Appellatg Court were empowered to go on circuit for trying sessions

cases.

Ir

With the rapid development of economic conditions, a few changes

I

were called for. The tahasildar of Chirrur was invested with judicial powers,

in 1852; the jurisdiction and constitution of civil courts were changed. The

y

Zilla Judges became 'small cause judges'. A full-time munsiff was posted in

Chirrur and another at Ernakulam. In the year 1863, two more munsiffs were

posted at Iringalakuda and Trichur. In 1868 a separate Munsiff's Court was

established for Trichur taluk and one for Cochin taluk in 1877.

I

S

In the field of criminal justice, several reforms were introduced. By

the regulations of 1861, sessions courts were empowered to award impris-

onment not exceeding seven years, 48 stripesora fine of Rs 500/-.In 1868,

Zilla Criminal Courts were established in the place of Circuit Courts or

Sessions Courts.

The regulations of 1866 prescribed competitive examinations for

selection of lawyers. The law prescribed strict rules regarding the qualifi-

cations, remunerations and general behaviour of Vakils.

In 1882, a supreme court, called Raja's Court of Appeal was created.

Thus there were the Munsiff's Courts, Zilla Courts, the Appeal Court and His

Highness the Raja's Court of Appeal. Two years later, a penal code and

il

criminal procedure code corresponding to British Indian Acts in almost all

its essentials, were introduced.

The dawn of the twentieth century witnessed the passing of the

Cochin Chief Court Act by which the Appeal Court was transformed into the

Chief Court of Cochin and the Raja's Court of Appeal was abolished. It was

also providedin the act that the first jud geof the appeal court shall be the chief

justice and the second and the third judges, the puisne judges of the court.

A special feature of the chief court was that one of its puisne judges had to

267

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

be a Christian. The Chief Court was granted plenary jurisdiction, both civil

and criminal including original jurisdiction in some cases and was the last

court of appeal in the State. On the criminal side, the reforms introduced in

1884 continued until 1907, when the Dewan A.R. Banerji relieved Peishcars

and Tahsildars-of their magisterial function and appointed full-time Sub-

Magistrates under a District Magistrate.

The nextepoch making event in the evolution of the modern Judiciary

in Cochin began in 1938, when the Chief Court was transformed intothe High

Court of Cochin by the Government of Cochin Act 1938 and the Seat of High

Court was declared to be at Ernakulam. The Act besides retaining the

provision in the Cochin Chief Court Act regarding the Christian Judge, also

vested the High Court with advisory jurisdiction. Incidentally, there wasalso

a clause prohibiting the Court from exercising or enjoying any jurisdiction

over the person or property of His Highness.

By the Travancore-Cochin High Court Act1949, the High Court of

Cochin became the High Court of the unified state of Travancore and Cochin.

The 1951 Travancore Cochin Civil Courts Actconsolidated and amended the

law relating to the civil courts subordinate to the High Court namely the

District Court, the Court of the subordinate Judge, the Court of small causes

and the court of the District Munsiffs. The Criminal courts were governed by

the Indian Penal Code and the Criminal Procedure Code.

With the formation of the Kerala State in 1956, the above Acts were

repealed by the Kerala High Court Act in 1958. Under this Act, the High

Court was endowed with jurisdiction over the whole of the newly constituted

state of Kerala.

Malabar

In Malabar the early legal system was exceptionally simple, the mode

of administration being crude and primitive. Its origin has to be sought in

customs and traditions known as Maryada, Margam and Acharam. The most

perceptible feature of this early administration of justice was the privileged

status guaranteed to Brahmins and ethno-centric activities to establish their

superiority. Rights in that period meant the benefits conferred by society on

that creative minority. No hierarchy of courts, in the modern sense, existed

and no uniform law recognized. Justice was administered on various levels

by the assemblies like Tarakuttams and Nattukuttams by barons like Desavali

and Naduvali and associations like Manigramam, Anchuvannam and Urala

Samiti. Malabar was ceded to the British by the treaty of Seringapatam in

1792 and the advent of the British marked a new phase in the progress of the

country and its administration. A regular but imperfect system of judicial

268

Judicial System of Kerala in the Nineteenth Century

administration commenced from 1792 under the joint Commissioners from

Bengal and Bombay, after incorporating Malabar in the Bombay Presidency.

The responsibility of the administration of Malabar after its cession

devolved upon the Govt. of Bombay to which it was annexed. In order to

bring the warring princes and chieftains of Malabar under control and to

establish law and order in the country, Lord Cornwallis, Governor General

of India, instructed Robert Abercromby, Governor of Bombay, to appoint a

commision. The Commisioners had to organise a system of Government in

the ceded territory which would prevent internal dissensions among the

chiefs and secure under a regular administration of justice, all advantages to

the East India Company.

In December 1792 the Company set up a temporary Court of Justice

at Calicut presided over by each of the joint Commissioners in turn.

Subsequently, when Mr Farmer was appointed the supervisor in Malabar, his

assistant in Calicut and the northern and southern superintendents were

vested with civil and criminal jurisdiction in the respective divisions. A year

later, in 1793 seven local Darogas were established in Cannanore, Quilandy,

Tanur, Thiroorangadi, Ponnani, Chettuvayi and Palghat.

The origin of the modern system of judicature is to be traced to the

Cormwalli's code which was extended to Madras in1802. Malabar was made

a part of Madras Presidency in 1802. A hierarchy of courts was established

by a series of Regulations passed in 1802. That year saw the separation of the

judiciary from the executive. In that year a provincial court was established

in Tellicherry, presided over by three judges, two of whom went periodically

on circuit. Zilla Courts were established at Tellicherry and Calicut and

Registrar's Court at Calicut. In 1816 District Munsiff's Courts were insti-

tuted. However, in the year 1845 all these Courts were abolished and their

places were taken by the Civil and Sessions Courts of Tellicherry and Calicut

and the principal Sadar Amin's Court at Tellicherry. In 1875 the Civil and

Session judges became the Disctrict and Session Judges of North and South

Malabar and the principal Sadar Amin became the subordinate judge. A

special feature of the judicial system in Malabar was the establishment of

Village Courts with the Village Headmen under the Village Courts Act 1889

to try petty suits where the value of the cause of action did not exceed Rs 20.

But these Courts were not very popular. The volume of litigation in the

District Court was immense with the district contributing nearly 18 of the

total litigation of the Madras presidency.

For adminisumion of Criminal justice a stationary Magistrate with

269

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

second class powers was stationed in each Taluk barring Wynad where the

|

Sheris/Magistrates enjoyed powers. So also the Deputy Tahsildar of the

District was also the Subordinate Magistrate with II Class powers. The

Tahsildars of Taluks who have II Class powers try only those cases which are

transferred to them for disposal by the District and Divisional Magistrate.

The District Magistrate, the six Divisional Magistrates and the Treasury

Deputy Collector had the usual I Class powers. The two Sessions Courts of

North and South Malabar sat at Tellicherry and Calicut respectively.

Thus the contribution of the British in building up an organised

system of Judicial Administration in Malabar needs special mention. They

built order out of chaos, codified the existing law and in the later stages,

during the reign of Lord Comwallis, separated the judiciary from the

Executive. The British also evolved the system of appointment of qualified

Vakils and the principle of arbitration. Elaborate rules of procedure were laid

down. The principle of justice, equity and good conscience were to govern

the judges while deciding cases. To prevent miscarriage of justice, the British

evolved a system of appeal from the lower to the higher Tribunals. Last but

not least, was the contribution of Col Munro in Indianising the judiciary.

Separation of the police funtion from revenue hands was the most important

alteration. Other significant modifications were the introduction of Auxiliary

Courts and the establishment of Sessions Court. On the civil side, the

jurisdiction of the Zilla Judges, the Registrar and the Disctrict Munsiffs were

extended.

However, the system of judicial administration evolved by the British

had certain fundamental defects. First, the British subjects were not ame-

nable to the jurisdiction of the Courts. Secondly, the procedures followed by

the Courts were elaborate and native customary practices were set aside.

Thirdly, several denominations of Courts, established by the British, not

only contributed to the recurring drain of company's resources but also

eventually turned out to be organised centres of oppression. The Courts

remained a mystery to the people who looked upon them with suspicion and

hatred. The English Magistrates and Judges who knew nothing about the

customs, usages, languages, religions, of the people of Malabar, tried to

enforce English law in a country which had nothing in common with

England.

Another field in which the British tried to introduce reform was the

law relating to succession among the Nairs of Malabar governed by

Marumakkathayam law. The term Marumakkathayam applies to that system

of kinship which regulates succession through the maternal line. Itis descent

through the female line or through sister's children. Tl?e tharawad (family

270

Judicial System of Kerala in the Nineteenth Century

property) is the joint property of all the members. According to William Logan

in his book "Malabar", Dr Gundert has listed the communities which

followed the Makkathayam and Marumakkathayam systems of inheritance.

There are different theories regarding the origin of this system of inheritance.

One major theory is that Nairs as a community were a martial race and

consequently the men had most often to leave the house and thus the

responsibility of running the family devolved on the women. There was also

polyandry, ie the practice of one woman having more than one husband. In

these circumstances, succession came to be determined on the matrilineal

side, since maternity was a fact and peternity, a fiction. The eloquent words

with which the Malabar Marriage Bill commissioners expressed their opinion

of this system are worth quoting. "With the advance of education,

Marumakkathayam is becoming hopelessly unworkable. It offends against

every principle of political economy and of healthy family life. It is based

upon the doctrine that there is no merit in female virtue and no sin in

unchastity; and of this doctrine the very founders of this system are heartily

ashamed. By freeing a man from the obligation of maintaining his wife and

offspring, it sanctions the reckless propagation of the species, destroying all

motives of prudence and forethought and forces up the population to the

point whence

it must be put down by the actual want of means of

subsistence.” But this reform met with stiff opposition from the Hindus of

Malabar and led to a submission of memorandum by Mr O Chandumenon

who himself was a member of the Commission, against the proposed

legislaton. The apprehension expressed by Mr Menon on the bill in the

following words would reveal the intensity of attack that the legislation had

to face "The Bill says that the law is intended for Hindus following

Marumakkathayam law of succession. The people rightly ask where we will

find such Hindus 15 or 20 years after the bill becomes law. It is idle to say

that the Bill does not interfere with the Tarawad of Malabar. It destroys the

Tarawad system altogether. The Tarawad property means the accumulation

of wealth, acquired by the individual members of such Tarawad, and if it

holds, as the Bill shows, that the individual acquisition should hereafter go

to the wife and children of the person acquiring it and at the same time that

the property, already accumulated, under Tarawad system, should be distrib-

uted and enjoyed according to the Marumakkathayam law, it is perfectly

plain that the Tarawad cannotexist for any length of time. Therefore, in plain

words the Bill aims at abolishing the Tarawad system altogether."

Mappila Outbreaks

A peculiar problem faced by the British administration in Malabar

271

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

during the 19th century was the frequent outbreak of rebellion by the

Mappilas. The Muslims of the Malabar coast are called Mappilas. They were

encouraged by the Zamorin of Calicut who gave themall facilities. Inreuturn

the Mappilas helped the Zamorin. to increase his power and wealth and also

supported him in his several campaigns. Very cordial relations existed

between the Hindus and Muslims in Malabar prior to the coming of the

Portuguese. The advent of the Portuguese marked a turning point in the

history of Malabar. The Arabs and the local Muslims distrusted the

Portuguese from the very beginning because they correctly assessed that the

coming of the Portuguese would signal the end of their monopoly in foreign

trade in Malabar. The activities of the Portuguese on the Malabar coast led

to the decline of the power and prosperity of the Zamorin of Calicut; and

along with it, of Mohammedan merchants.

The Portuguese policy of cruelty towards the Muslims and tolerance

towards the Hindus brought about a serious rift between the Hindu and

Muslim communities of Malabar. The Mysorean invasion of Malabar (1766-

1792) also led to the deterioration of the relations between Hindus and

Muslims. The land settlement arrived at by Tipu Sultan in favour of the

Mappilas, further aggravated all the hatred and bittemess that had already

developed between the Mappilas and Hindus in Malabar.

The position of the Mappilas in Malabar was a serious problem to the

|

English Company when they took over the District of Malabar from Tipu

Sultan in 1792. The problem had two facets. First, there was a law and order

problem arising from the turbulent nature of the Mappila who refused to

reconcile to foreign rule after tasting political power under the Mysoreans.

The British reacted with force. Second, there was a problem of land

settlement which had been made complicated by Tipu Sultan's rule. The new

revenue settlement by the British ensured peace for about a quarter of a

century, but there were outbreaks by Mappilas which started in 1836 and

continued with short intervals upto the first quarter of the twentieth century.

The impact of the British rule, in the erstwhile Malabar, Travancore

and Cochin areas, particularly in the field of administration of justice, has

been considerable; in all its aspects, beneficial or otherwise it has long been

a commonplace in historical literature. A sound judicial administration such

as the present one can be considered the best and greatest legacy of the

British. A network of courts, thoughtfully planned and arranged in tiers and

grades, has spread throughout the land to administer law and to impart justice.

The fundamental principles governing the British system of admin-

istration of justice, namely justice, equity and good conscience were imbibed

into the set-up. Butby far the greatest contribution of the British system was

272

Judicial System of Kerala in the Nineteenth Century

that it put an end to discrimination based on‘ status, caste and religion. The

system of appeals, modification of laws and the separation of the judiciary

from the executive are the significant milestones in the evolution of the

present judicial system. But the system had its own drawbacks particularly

its irrelevance to the Indian situation. But on a final scrutiny the advantages

of the system outweigh the defects.

Glossary Of Terms

A

Achadiyola

Stamped cadjan bearing the seal of

the state

Acharam

Usage; established custom.

Anacharam

irregular custom

Anchu Vannam

Assembly of village

representatives.

C

Cadjan

The dried leaf of the palmyra tree

Chattavarioylas

Codes of rules and laws

Circuits are certain divisions of the

Circuit courts

kingdom appointed for the judges to go

at stated times every year, for the

administering of justice.

D

Darogas

Chieftains

Dastooripanam

Court fee

Desam

Taluk; a sub-division of a country

Devadasi system

A system by which young girls were

dedicated to temples; they were

temple courtesans and dancing girls

Dewan peishcar

A higher revenue and police officer

in a Division

Dezhavazhi

A hereditory local chieftain; the

®

ruler or head of a Desom

Dharmasastras

Ethics;laws

E

Ezhava

A dominant backward caste in Kerala

J

Jenmi system

Landlordism

K

1

Kariyakkar

Chief executive; Minister

Kudippaka

Family feud; vengeance among

house holds.

273

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

M

Madyasthas

Mediators

Makkathayam

The ordinary law of inheritance from

father to son

Manu

Manigramam

Name of a trading company

A great Hindu sage and the greatest of

all law givers

Margam

OId custom; manner; mode

Marumakkathayam

Matrilineal system of inheritance

Custom

Maryada

Mukhyasthas

Headman

i

N

Nadu

District

Naduvazhi

Chief of the nadu or district

Nattukuttam

A general assembly

.

P

%

Pandaravaka Vakkils

Government pleaders, appointed to

conduct sirkar (government) cases

R

Raja

Supreme ruler of the land, a king,

prince a title given by the native

governments and in later times by

the British government to Hindus of Rank

:

S

Sadar Amin

Native judicial functionary

Sadar court

Court of appeal; chief court

Shanas

A dominant backward caste in Kerala

Sirkar Adalum

Government law-suits

Smriti

The body of the recorded or remem

bered law; the ceremonial and legal

institutes of the Hindus

T

Tara

Village

Tarakuttam

Local assembly

Tarawad

A marumakkathayam family

U

Uralasamithi

Assembly of village representatives

Uzhiyam

Compulsory labour without payment

Yagnavalkya

Name of the law giver in

ancient India

e —

Z

Zilla courts

District courts

Courtesy: 1. Aiyar, P. Ramanatham 1940 Law Lexicon of British India, Madras. 2.

Gundert Hermann, 1872, 1991 A Malayalam and English Dictionary,Mangalore,

Kottayam 3. Malayalam Lexicon 1965, University of Kerala Publication, Trivandrum

274

Select Bibliography

Azaria, S.A.

1932

A Judicial History of Travancore, Trivandrum

Innes and Evans,

1951

Malabar District Gazetteer, Madras

1965

Iyyer, K.V., Krishna

A History of Kerala.

Logan, W.

1951

Malabar 3 Vols (Reprinted), Madras

Menon, A. Sreedhara

1965

Emakulam District Gazetteer, Trivandrum

Menon, A. Sreedhara

1962

Kozhikode District Gazetteer, Trivandrum

Menon, A. Sreedhara

1964

Quilon District Gazetteer, Trivandrum

Menon, A. Sreedhara

1962

Trichur District Gazetteer, Trivandrum

O 00 IO\ WD W -

Menon, A. Sreedhara

1962

!;

Trivandrum District Gazetteer, Trivandrum

10

Menon, A. Sreedhara

1967

A Survey of Kerala History, Trivandrum

11

Menon, C. Achutha

1911

Cochin State Manual, Emakulam

12

Menon, K.P. Padmanabha1924

to 1937

History of Kerala, 4 Vols. Emakulam

13

Menon, Pandiyat Sankara1937

Cochin and her courts of law, Emakulam

14

Menon, P. Shungoonny 1878

15

A Histroy of Travancore, Trivandrum

Panicker, T. K. Gopala

1900

Malabar and its Folk, Madras

16

Pillai T. K. Velu

1940

Travancore State Manual 4 Vols. Trivandrum

17

Ravindran T .K.

1969

18

Ravindran T.K.

1969

Malabar Under Bombay Presidency, Calicut

Comwallis system in Malabar, Calicut

19

Ravindran T.K.

1969

Towards a liberal policy, Calicut

20

Wigram Herbert

1900

Malabar Law and Custom, Madras.

275

DIVERGENT SYSTEMS OF MEbICINE

IN TRADITIONAL KERALA

Sunny P Orathel

Health aspects of Kerala in ancient time

The people of Kerala have ever been relatively healthy because of the

climatic conditions and cultural habits. But, there were sporadic incidences

of infectious diseases like smallpox and tuberculosis. In the distant past there

were no hospitals or clinics in Kerala. The only form of treatment available

in those days was the Ayurveda, even though it never had any scientific

footing to its credit as it owns today. But, the capacity for observation, the

clinical judgement the physicians had at that time, their experiences with the

patients, the experiments they made on the patients —all these were superb,

which even many of the doctors of various systems of modern times lack.

Those were times when there was no facility for or the practice of investigating

a case. There weren’t either text books to refer to or research work to look

forward to hopefully. So the work they turned out is to be highlighted.

Vaidyans (doctors) used leaves, roots, seeds, the stem and bark of

plants and naturally available things like honey and camphor for preparing

various medicines—medical oils and decoctions. Even though there were no

hospitals for inpatient treatment, Vaidyans kept patients at their residence

even for months and years. In palaces, the royal families enjoyed the

privilege of having one or more resident Vaidyans or on call Vaidyans.

Vaidyans believed that their power of curing disease was a divine blessing

earmarked exclusively for them and so kept their medical knowledge secret.

They taught this science only to their descendants, most often to only one of

their sons. Thus, a lot of the art and science of ancient medical treatment was

lost somewhere on the way to the modern technical world.

Introduction of Modern Medicine

The Portuguese set foot in Kerala when Vasco-da-Gama laid his

anchor off Calicut on May 21st 1498. The historic event marked tfle

276

Divergent Systems of Medicine in Traditional Kerala

beginning of a new chapter in the history of Kerala. The Dutch, the French

and the English followed. The nineteenth century saw the introduction and

spread of Western education, in which a very significant role was played by

the Christian missionaries and native rulers. Through the medium of English

education Kerala was exposed to the full blast of Western learning.

When India was under the British rule, physicians were brought to

India from the Western world to treat the English in India particularly the

officials and soldiers. At the very same time, helpers, sisters and ward boys

were Indians. Later on, the retired Indian army men started practising and

were given licence to do so. Thus a group of licensed medical practitioners

(LMP) came into existence. When medical councils were established, it was

compulsory to register all practitioners. When a medical practitioner ap-

proached the council with acertificate from the local civil authorities stating

that he had been practising for more than ten years or so, (the period changed

quite often) he was provided with a registration. Thus another group of

practitioners called Registered Medical Practitioners (RMP) appeared on the

scene and the last few of this set are still active in some rural areas of Kerala.

As and when these LMPs and RMPs started their magic with injec-

tions, tablets and minor surgeries, people were impressed by the immediate

and quick effect of the allopathic system of medicine. The practitioners

inherited the white legacy and soon they emerged as white-collars. It was at

this time Modern Medical Schools were introduced in India, first in 1835 in

Madras and Calcutta, in 1842 in Goa, in 1845 in Bombay (cities in the east

and west coast of India where Westerners had camps and trade relations), and

so on. A few of those, who were privileged to have basic science education

from the colleges in Keraia, and had the opportunity of taking medical

degrees from these schools, later on started practising in towns and cities.

Hence, even before the first medical college commenced at Trivandrum,

there were graduates of Modern Medicine, even specialists in the erstwhile

Travancore-Cochin areas.

THE HEALTH CARE SYSTEM IN KERALA

.The different health systems are spread throughout Kerala and aré

organised under two broad sectors namely, Government and Private. It is

important to note that the three major medical systems, viz modern medicine,

ayurveda and homeopathy are recognised and instituted under the govern-

ment sector. These are parallel services, parallel because there is hardly any

meeting point between them in terms of training, research or organisation.

The private sector also has these three parallel systems and a number of small

traditional systems which will be discussed later.

277

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

ORGANISATION OF HEALTH CARE

?

|

Government Sector

Private Sector

|

l

l

|

|

l

l

|

Allopathy Ayurveda

Homeopathy Allopathy Ayurveda

Homeo-

Other

pathy

Sy;lems

ALLOPATHIC SYSTEM

In Allopathy, the state provides services through medical college

hospitals and.other government hospitals. Medical colleges and para-

medical institutions are under the control of the Director of Medical Educa-

tion and other hospitals under the Director of Health Services. Apart from

these two services, about 1.75 million employees of the state are getting

benefit through 14 ESI hospitals and 140 ESI dispensaries under the Director

of Insurance Medical Services.

ALLOPATHIC SYSTEM

|

Directorate of

Directorate of

Director of ESI

Medical Education

Health Service

Medical Service

Medical Colleges

|

|

|

|

|

Medical

Dental

Nursing

Para

Hospitals

Dispensaries

Course

Course

Course

Medical

Course

|

|

|

|

|

Hospitals

Community

Primary

Dispensaries Nursing

Health Centres

Health

and Health

Centres

Inspectors

|

Training Schools

|

|

|

Taluk Hos. Dist. Hos.

Gen. Hos

Others

278

Divergent Systems of Medicine in Traditional Kerala

Explosive Expansion : Modern

Medical Education

The story of Modern Medical Education in our country is one of the

explosive expansion of health care and medical teaching infrastructure at

various levels. Much of our curriculum and education was necessarily

borrowed from Western medical traditions. But, over the years this has

undergone many changes, and the present system, though with deficiencies,

has been shaped to cater to our national needs.

The first medical college was started in Trivandrum, in 1951 five

years before the formation of the Kerala State. Now there are five medical

colleges with a total annual intake of 700 students for the MBBS course.

Postgraduate courses in the various specialities of medicine and surgery

(MD/MS) have been started in all except the Trichur Medical College, and

superspeciality courses (Mch, DM) at Trivandrum, Calicut and Kottayam.

There are two dental colleges with postgraduate courses in the state. Apart

T o 520 St D S B e

from the medical and dental colleges, there are also nursing colleges,

pharmacy colleges, and paramedical schools for various subjects in the

public and private sectors.

The number of medical, dental graduates, etc registered under various

councilsin Kerala, is a true indicator of Health Manpower of Kerala and this

shows the explosive expansion in modern medicine in a short span of time.

Health Manpower of Kerala: Modern Medicine

Registered with Medical, Dental, Homoeo, Nursing and ANMS

Councils as on 1.1.1990.

Number of doctors (Allopathy)

17532

Number of Doctors (Dental)

943

Number of Nurses

22413

Number of ANMS/Junior Public Health Nurses

9098

STATE HEALTH SERVICES

Health is a state subject under the Indian Constitution, and the re-

sponsibility for providing health services lies with the state’s department.of

health and family welfare. The department is headed by a minister of cabinet

rank, and an IAS officer who works as secretary is in charge of the

administration.

At the state level there are two Directoré of Health Services and under

them additional, deputy and assistant directors for individual programmes.

In the district, the District Medical Officer (DMO) assisted by the deputy

district medical officer looks after the various programmes.

279

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

At the peripheral level, the Primary Health Centre (PHC) is the core

institution of health services infrastructure. The PHC gives coverage to a

rural population of 30,000 with 2 or 3 medical officers and male and female

health workers and supervisors. The PHC has a network of subcentres,each

serving a population of 5,000, managed by one male multipurpose health

worker and one female multipurpose health worker. Various activities of

these workers are maternal and childhealth services, immunisation of infants

and children with BCG, DPT, Measles, Polio Vaccine, etc, distribution of

Vitamin A, family planning motivation, contraception advice, maintenance

of uptodate register of vital events like birth, death, elegible couple, etc,

malaria surveillance, reporting of outbreaks of calamities and infectious

diseases. This brings the male and female health worker in touch with the

people and thus are able to help the authorities

implement various

programmes.

The Community Health Centre (CHC) covers a population of one

lakh and has a 30- bed rural hospital with major specialised curative services,

in gynecology, paediatrics, surgery and medicine. Other than PHCs, and

CHCs and taluk hospitals in rural areas, there are district hospitals and

general hospitals with almost all specialities in the urban centres of Kerala.

HEALTH CARE INSTITUTIONS IN THE

GOVERNMENT SECTOR: (Modern Medicine)

Year

Hospitals

Dispensaries| PHC

CHC

T8

Total

Centre/

(including

Mental, MCH,

Leprosy

Ophthalmic, etc.

Clinic

—

1955

59

150

55

6

270

1987

135

188

651

40

27

1041

1990

140

48

881

54

35

1158

Since 1955-56 there has been considerable increase in the number of

institutions and progress in the health care system. The aim of the govern-

ment is to establish the maximum number of PHCs, at least one in each of the

1000 panchayat areas and maximum number of CHCs. Hence, areduction in

the number of dispensaries and a steady increase in PHCs are noted between

1987 and 1990. The idea is to ensure comprehensive health, (ie preventive,

promotive and curative) for the people living in a defined geographic area

through PHCs and not mere treatment through dispensaries.

|

280

AYURVEDA: Typical Indian Medical System

Ayurveda originated from Atharvaveda. Some people consider

Ayurveda

the fifth veda apart from the original four vedas (Rigveda

Yajurveda, Samaveda, Atharvaveda). But the fact is that Ayurveda is there

in all four vedas and mostly in Atharva veda

Ayurveda developed as eight branches: Kaya chikitsa, (General

medicine), Salya chikitsa (Surgery), Uurdhanga chikitsa (Treatment of

organs above the neck ear, nose, eye, throat, etc), Jaraa chikitsa (Rejuve-

nation), Vrusha chikitsa (Treatment for Sexual debility) Bala chikitsa

(Paediatrics), Visha Chikitsa (Toxicology) and Bhuutha Vidhya (Psycho-

therapy). In Kerala Brahmin families and Ezhava families were the custodi-

ans of Ayurveda knowledge. They were known as Ashta Vaidhyans,

ie physicians well-versed in all the eight branches.

The original Ayurvedom was contained in about 100,000 Sanskrit

verses spread over 1,000 chapters. It wasimpossible for any student to master

this text. So, a comprehensive manual was composed by Vagbhatacharya—

Ashtanga Samgraham. A further simplified version was produced with the

title Ashtangahrudayam (150 Chapters). The title means heart of Ayurvedic

knowledge

Ayurveda in Kerala

Ayurvedic treatment is divided into two, Sodhana Chikitsa and

Samana Chikitsa. Sodhana chikitsa is the method of treatment in which the

alimentary canal and the body are purified. Snehanam, Swedhanam

Vamanam, Virekam, Vasthi, Nasyam are some of the important methods of

Sodhana chikitsa. But in Snehanam and Swedhanam Kerala has some

special techniques which are gaining international popularity

Pizhichil: All parts of the body except the head are treated with oil

The oil is massaged into the body. This treatment is prescribed for Vatham

(Rheumatism). Sometimes it is used to control Diabetes, Blood Pressure, Fits,

Asthma, etc.

Dhara: In dhara the patient lies in a supine position in a trough,and

herbal decotion, cow’s milk, breast milk, butter milk, coconut water, etc are

poured on his head. This treatment is intended mainly for mental diseases

nervous disorders and urinary diseases

Navarakizhi: This treatment is useful in cases of rheumatism and

paralysis. The patient is annointed with suitable medicated oil and is

massaged in seven different positions. Navararice, cooked in milk and herbal

decoction tied up in 8 bundles of clean smooth cloths, is used for massaging

281

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Sirovasthi: This is a mode of treatment in which medicated oil is

applied around the head with special fittings. This is used for neuralgia, optic

atrophy, otalgia, deafness and facial paralysis.

Hortus Indicus Malabaricus: The literature on Ayurveda has

been available in Kerala in the form of commentaries, independent works,

special prescriptions, etc Evenin the twentieth century some famous Ayurvedic

texts were compiled in Kerala—Arogyakalpadrumam, a paediatric text by

Kaikulangara Rama Warrier, Arogya Chintamony, a paediatric text and

Garbarakshakroamom (Cure for pregnant women)

Kerala abounds in a variety of medicinal herbs which are very

importantin Ayurvedic treatment. A seventeenth-century monumental work

in twelve big volumes bears testimony to thisrich heritage of Kerala. “Hortus

Indicus Malabaricus” is a book on herbs of Kerala, published in Amsterdam

in 1678—1703. The whole book was prepared by a Roman Catholic Italian

missionary who spent sixty years in Kerala. Ranga Bhattan, Vinayaka

Pandithan, Appu Bhattan and Itty Achuthan were the local physicians and

scholars who contributed to this work. This valuable work is available in

some German librabries like the Tuebingen University library.

With the introduction and increasing popularity of Western educa-

tion, the privileged sections of society who were diligently learning Sanskrit,

turned to what now appeared to be the more prospective English language.

Hence there was a serious break in the tradition of indigenous medicine;

thousands of palm-leaf manuscripts on Ayurveda are still lying idle in the

manuscript libraries of Kerala.

The Kerala system of Ayurveda treatment developed on its own lines

under the patronage of the ruling princes and with the selfless devotion of the

Ashta Vaidyans, and eventually blossomed into a fullyfledged system of

treatment with its own unique characteristics. A very large majority of the

rural folk of Kerala still depend solely upon Ayurveda. Pizhichil, Navarakizhi,

etc are a few of the physiotherapies developed in our own style in Kerala.

In 1892 an Ayurvedic school was started in Trivandrum by the then

ruler of Travancore for teaching Ayurveda to the members of the ruling

family. The institution was soon taken over by the State Government and

thrown open to all who sought admission. In 1918 the school was upgraded

asacollege and afive year course of study was introduced. As yearsadvanced

modem subjects too were incorporated into the syllabus.

Now there are four Ayurvedacolleges in the State offering the BAMS

degree course. The Master's degree MD (Ayurveda) isawarded to successful

candidates on completion of three years of postgraduate study. Also there are

282

Divergent Systems of Medicine in Traditional Kerala

regional institutes and a Pancha Karma institute, directly under the control

of the Central government, and these are research-oriented.

The department of the Indian system of medicine is functioning under

the control of Director of the Indian System of Medicine with state-wide

jurisdiction. The department is mainly rendering medical aids to the ailing

public especially in the rural areas. There are 101 hospitals including 13

district hospitals and 498 dispensaries spread all over Kerala. In addition the

government gives grant-in-aid to 205 private Ayurvedic health care centres

known as Vaidyasalas.

HEALTH CARE INSTITUTIONS IN THE

GOVERNMENT SECTOR

INDIGENOUS SYSTEMS OF MEDICINE

Ayurveda

Visha Vaidya

Years Hospitals Dispensaries Hospitals Dispensaries Sidha Grant

Total

Disp.

-in-aid

IR TE T A R P RN o PO b D0 AR Al

Institutions

1960-61

37

172

—

216

1975-76 63

376

271

718

1987-88 99

485

208

805

1990

101

498

NN DN

R P~ )

—2-

205

817

The table shows the importance and popularity of the Indian systems

of Medicine in Kerala. The government is eager to develop the system and

all possible assistance is being given to this effort.

HOMEOPATHY

Homeopathy, a totally new branch of medical science shaped in

Germany, was brought to India as a system in 1810 by some geologists and

Christian missionaries. It may be said that Dr Henry Westly Voysey first

practised homeopathy in India, when the founder of Homeopathy was

formulating his Organon of Medicine. ie the Bible of Homeopathy. But this

system became popular only when Dr Honningbergh came to Punjab to treat

the Maharaja Ranjith Singh of Lahore in 1839. West Bengal can be said to

be the home of homeopathy in India.

During the time this system became popular in Lahore and Bengal, it

was introduced in Kerala too. The torch of homeopathy was brought to

Keralafrom Mangalore, where the Jesuit Fathers started the treatment. About

1881 Father Gabriel introduced homeopahty in Cochin. Mr Baker Fenn

283

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

learned the art from him. Many other missionary-minded men introduced the

practice of homeopathy in different parts of Travancore and Cochin.

In 1928 homeopathy was recognised as an approved system of

treatment by the State of Travancore. In 1943 Sir C.P. Ramaswamy Iyer, the

Diwan, introduced the Travancore Medical Practioners Act,and in 1953 the

Travancore Cochin Medical Practitoners Act came into force. In 1957, when

the Kerala state was formed, the eminent Dr A. R. Menon became the health

minister and homeopathy began to flourish in this part of the country. He was

the man who sanctioned in Trivandrum the first Government Homeopathic

Dispensary in India.

The Homeopathic medical education in Kerala was started some 32

years ago in the private sector in Kurichi near Kottayam. At the early stage

three private Homeopathic medical colleges were admitting 220 students

every year. Later in 1976 the Kerala government started a homeo college in

the public sector in Calicut, for imparting a 4.5 year degree course in

Homeopathy, the first of its kind in south India (BHMS - Bachelor of

Homeopathic Medicine and Surgery). Now there are three such degree

colleges in the state, two in the public sector and one in the private, enrolling

150 students. The courses both degree and diploma are conducted as per

homeopathic regulations of 1983 enforced by the Govt. of India.

HEALTH CARE INSTITUTIONS IN THE

GOVERNMENT SECTOR—HOMEOPATHY

Year

Hospitals

Dispensaries

Total

1

5

6

1960-61

1976-77

8

113

121

1986-87

24

459

279

It is, however, not enough to take the number of institutions as an

indicator of the spread of the health care system. Much more crucial

indicators are the number of doctors, beds and paramedical staff.

284

Comparative Statistics on Health Care

Government Sector— 1987

L

Modern Medicine

Ayurveda

Homeopathy

Institutions

1041

805

279

Doctors

3514

708

303

Beds

36479

1869

700

A comparative study of the numberof doctors registered with various

councils in Kerala shows that Allopathic doctors outnumber the doctors of

Ayurvedaand Homeo put together. But the numbers are indicative of the co-

existence and importance of the three systems in Kerala

HEALTH MANPOWER OF THE VARIOUS

SYSTEMS IN KERALA

Registered as on 1.1.1990

Number of Doctors (Allopathy)

17532

3636

Number of Doctors (Homeo)

Number of Doctors(Ayurvedic)

5702

Traditional Systems in Kerala

Like Allopathy, Homeopathy and Ayurveda, there are other branches

inmedicine of Indian origin, practised in Kerala. They are Naturopathy,Yoga

(200-100 BC) pioneered by Patanjali, Ashtanga Hridaya by Vagbhata, Sidha

Yoga (750 AD) by Vrudukunta and Unani

In spite of the rapid strides

modemn medicine and surgery have made, indigenous systems still flourish

in the country and people have an unshakable faith in them

PRIVATE SECTOR

Kerala is known to have better health care facilities for its rural

population, compared to other states in India. This is also due to the

expansions of the private sector, which share a substantial part of the

inpatient requirements for health care in rural areas. There are various types

of hospitals and clinics in all the three systems of medicine in the private

sector.

285

COMPARATIVE STATISTICS ON HEALTH CARE

PRIVATE SECTOR—1987

Modem

Indian Systems

Homeopathy

Medicine Ayurveda

Others

3565

3925

95

2078

Institutions

Doctors

6345

4130

10

2168

Beds

49030

1301

139

296

Paramedical

Staff

13921

998

43

259

Modern medical institutions became popular in Kerala only during

the nineteenth century through Protestant missionaries. It was only in the

twentieth century that the Catholic Church entered the field. Very soon other

service organisations also started hospitals and now most of the established

private institutions are run by one or the other of the three dominant

communities, viz Hindu, Muslim and Christian. A few trust hospitals, co-

operative hospitals and a number of individually owned hospitals are also

operating in the State.

As in the case of educational institutions, Christian missionaries and

priests are concentrating more and more on the health care system. Some of

these are charitable institutions,

getting aid from agencies concerned

abroad. They have better facilities and sophisticated equipmentand provide

for service by a large number of doctors. But they

work only for big

emoluments and naturally the customer has to pay for it. Hence most of these

hospitals are inaccessible to the poorer sections of the society.

UTILISATION OF GOVERNMENT

AND PRIVATE INSTITUTIONS

Of the cases of acute illness only 23 per cent of the patients go to the

government health care institutions for treatment; 66 percent go to the private

health institutions (including co-operative hospitals and private surgeries of

government doctors) and around 11 per cent indulge in self-treatment. Even

among the poor, the majority go in for the private sector rather than the

government sector. A number of reasons are given for this trend. Nearness

of private institutions and better attention given by them, non-availability of

medicines and of doctors and lack of proper medical treatment in govern-

ment institutions are a few among them. Still, the poor look for relief in

hospitals run by the state. Most of them, when compared to private

institutions, are badly equipped and poorly staffed. They have well-qualified

personnel, but put to such circumstances they cannot work effectively.

However, in Kerala there are some well-known medical institutions of

28

Divergent Systems of Medicine in Traditional Kerala

international reputation. Sree Chithra Thirunal Institue of Medical Sciences

in Trivandrum (Modern Medicine) and Kottackal Aryavaidyasala in

Malappuram (Ayurveda) are two good cases in point.

UTILISATION OF HEALTH SYSTEMS

Truly, Modern Medicine is the one which is largely acceptable to the

people or most often resorted to as the first choice. This system has spread

in every nook and cranny of the state with at least one Modern Medicine

doctor in every locality, rural as well as urban. The table below shows the

distribution of utilisation of health systems.

PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION

IN THE UTILISATION OF HEALTH SYSTEMS

Age

Allopathy

Ayurveda

Homeo

Others

All age together

12

10

6

12

Below 5

62

6

18

14

The category 'Others' has a share slightly higher than Ayurveda and

this accounts for the various indigenous practices in Kerala. When we

examine the choice of various health systems for children below five, there

is a decline in the share of Modern Medicine and Ayurveda and an increase

in homeopathy. People would have their children treated with homeopathy

rather than expose them to the strong modern medicine.

Ayurveda has established itself well in the state and the success lies

in its efficacy in treating chronic conditions like rheumatism, orthopaedic

complaints, paralysis, etc. People are even turning to Unani and Naturopathy

treatment, with some success story.

HEALTH STATUS OF KERALA

Kerala is one of the smaller states in India, comprising about 1.2% of

the country’s total area, supporting around 3% of its population. As on 1st

March 1991, the population of Kerala is 2,90,98,518 with a density of 749.

In per capita income, it ranks as one of the poorest in India. High in density,

poor in economy, nevertheless high in health status, may be a unique feature

of Kerala. Various health indices show the tremendous records Kerala has

achieved.

Even in the very early period of this century infant mortality

rate(IMR) was slightly lower in Kerala than the national rate, and the trend

287

Df Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

continues even in 1993. This could be due to high medical attention at birth,

and the high proportion of mothers receiving antenatal care in rural Kerala.

INFANT MORTALITY RATE OF KERALA AND INDIA

Years

Kerala

India

1911

242

278

1951

128

140

1971

61

129

1981

3d

110

1991

26

91

1993 (Feb)

17

87

The expectancy at birth is another means to assess the health status.

Since 1951, men and women in Kerala have had a higher life expectancy than

elsewhere in India.

Decade

Expectation of life at birth

Male

Female

1951-1961

Kerala

443

453

India

36.4

L

1961-1971

Kerala

54.1

57.4

India

44.1

43.6

1971-1981

Kerala

60.6

62.6

India

51.6

50.2

1981-1991

Kerala

67.0

70.2

India

55.0

58.2

Other indices like crude birth rate (eg 19 of 1993 Feb) maternal

mortality rate (eg. 0.8 of 1993 Feb), etc are only a few of the many factors

which show how close Kerala is to the target set for 2000 AD, whereas the

same indices are deplorable in various other Indian states.

Kerala’s success story centres round the effective involvement and

active participation of the community in general and voluntary organisations

in particular especially in the educational and motivational campaigns.

Governments in Kerala have also given high priority to social welfare sectors

such as education and health. Female literacy definitely plays an important

role in the development of the State.

It can be expected that the innovative schemes adopted in Kerala and

the leading role played by the State in the implementation of the various

health and family welfare programmes will serve as amodel for other states.

288

Divergent Systems of Medicine in Traditional Kerala

It is hoped that the State can keep ahead of the pace at which the country is

marching towards the ultimate goal of Health for All by 2000 AD.

In ancient Kerala, medical relief was always associated with religion.

During the early centuries of the Christian era, Buddhist institutions used to

distribute medicines especially medicated oils. This practice was continued

in some Hindu temples which had a Buddhist past. The best example is the

Thakazhi temple where oil is given as a divine remedy. This practice is found

in some churches also.

True to Kerala’s long tradition of cultural tolerance, these three

systems co-exist . However, there were certain occasions when advocates of

these three systems clashed on the starting of new courses. For example in

1976, the Government of Kerala announced the starting of MBS (Bachelor

of Mecdicine and Surgery) course for Homeopathy in one of its medical

colleges. The idea was to integrate Allopathic studies with Homeopathy.

There were other attempts to integrate Allopathy with Ayurveda also. This

was resisted by the practitioners and students of Modern Medicine. Finally

Government had to yield to public pressure and the agitation of students.

However, there are some provisions for familiarising students of indigenous

medicine with Allopathy. This has led to the deterioration of the quality of

Ayurveda and Homeopathy. The purity and integrity of these systems have

been affected.

However, divergent systems of medicine, ancient and modern, em-

pirical or traditional, exist and flourish side by side in India, especially in

Kerala. This peaceful co-existence and success without conflict exemplify

that unique phenomenon in regard to India— which Jawaharlal Nehru was

never tired of emphasizing in his writings and speeches—Upnity in Diversity.

Acknowledgements

Health Profile

1990

Kerala Health Services

Kannan K P

1992

Health and Development in Rural Kerala

KeralaSastra Sahitya Parishad.

Souvenir Cum Directory 1984

Kerala State Homeo Medical Association

Kottayam

Souvenir,

1984

Silver Jubilee Celebration Committee of

Homeo Medical College.

%

Variar PR

1977

The Ayurvedic Heritage of Kerala from Sou-

venirof World Conference on Malayalam—

Kerala Culture and Development, Univer-

sity of Kerala.

In the preparation of this article the following persons have helped me:

1. Dr P Indira, M D Professor of Community Medicine,

Medical College Kottayam

2. Dr A. Joseph Thomas, MBBS, DTCD, Superintendent District T

Centre, Cochin-5

3. DrM Babuji, DHMS

4. Dr Reethamma Paul, BAMS

289

P

-

Appendix

Grammar of (the) Malayalam

Grammar of (the) Malayalam is the first grammatical treatise of Dr

Hermann Gundert, now available in Tuebingen University Li-

brary. As a grammar of the Malayalam language this work may

not be very impressive. But it must be noted that this reflects the

level of proficiency he acquired in Malayalam within a few

months after his arrival in Kerala. It's really incredible! This work

may help the readers to understand better the great linguistic

genius. For more information see P 94-95 of this volume:

Hermann Gundert— Biography.

We are reprographing here the chapter on Phonology. It covers

the first 6 sections (12 pages) of the manuscript with additions in

Gundert's handwriting. The additions in the form of marginal

notes are printed in special brackets: < >. This manuscript has a

total of 56 sections spread over 114 pages. We hope to publish

the whole text sometime later.

291

Grammar of the Malayalam

§1

The Malayalam or Kerala language (2e1008-2010002 -0 8:088044) professes

to have the letters and powers of the Sanskrit alphabet.

These letters are

1. Vowels

LIRERUD

@

@

[240)

83

a

aa

.

11

'f»_oo(m”O) )

uu

m

m

af)

)

6D

Iu

luu

€

€1

§

au

with

@, (anuswaram) and @ws (visargam)

am

ah

Consonants

QO RMEIBUD

Tenues Aspira-Mediae Aspira- Nasa-

Corresponding

tae

tae

les

Vowels Consonants

Gutturals

61l

63

@n OY

a0

MOy

kh

gh

ng

Palatals

oo af)

w

g

ch

\0)

moelaly

%j

jh

gny

6af)

Cerebrals or

Linguals

(23 &)

oY 0

dh

2 BrLMY

Dentals

() ™)

av el

a3y

dh

(<

Labials

B8

géfnasm Ql

630010}

;t:%?

::?(;-)I

bh

f. Not classed

i);

el

[e]]

(€]

a0

Y

(@raIdw.)

y

r

1

v/w

S

‘::r::::

S

h

ksh

NB. Their names are akaaram, kakaaram etc. Their powers are to be learnt

from Sanskrit.

§2

But the Malayalam alphabet as well as the other Peninsular (or Dravida,

Boailw) languages has in fact an alphabet different from the Sanskrit. This,

preserved in Tamil, the one still in use with the Mapillas of the coast, has only

the following letters:

292

[)%;/ ”w’ ﬁ’/

Joz) 4,

U“@/ ?/,y/é »/

a?:)nz /u.:) P

S 4./(//::/ Z)M&*z&

/yfz [7/@/&9 /)422) HAe czcr/ta v Mo kr

422? € *fD0 u}'k' 0(23,/)/%9(? %«/

@ﬁc

657 . — %[ r”LAb/L/

174 « are

w:cda M‘z y .,&Z?Z': sk o

ety £l

Mfy [/f”l A1) i{ n 4{(f‘¢/)¢.¢ 7(’(4 L &5

.

ol , niZ ™ (@ ;mJﬁ';g T//Jé/.»w,,

é (}“ }« 2@ ca (‘/( /?) 41 Z‘ 2"47,

-3 A um‘am—)«, oM, e e, N, &, 6 lu

.rr)

=,

as sl

‘{O{aul 7

g @M A.'z(a/;c;g;./c?—“—- '/4¢/

//)L/J'MILT //, e

Al -

//(( /‘/

myqﬂe and O o %&Qﬂ"(q»@/w

% K”'—"f/m”j- a_D e« Aavs ﬁt

Bocettle Jor

m Q & mf/ ) ad [h ad tn ucnul Oé)/m O Kl

T Al o 76

\/wl(

/»( .¢/;,) 7?(2 \.j)tu (F P IR

%{.f tr»c/z/u;f 724/ Od)d /cr O.d)glﬁa./m

zfivvl/‘ ﬂ@))ko

a /7 ))-u/u

L

4

LV

Ne r//m,u/

& T i

(d’r‘ &0 A\au =

ﬁﬂ””/&dxﬂ/z_ A 2; 7ﬂlf AV s ,uy

IY///@/‘)

44

m e

@w, Ja‘\?/h lu,a wy) Aee -

A o T, ot‘a/t?‘ » ate 7;/{" ;44-1'- /971//' a'/vw-(

WJ[GW‘MAM

ke’ :’Iw/» /"7 ;)

i

f = ﬂ‘& Z.‘, /uré' [A.'a

m} J/u /Y\)J a’ﬂa

/{M é%t/ /;7(/,7 /“um l‘ca,,pc)/ucu.&_a: M

) mr, ™ 2, =

(‘t‘ mg 5#""’"#’4")#

e Qm'"%%‘ R Rl A

zoa,/c/) £, 720:/4,{«,& @ nx, ﬂ&Jncq

W/l

z,{f/' l?ﬂt"?-

“Q’)?Du {wa mJ oy, L’Z/Jut He -

P R R c‘/u:/L/D tz&

7‘“ Y.

W\/’)‘/h

#é})//442" =

WW/\,

fera

9 {

—-

/;.

onJ

ab/c(a.d’r

P ﬂwm

Vwazn ‘o B A J:

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

Vowels

a

aa

1

11

u

uu

€

€C

ai

(0]

0

au

kh

It adds to the Sanskrit vowels the short e and o (hence e and o are occasionally

distinguished in writing by marks of length, thus g e¢, &0 00) and excludes

the semivowels g3, m), both long and short, as well as anusvara and visarga.

The 18 consonants are divided into 3 classes.

1. Strong C

k

2. Weak C

(nasals) ng

gny 1

n

3. Middle C

y

r

1

v

rl

NB. The first class, of which the fivek ¢ t t p are each representants of a whole

Sanskrit varga (k of k, kh, g, gh, etc.) has this peculiarity that the strong sound

ascribed to them belongs to them only as the initials of a word or when written

doubled, whereas, in the middle of words ® k is sounded like g or German

ch, aiclikesorz, st like d,mtliked or dh, as p like b, bh, and even w, for

the peculiarities of the letter o and its associate see § 4.

§3

The formation of syllables is the same s in Sanskrit, a @ is inherent to every

consonant, except in the finals n, n, r, 1, 1 when written e, a3, 8, @3, ¢ .

- aa is represented by (o) the sign of length (31@e1. dirgham), thus 04, read

kaar. - igis changed into the sign (1) called aigsil “the creeper” - the substitute

for ii g™ .. is the 3132aicugs (1) thus ) ki, o1 kii. The marks of u, u are

annexed below the letter with a few different formations (viz. 1. and o

become ku, kuu @), @} Tu, ruu @), @} 2. 0, a0, &,t, bh, s, h form vy, »; gu,

guu 20}, a0) chu, chuu, ), ) tu, tuuetc.) 3. The remainder em), em)nu, nuu,

en, e lu, luuetc.) - g3 gg; as in &y oy kri, krii (also e kru) - luis written below

the consonant, f.i., &smyklu. The substitute of ag e and ee ogis the "dot" (a1a80)

written before the consonant, and ei has the double dot: thus os; ke, o# (or

as in Tamil c,) kee, ooa kei - 0 00 use both the pulli before, and the dirgham

after their consonant; thus 0 ko, 80 (or as in Tamil e#:0) koo; and double

dirgham makes it au f.i.e®v, (or ®m) kau -

Consonants without intervening vowels (called andemoomie. full letters) are

to be written one below the other, excgpt in case the signs of the final

294

Appendix

consonants ( en3, a3, 8, @3, «3) are employed, f. 1., qssa, mdmo sna, i1 fi, oio?

sthi; @ds, 1ka, but e lka

Some letters when doubled receive peculiar forms e kk, am ™

,a,;cc )

5lt, o Or @ tt, an NN, o pp, eamm,q Yy, gj11, gjor oy vv. Conson

téh

tspreceded

by theirnasals: & nk, smuinca, enenda, annta, cump, minw. The first4 avargams

y, I, 1, w are changed into the following substitutes

1.y - y thus sy kya etc

2.r-(fl,mkra 3.1 ggelc

4. —1amkwa 5. desrka, dprgaetc

§4

Two families of Malayalam (or Tamil) letters require a particular explana-

tion

A. o, ®, e1, @. These letters are pronounced by bringing the tongue in contact

with the protuberance between the upper teeth and the palate and are

therefore of a sound intermediate between that of the dentals and palatals or

Cerebrals (Telugu changes them generally into the latter, Canarese into the

former class of letters). Single o is the Europeanr, (f.i., axwo) wayaru "belly™)

double o becomes a t with a colouring of the (f.i., aiwgled wayattil "in the

belly™)

< 0} = @ chiefly in compos. saideqisie = oa100s >

o following its corresponding nasal a3 is sounded a3o "nd" with a shade of

the o (f.1., agoadomine yerde). This letter is called ooe. to distinguish it from

o called, #ean, which in Malayalam has a peculiarly soft sound, difficult to

the European. In different districts you may hear aisms), einz), aeng), mems),

for eeme)= 2, eI, 300y, a N.pr. 0oadm, 210203. N.pr. Initial 0 in S. words is in

M. often preceded by a vowel anos9) (@0a110) ajanneinds. (for a-eeng.) poyal

(@)ato) @20l for mowl. N.pr. It changes occasionally (when final) with o f.i.,

aiwo) in poet. also aiwd, m1d water in the locat. also m1gl@3-203-295-3:08, &0

black, a3 mmiyeoad a compound with @,}o) "part, rank” - that means @ is

also representative of final o

e s a similar soft liquid <vulg. corrupt. el for eo@ etc.>, changes with

o (in Tulu its regular substitute) < gmoso (Tulu) meiswon (Tam)>

f.i., asewo shield for aidlal, aiei for 2o cloth 1, aigpes from - aieyes. - with

ad before nasals, f.i., 2o "more and more" for paad vam, ma goodness

and meia, many what is good for' mado; and this for meiom,

<Bhag. anemad <Sandhi> on Sandhi

Chan. afleemas on the finger> - with o before o f.i., ailg; "sold" for aieiom)

from ai@3 to sell, mloyom), mdom, the causal verb of ™3 "stand”- and is,

when final, often dropped entirely before the strong consonants &, a1€tc., f.i.,

@96100@ Hosaw at the foot, < aiciens to pull (a net) = > aivno>

295

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

©2Liom., HDOMa. first class &eioms., &-oms. ston@hall, (S.¥T.) anmyoecd

for anmmenmdat the door < 6@:0016e@8 > &Sq ) sea-hog, porpoise @:sqpo.

sea shore etc. from @53, 2emqj300 2emewlg (from aemaed ) sand bank, river

island, ayam (@8)ome) sprinkling the round* before kings. hence S.

<Sandhi, hence S. > < wleiato, aflgjo >

ad changes before hard letters into @ (Tamil o) f.i., a 13, ail€ia0s) "after", mya3,

meians) "before” oyeianen; 'went in before' hence meia0$a "present”

ooyeiains) "a high class of Brahmins."

< 9a106m105), and 9a10@e 2100} (PO.) from ©a1®. Haideiay, Oaiocisnel. > (N

poet. mygima, "former birth" for oy@xa. ?)

NB. 1. @30 has become generally changed into am, f.i.,01d gad o) "today" modern

o amy (this change is however of a later period of the language than that of

amy into am). In one inscription of AD 1525 you find 2ya30) "three” @rado) “that

day" with @1ém; old ®1dam).

At present a3 o occurs only in the genitive of some declensions, f.i., apadeo

"mine" as euphonic change of «gmm; see § (7)

NB. 2. @ has been dropped, like @3, before several consonants, f.i., before a

as in oomoead "workmen" from @320., &:3moe020a0@ a vulgar name from wadao.,

2132@adis], alomg) Whip (ndenn, 2leee sugar.

B. s, sm, 8, v are pronounced with the tip of the tongue raised perpendicularly

to the roof of the mouth, all except the last are easier to a European, than the

corresponding letters o, m, e. Where single s s; precedes a double o, the

sound is likely to be taken for that of R, on account of the rapid movement

of the tongue from the middle of the palate to its station between the teeth,

f.i., &»syommos) what Europeans call Cartanad and the Portuguese sort-, hort-

in native pronunciation becomes aavos®, 8ssom). Here are some instances

of euphonic changes which will be explained in etymology: a»meye, @0emyo

see, 05)@ Show, @:08a1sight. - ea:06me; past tense of omogsye for emowdam)

- aflem; past tense of areye, "fall” for andam; - a5y past of eawdes to hear.

@ isnotonly the final form of g, (changed before nasals into em f.i., omaspy0)

90 from emoud before and myoy 100, £eemoa0. poet. for puBeaa0., pemdmIs]

?

(CrG.) saugpioy white ashes and easspgleloan white moon, poet. - from i)

S. 02§-0003, aualv. ~ audwns; but also the representative of ¢, ageqoud what

time? from ea109, which reappears in the original form, whenever the word

receives an addition ageqjo9). always, @peqonesa; at that very time (in poet.

@600 100905202 eLC.). <Sandhi> meqjoslailes

:

¢ is a mixed sound of Ir, vulgarly confounded with y <and w,f.i., afi¢ fine vu.

oai > f.i. @ aiday of the week often pronounced like aaycha, on the other

hand mmmowo wﬁtten for aaoomow, "children's inheritance." agyeymig; stood

296

Appendix

»

dp, ageo 7 '/2 by mistake written, agemig), age; ailea3, "shade” even pro-

nounced like em®:)@d (In Canarese g, in Telugu w aré regularly substituted

to this letter. In the word maly, tadbhavam of galaw. it stands for w, ™ .o,

9. Ceylon Pali avlaos. for g8) <so mosl a measure from S. moaus >

NB. 1. g is substituted for e in many Sanskrit words, when it serves as

formation syllable of adjectives, f.i., o026 (from 2e1,) commonly eao28.

Initial g only in 2.0008044@, 680443, (as it is occasionally written for

2n000e06:3 "the great persons” the nobility).

NB. 2. ®#is sometimes dropped in compounds when followed by a hard letter,

f.i., asoomow. for aee@Baow., <&:ee vu. "to steal” for ados, past &s) > -

The instances of «3 @ being formed into s are rare, f.i., @rgmslesioyus! from

@rsladd @iy - (Syr. grant), more common 3 o changed in g as goyu3

darkness, with the formation syllable om; - ma)s;.

§5

The remaining particulars about the letters, their powers, and changes, the

latter occasioned chiefly by the amalgamation of the 2 essentially different

languages, the Peninsular (or Dravida) and Sanskrit, are as follows:

a. Vowels

The final vowel of a word is not as in Sanskrit compounded with the initial

vowel of the next word (except in ready made compounds, taken from

Sanskrit, f.i., meesos@. "sunrise” from mey-9aw., 2600w I10M from 2000

@.w10ad) but the initial either supplants the final short vowel (chiefly o) or @,

ai (rarely m) are inserted between the incongruous vowels.

a. Short vowels < eenmvie. >, pronounced very rapidly <Initial aw lost in

(@) @dans: ( @e. ) - added in apoond, arosss > @w has after » & 6 st @ o the

sound of e, f.1., »da. gerbham, ;. je- sniei. be- @an. ye-oalse re- fMian) ON

account of the labials enip, sounds like bohu -. Though according to the old

rule s Ought to connect final a with an initial vowel (f.i., ®a109-ameo "when

done” write 9a1Qawe0 and 021Qoeo. dlee-aRo). Write: Mlenanoy.)

<po. alelanens). pala-w-andum> e ayene). this rule is almost only observed

in infinitives followed by the adverbial g f.i., aeoea okka-w-¢, eagoay,

aieeeal, modem sainysoowearns) (CrG.)

< eseamm). (Bhar.) for as agmomys, B)tismow;-galaid (KR) even

agiesmeag). (CrG.) for metre's sake aipeisom). = ateiafisomy. (Bhar.), in Inf.

010G = H21Td: 0T} (PO.) @RAIG260010 know 0 Lord of the Gods @3-a@no

(Bhar.) @:0emeaon) see one (HNK.) ailadaycloemoay(Ram) aimymejoed (CrG.)

aimyomeslg (Nal.)>

The @w of negatives is mostly dropped, f.i., 6§00}, MeLMen @reflao, from

297

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

e, @Q] - Ba), @62, Mao - also in some old participles or adjectives

megpa) for me) - 8oy "one good". In most cases the @ of verbal nouns and

participles being aeuphonic change for eag) (qv.) @is inserted, f.i., pa1de:0gy,

vu. 9219)lg}, "the doing shall notbe", saisow). "and the laying" axmwoud "the

person arrived” vu. axmodd

o the shortest of all vowels < initial sometimes before peis. from aeing:>,

used nearly like the Hebrew Shewa for insertion between consonants,

remains often nearly inaudible, £ i., &, S eye, alad, ailgn bow mad, mog)

day, a8, 810y name, <Sometimes lost like @w, o anay panal, enays for

penay, often apeean®, aed (po.) > but when except these nouns are

compounded mog)e:d days (@@ plur. termin.) eaic)ailae. "list of names”

omaye»s) "want of truth” from emad ; eaeneaim; (poet.) "conquered over”

from eaad Ithasbecome customary to leave final gunwritten, in No. Malabar

and Tulu it is marked over the consonant thus ea10a7 = 8100 gold: and those

who pay more attention to the written than to the living language, have

confounded it with aw final, a mistake of some consequence in the Chapter

of Etymology-final o unaccented yields readily to any following vowel, f.i.,

ag)MEE), @AIAME] = agMEH) L), @I @) NOL to me, not to him <in po.

apemy> : only before the interrogative particle asis inserted, solo@ymean

aimyampaiamy (Nal.), vu. eanayeanadoes he go (in poet. also aatosyanyeaesias,

Dal0BHOMBIE comm. ).aeeyeaim) (KR) e

In words of 2 short syllables final ¢ vu. (KU.) is accented and remains before

any vowel, f.i., ema)ai. "and the street”, oeoypaieyom; "royal writ" (ag)9)oms)

oloyaaimon. Divine Incarnation (not connected by i, because the latter

word is Sanskrit) m@;mgo»"and it" (but also @@, po.).

Sanskrit final g is generally firm, f.i., enorow)an. eymya the servant a jakal

(9-aR.) aimpailad (airy) o@d) in the thing - but a few words have become

Malayalized, f.i., avinaalemm) knew the sweetness (ava)).

misafter o the lighest vowel, and may often be substituted for itas connecting

vowel chiefly after the soft e, o, @ <initial geiaiams. (S. ela.n.) lost in

eemyeoai - added for Sandhi in peqyalensescwl <on the other hand a fol-

lowing "in" may change the g into o, (f.i., sem0iomad on the hand, vu.

pronounced soow)en@ ? f.i., arad. @ryéwho? vu. pronounced ari, ey 2, hence,

013, AIIAB 2 PErSONS, §ala}s, Malals great (in comp.) gales to be, instead

of mayee (Past moyan)) aidass even in poet. aidlais (@0alw., avyelod (KR) but

before aonce mloyainoles (KR) - agailes), emaies) datives of the personal

298

Appendix

pronouns (ag)ad-&»), ®ad-a)) but mayae), Memes) (M3 -ailad).

As a final, g is supported before vowels following by an inserted @, f.i.,

E

aiflodes (uslarslnd) near the way, a rule which holds good for all palatal

vowels. < Sanskrit Sandhi saoamyangiosom

<Contraction takes place chiefly before ey, syver as emoglg), emoaieice

(Bhar.) I neither touched, nor looked at (9a10¢7gi0®@ I did not tell (Bhr.))>.

Both ¢ and g when initials before the cerebrals and o, e1 pass into the sounds

of @ and, g, which leaves the orthography of many words unsettled, f.i., s,

afs. place moem (Commonly) agosm descend gsar Tamil agsate (corT.)

Taurus, psem, vu. asem at once, oo strengthen vu. asoas. <Mal. g, @

%

then no y sound, f.i., agan} (Can. @emy, apm and @awem) 0§)S2 0)9S0 (@0S) ag)d,

g0 ?

Inmostcases m, 9, are the more correctorthography, inothers they have been

affected in opposition to etymology, {.i., @;sem)a, begin, @seya> continue

(pronpunced omos - and derived from the radical emas) touch).

¢g being no Malayalam vowel, is as far as possible to be banished from

Peninsular words,

f.1., npoyeomy withstood, myeomimade to stand, better written og@ldom;, alojosi

< MO >. -

< 3N

6<=4

domo; (CrG.) from @818 or @838 (CrG.)

In Sanskrit corruptions g, mal, ey are found as substitutes for g, f.i., msa.

Taurus from ggauz., @1@lw. (Nayer) house from wyao0., aileyoo domains for

ao; allclw. from ayw. (in hunting terms) - sometimes it is lost wog..el, atemmel

chain. In po. you meet with the strange compound letter oy, f.i. 8oyasia Rishi

E

(Bhar.) -or ggeuil and 4 syll. eomeyasil for eaea@al (Bhr.), so moeiyem. 4 debts

etc., < for S.osometimes for @, ag) SOMetimesr 10s) sgomoooncaad (KR.)

for ao @am, pogaanoomensmand (KR.) winaynioessiecngy

anevamilageloatis. (KRS) sometimes lengthened:

1. agso

2. oo

b. Long Vowels

In general it may be observed, that Malayalam does not like long vowels at

the end of words, but prefers such at the close of asentence (f.i., the finite verb

@@y, the infinitives arole, are written ape:am; @pdla;o) when closing the

sentence).

@ of the Sanskrit feminines is shortened in those nouns which the Malay-

alam has incorporated, f.i., sw from S. @310 kindness. But the ap as

nominative of S. masculines like i@ is firm and supported by the standing

j;

addition of ai, ay, f.i., afloay father. The negative verb sasers, mep, 1s very

299

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

commonly found written and spoken with short @, f.i., ocssne "must not”. It

is followed by @ as aeowegp (Ram), but mweamies give me, (CrG.)

<agoaiam) (CrG.) >, anessogpew (CrG.) eidloowiad (KR.), dlanewan).

mwoewany. (KR.) and danansad (KR.)

Most words with @001 "fruit” in the latter half of the composition, shorten this

not only into @95 but even into &, as the accent rests chiefly on the preceding

syllable, {.i., eoeams ten-ga coconut (from eme»@:0wi). <In po. the final aw of

Sanskrit cases and of the neg. verb is protected from a following vowel by @

e, agoolmy (Bhr) avewm; (Chan.) saying: come, but

armyndanas (KR.S)aynoanes >

eov final in Sanskrit words, shortened excepting only monosyllables, f.i.,

oy daughter, but (1 woman.

ovfinalisinmonosyllables protected by a ai, ay, f.i., a1}, aan flower - in other

cases shortened.

og closing may be dropped before vowels chiefly in verbal terminations

&00emasepainy. (KR.)eowomioyam;.

< mapw). Written for meom-oy.,

£ 3.0

&ag in 0ld Malayalam and Tamil, a very common termination, now generally

exploded, f.i., @es head (0ld @esel) aio (0ld a1660) speak. < oag in middle

often = arw), f.i., #oma@ monosyllabic (CrG.) and ®@1d - ciw@ and eeac3

(CrG.), som from. avavy, @@, >

But the palatal colouring of this vowel <initial before labials lost @raumy,

@8] (for sagmios), apwmiosl)> returns before consonantic terminations,

f i., moe109; 0r meidan) to the head (aiosmm)) OF ainosom) SPOKE (a1060-am)).

The orthography in many cases unsettled, some write f.i., 096, 09 qy), Others

aqjl (hand) o:diay (bitterness).

<many &9 arise from anay, f.i., @B, 8B Qa1a100s = BUOIOH, BD for awn bef. ai

in avoe. (else Sanskrit) or contraction, em), 9B}, HDEB), @o =

@nd >

&0 has vowels following it after an inserted a1 (yet goeos@an; (CrG.),

certainly apeagoowad.

< @ns init. @R@Bae. of (f.1., 6360, @IWEAIGM. middle), rarely at end ma:>

300

Appendix

§ 6 Consonants

The Peninsular languages are averse to the Sanskrit accumulations of

heterogeneous consonants; the pronunciation and even orthography of

Sanskrit words have therefore several peculiarities.

1. [e1 mostly pronounced like $as4, tcha, and @ajad written for memam oo

pronounced nearly like double o, aSio like double 1o, therefore 9480106

VU.305199).

< M@ S. I, W)eicho S. a3, V)BT S. aljEhe.> < @INEIOAB S. 210GYOT,

aHBRIN. 1/6>.

In words like sdwm. a light g is heard between r and s (and 8)cle@owmad in

po. fivesyllabic, if required by the metre) or ajp@WMM, QIGlalay)

(Bhar.), -final T, D and T, D become 3, @3, f.i., 0203 king, (Sanskrit ©2$).

av@d good for avas, amarym. albhutam, areyao attma, also macdaig. writien

®2eiaige though derived from tal-para - wyda., vyein. becomes vy, (cf § 4

e1) auiam., 31m1e sound like sontam, donnom avinen corr. oo and 3rlal)

"island" like dipu, diwu (hence Laccadivas, Maladives). <Sandhi is found

written @ed@3 wadam., ®azievdam.

(Bhar.).>

2. The strong letters

& stands in tadbhavams for e, 0, aey, a0, as1 (f.1.,: e, 218 fOr Ve, Slolws

for wya0s, alSO w109 fOr a10a <. 82, fOr @112, >.- In the middle of words

single # is pronounced so softly, as

a. to be changed into the vowel consonants, @, ay, f.i., ajjaim, ayammn red

oa0Welde. palace pronounced = kotom, 2&ud tOp = ©2003-aRGIGOm) -

@peloom) Near Koo, oo foundation stone. < (better ).>

b. Tobe oftendropped A 1)@}HD:00, al0)400. Multitude, 6a16m5)H:0, HaleMIg0

the Travancore shore, aya)e, Ha10:)0-@R0, Ha1de ({UL.) 2000808M, Ba0d8M a

Demon 2193030889, 0216Q082 (P0.) 201624080 for RO12))0388)6, (in

a blessing) anwlap@,}so, anolayss. "cannot read” oa1mye@:os).

02100mu051 + coppersmith, 92161530, 000,

©a1@la oo +cobbler, a.enm, oap a child.

(N.B. In the cases marked + the loss of the consonant is compensated by

lengthening the vowel)

a) sometimes for s, f.1., a10omed = exoma the armed Brahmans, a1, for

@100, regularly < goas) = alow) > for an, &, ®, Qv, o , aS HAVAIGA, HalBAIA,

a0eIm, 210108 TOgUE, 200w, 210 colour, &el. alel pus, <even aya. changed

into 2@ game> (ooav., 210G, Oblation Lo ancestors, auaw.w., isam) a

ceremony - rarely fora Tamil initial, & f.i., a1, T. 10 vegetables 02100, o@08.

(Canar.) the name of the country - also for o, o igsf (T. oomasy) flea, alommosd.

301

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

S. m@Mmodhe) a compound metal, 9a10)09), sm0yane close with enemy.

< (neutral in T. 9aIG®) = Oaldl®, SO... 0ld ,®alw0) ().

Single a1 in the middle of sounds often changed into v @wesy royalty-, cfr.

@@ (@R2100308) a1ellwd (aidlal) &einad (eelaiw) often e@a for eayck-

softened, on the other hand @ 2403 for @p 2120 Or into @, (awles for anailes

read, a161@00. fOr 1@12100.SEIVICE, al@f, alathunger, ®0al, ala), a1l (T. a1212)

greenness.

s for s in ©as., d2x31s S. Aries - often for o, aw, aw, f.i., aenz, wenjo, ses for

o - changes with g, ¢ See § 4, B.

o used for the other letter of the same row 9219389, a10oMo9 ask, afid), afo),

stout, breadth avaw, aiam a fair, etc. eoam), dmoeml .- .

single after pal. , f.i., , . aiGl®), aI@lan

double T is often changed into sibilants (cfr. Greek -sso -po), f.i., forasibilant

in oyom® = 2y, , , - but especially into palatals after palatal vowels alomg

S. ailays brass, walom), wala) seized, sagam), @rery S - on the contrary is

found for a palatal in an@@. (a@3) Mm@l foragsipomog; (po) -om) oe:088)

door, e0a10@3 (eeaad) child < for a sibilant-in avmIdeHEB-THMIGNRB. AVIGs

for ®:08>

Single @in the middle often swallowed @oaya for mony@ial mmyal, for mmyaial

N.pr. adMeis. temple pronounced nearly like moylom aimems; like poyinettu.

o1 substituted for an, sny, 8, (&5)080, G)Mle AQUATIUS, AVETUTWS, AVAUDS).

Single o1 in the middle changed into as, and sometimes coalescing into labial

vowels, f.i., §a12190., 80030, CiVility pai®laim., VU. 8001M.; Hal0}al}8, H2I0}8

N.pr. of a plant 81, @y island, hence ®lam ®lwas islander N.pr. of a

caste @oans), a0yas from - a10s) - a1s); @ommatomy a N.pr. of a battle field

HOAMOOMY) -, H1Palg), &1Palg), 109IG).

<Mal. has thro' S. influence initial o for, eens) for @

for anae for ->woa)o

Sibilants often changed into a1, @ (see above) as avioo, 2100 a lunar, as-

terism, oy, atoemad a Demon avavy Can. avad, so®, quyail, @), needle.

< in Mal. for... f.i.... (... S. is tempting)> Initial av occasionally dropped

ayolo.—1000 (S. avaoim., Can. qvoaila) avIave, «@.@. lead, M1a08., %o,

auawy, araoil, evening - even o is lost in ewoem, aa1em), agemila ladder. woasems,

&6mo. , an asterism.

a0 lost in the beginning fromeoseiadas®. Po. aolm. (Bhr.)

ssoccurs singly in S. words, is mostly written, o f.i. @ .., but e3 when mute

precedes as , wadasw. Or GledmyeLad.

3. The nasals - ab and em stand sometimes for ®, f.i., in the relative participle

of pasttenses in m-aslw, poet. aslm "whoran" £210glmoad, #a10gfl@omd (poet.)

he said, mya. from S. @y, yoke, smensy, Can. wemu crab, smoad I from the

302

Appendix

obsolfite woas - hence m in the beginning of some words is not always firm

@paflosmian), @railsyan), @RaBIMIaN) VU., @R&B}aN) <G@REBIHMIB],

AI1OWOMIGS EIC @RHETBOHH, AUOQIBH €LC., >

@) a@lai05mlan; generally 92)@161a10530m) - ag)@ym1eion (ag)9yan; mieion)

with long vowel to compensate for the lost consonants, «gomas), Halemdmas)

commonly )00s}, daemos) - mlamy swim (Can. «e.cm).<..., ...>

Final M, generally written with Sanskrit anuswara, changes easily into other

nasals, corresponding with the consonant following, <Sandhi> f.1., aie}e®20}

atevery coming-write amai9. myadan; ate fruit - an) - asoy@aneomy from aie).-

OO}, HalBloHBIWN It WIILEN Hal@G19E:0-AIBIS:W)e HalQ) WIILE - @06

ainafew casesischanged in a similar way, f.i., the oblique case post position

snad composed with &,@3 forms ge@ (oeinsomead in the world) aevonomad

vu.<apersanaglod (KR.)

@@, 608, o3 plur.emoadaud Wrillen amoeBud, ®2aBud <in Po. Bjemuemd

2100MOIM

(-eoer10-)> - SO even oimom and semom (composed with anad , cfr. ai)

commonly @220, 9220 (VU.). 503208, 960048, a6 ailo = aeailo

vu. but on the other handagemuln for, agemdclve andailemel. (mels) sky

Double nasals are preferred in Malayalam pronunciation to nasals combined

with medial letters:therefore

a. Final o or o with the plural termination ¢3 does not forn &, but ema3, {.1.,

o Pl 230e-&3, 23NEBBUWB-Mlen0o tadbh. ailodre, NOW ailede, Hatodhels @ red

vessel.oassaelo.

b. emuis generally changed into som <Sandhi>, f.1., ememy, ememm; heart, breast,

H»sleom@? first born of @sl.an@s, @rolsmm) knew

from aedlery) for aeaiamy). In poetry a3, e found written

8)avesmmom, araismmoad, (Chan.)

c. Sanskrit emw is pronounced like s, {.i., euemw. piece khannam.

d. s pronounced like nn, f.i., e shame ninna - a» in many past tenses is

changed into am, f.i., aiam) for cum) came.

e. o enu sounds like mm, f.i., @yawy.6nue household spoken @ywyem., - and

aueeniaw. found written avemaws

f. ado changed generally into an (see § 4)

NB. Final o <Sandhi>, cfr. the Latin termination am, um, em, mute before

vowels> in nouns is a particularly light syllable, which yields before many

vowels, especially before long aw cfr. aglm@mmow), aivoss), allowwoss!

from &lam., ain., aleww. before awe:,, @y ©H. MIMIANWIBN.

4. The vowel consonants @, a1 are subject to many changes. @ initial is often

written ag), f.i., in Veiraghya Chandrodayam (poet.) for metre's sake angoeg

oesmod from Yama's peons aflegmaomad (in Script) from o@=aoma

303

Dr Hermann Gundert and the Malayalam Language

2@ 241S1NIHBEY 21200

(VetC.) for waesmod way2ia0@r—ow® is

therefore often written w, as the e sound predominates sufficiently in o, f.i.,

o (from areaiss). menw). from meeaw). - also final eww is often

contracted into ), f.i., the rel. participle psw in Genitive postpositions ges,

the infin. &)o®, vu. aneo-final - y ya of S. nouns becomes g, f.1., @amy-@an

VIrgin quamwy -@am - @Raldoym - @RUIA)

- the orthography of final @is notdecided, generally sisadded to y thus mow,

mox dog, but plur. modenwd

ap©l but also ardeaowl (ay-poyi) apwls) (ay-ittu) <in po. 9warw mlaBwd

alosmmud etc., but also in two syllablesapwi

<Sandhi>> very often this @ or @ is dropped, f.i., a10a0. mast (from 1wl

sail) anaigy bawled (from anw). This prepares for the farther reduction of

01 L0 &, f.1., 1IN omem (see aw).

wisinserted between disagreeing vowels to obviate hiatus, even after an, f.1.,

@e) - 8 WIILE @ReHWD.

After palatinal vowels @ often replaces ay, f.i., ®1wad from ®1aid, @aeolailes,

ailsjoiles vulgo apcloies, ails1es. Often it stands for other palatals <even for

>, f.1., 0003, mowad from 0ogRd, @rIM, Haiwl from =< even for ou S. 11w,

RO&1eu asterism, 1099w vu. pronounced 00189 allwdalailowl > and

passes into aw, m (cfr. 3.) especially the relative participle of past tenses in

o, f.1., ©210glo Ha10g)im said.

aa letter inserted between vowels chiefly after U,O, em - in many cases @

has become substituted for it (f.i., after an)oms)ailalq)y

vu. emslaialeyy N.pr. of a dynasty (cfr. ©).

Many s chiefly initials of second members in compounds are lost, i

O06Ma) - a1 bring ©@:06m89, HB06MB)AUMM) HS:06MB 1M PO & VU ®EOQIEM. MUSL

gIVe ®eaems EVEN M®6Ms, QAIGJAIOM VU. QIGM, HAITRAI®) VU. HAIMB®]

(and even sare for eameyal) aggpsan.

from ag)g)o - a1 - msay., aeeg from aie - a1 - 8eg - Mege) from me - a1 - 8e)

0alHIAd - , 2103

< mlelailgles vu. pronounced smeengles "cry out">

< -02100)8- N.P. = ®wlaiane. 621000, >.

Insome cases the loss of the consonant is compensated by a lengthened vowel

5 0010 becomes meogsen with long og, aio)ailmd imper.aidiad - (similar ).

od:0s) Mg, HB30s0ms) (Chan.)

andmegjaiey. and megoam., eameog = aeeyaig (Po.)

624050 = dajAuSs allsyailes, ailsles (Can. San.) =

aroften stands for a as well as a for ay, f.i., aqv}a), aiqv)el small pox, @romona3,

@rozoaind, maternal uncle, asgpoad, asgpoad washerman,

304

Appendix

21w, aflw , whiskers - ail¢l (correct) comm. 2l eyeball etc.

final o is regularly turned into aibefore the particle, 9., thus ai9ate sin aivasan.

and sin - also (in poet.) 8s. a9eaay. is found agpaneyean. "sailing and

floating". The 2nd future terminations as aw. @pay, are originally equivalent.

< ... here contraction (under etc.)>

5. The 4 strong letters & a1 @ a1 < inPo. also av,m,em,8 @RABMSRON2®)0

(Bhar.) agoane.goai. mmoolquaenies &g (B_har.) @poeomos girdle

8Q@a. (Chan.*) mailesquat. (KR.) >

are often doubled when initials of a second member in compound words, but

in poetry wherever words are closely united, f.i., - after long vowels oo pom

the flower blossomed, @1y fire caught - ogemeqjoner like me -

wemiseomesnsy heard the sound - amo-99¢3 (plur.) fathers.

- after final @w, @, f.i., angglapeloomoas striped tiger's skin - <aiseimmen

rain-cloud, 290900} > 0219095}, BVNYS), OaIYNIB HalSIOOMANENM

®1oom@ »g0l@d, (Siva puran.).eimanol, 8880095109, ~lGHeNIGD

§a10@1a/0 (POEL.) O §a1d0Walo, MMMV 4R, H210e]l0006m1ayy (and most past

tenses in m). mmovlsamoem; (VetChar.)... (a med.), ...(Chan.) [except.

M1y i poet. etc., often ... (KR.), ayeio;si drinking mother's milk. not

after rel. part. (KR.)]

- after only in unaccented short syllabic words which have a firm o (cfr.), f.i.,

anoeajo@ putu-chol,anew word, (CrG.), but e;xamyaoeicattle etc. butkannu-

kali, aemayomyenseud yet in Bhar. ayomyoeyeipearl bunch, KR. , on the other

hand a0)®0 (Ram.)

- after @, f.1., np@dome! (adverse-head) enemy, aa10d098. battle field, even

avidegoan S. (CrG.)

afterad-aocionsms, m@dens.-the milking sea < > -

o3omd (9u3eendeme)) (KR.), but aea:mod (po.).

NB. a15)®, 0a15)0 Inits verbal noun a19s3 does not quite comply with thisrule.

a1}0qJ0S) BWq|0S}, OaiSle os) is indeed the common form in which ai0s) occurs,

but there are old compounds with, 105y which may change its o1 intoay, f.i.,

aiflans), Psas).

The liquids 3, @3, «8 when closing short syllables, are doubled as soon as the

word is augmented, f.i., 2303, 2)881@3, ailed-algflad, 2)0 - allad - 2)e, olanles,

ead (the obl. case) aoenaniem "the pair of feet" for eoenadgmen - mejom (po.)

<short vowels and double cons. , 82 ag ey,

corresp. long vowels and simple cons. , 85x s0e1 pmel,

Sandhi as in Sanskr. -mlemym

o=

£

wmywo. (Nala)

mleoan ‘g_mﬂ,

oalmMyaaidspeaiad (Nal.4).>

305

Select Index

alphabet 19, 168, 169,205,208, 211,

Hortus Malabaricus 252, 282

292

hymns 21, 94, 113

Amos (John Emestus Hanxleden)

inscriptions 40, 81, 200, 295

21, 41, 165, 172, 219

journalism 20, 104, 135, 204-208

ayurveda 170, 271-283

judicial system 258-275

Bailey 21, 26, 33,41, 111, 165, 167,

Julie Gundert 69, 79, 81, 89, 118

. 1020

Karl Marx 159

Barth 129-132

Keralolpatti 82, 208, 215, 216

Beschi 77, 168, 213

Bible 32-36, 55, 96, 97, 133, 143,

lexicography-see dictionary

Liilaatilakam 190, 193

217,218

liturgy 33, 105

Caldwell 22, 214

bridge 218

loan words 155, 171

Christiane Ensslin 49, 57

Ludwig Gundert 49-52

Mappilas 95, 211, 241-250, 271

Clement Peanius 19, 252

Collins 27, 31, 41, 167, 173

Maulbronn school 54, 55

medicine 102, 103, 276-289

dictionary 21, 26, 27, 77, 96, 133,

134, 154,163,167-176,210-212

Mathen 23, 31, 41, 193

Doctrina Christiana 18, 19, 41, 251,

Moegling 86, 87, 111, 113, 120, 136

252

multiculturalism 17, 225

education 36-39, 102

Munro 33

folklore - see proverbs

Muslims 171, 241-249, 272

Francis Xavier 18, 19, 165, 251

Narayana Guru 166

Frenz 162, 177, 180, 181, 209, 222

Nazraani-see Thomas Christians

Frohnmeyer 25, 39

Paulinos Bartholomeus 28, 219, 253

Gossner 51

Payyannur Paattu 83, 154, 175, 200, 211

grammar 21-23, 77, 95, 162,

Peet 25, 41

177-199, 212, 213

Phulmoni 31

Graul 109

poems 21, 50-61, 304

Hebich 107

Portuguese 17, 21, 27, 29, 99, 200, 276

Hermann Gundert Series (HGS) 102,

printing and publishing 18, 19, 113,

209-222, 257

131-136, 225, 251-257

history 28, 94, 170, 171, 175, 180,

prose 26, 39, 40

200-203, 207, 211, 223

proverbs 28, 104, 133, 155, 170, 216

homeopathy 283, 284

306

Select Index

punishment 260

Thomas Christians 29, 32,

100

v81,82,9§,

Rajaraja Varma 181-183; 186, 188, 189,

191, 195, 197

Translation 29-36, 96, 104, 113, 143,

223

Rama Varma 108

renaissance 159-166

trial by ordeal 260

Rhenius 67, 72-77, 79, 101

Tuebingen University 22, 23, 27, 31,

56-66, 112, 208, 211, 254, 255,

Rigveda 108

259, 291

Spring 33

Ulloor 16, 154, 155

standard language 35

Vajrasoochi 31, 216

Strauss 55, 57

Vatican Library 27, 43

Synod of Diamper 24, 29, 30

Weigle 112, 118

Syrians - see Thomas Christians

Zacharia 18, 27, 102, 170, 177, 180,

Tellicherry Records - see history

181, 209-218, 222

textbooks 38, 39

Ziegenba]g 71,72, 103

307

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DR HERMANN GUNL ERT

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MALAYALAM LANGUAGE

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Editors

Dr Albrecht Frenz

Dr Scaria Zacharia

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CENTRE FOR KERALA STUDIES

ST BERCHMANS' COLLEGE

(Mahatma Gandhi University)

CHANGANASSERY, KERALA, INDIA

1993

& Copyright 4/1999 YxyMaster GmbH www.yxymaster.com